Monday, August 4, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Muslim Organization Makes Offerings to Mandalay Buddhist Monks

Posted: 04 Aug 2014 05:58 AM PDT

A member of the Muslim Social Welfare Group makes an offering to Buddhist monks at Ma Soe Yein Monastery on Sunday. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

A member of the Muslim Social Welfare Group makes an offering to Buddhist monks at Ma Soe Yein Monastery on Sunday. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A Muslim organization in Mandalay said it has offered meals and robes to about 50 Buddhist monks at Ma Soe Yein Monastery to promote harmonious inter-communal relations in Burma's second biggest city, which was rocked by clashes between Buddhists and Muslims last month.

Sein Win of the Muslim Social Welfare Group of Mandalay said the group made the offerings on Sunday to the monks in order to mark the Islamic festival of Eid, which follows after the holy month of Ramadan and was celebrated last week, on July 28.

The rainy season is also the time of Buddhist Lent, or Wa Dwin, an annual retreat of the monks during which it is customary to offer gifts to the holy men.

"About 55 monks in Mandalay, including the 98-year-old War So Sayardaw and a chair monk from Mandalay Sangha Maha Nayaka, and leaders from Christian and Hindu communities attended the event," Sein Win told The Irrawaddy.

He added that War So Sayardaw had told participants that he came to the event as he would like Buddhist and Muslim communities to live in peace and have them control their deeds, speech and minds.

It is the third year in a row that the Muslim organization offered gifts to Buddhist monks in Mandalay, but Sein Win said that this time it carried special significance as local monks had on several occasions during the recent unrest urged residents to remain calm and not engage in any riots.

"We especially thank the monks who stand for all people, and we would like to bring back the social harmony between Buddhists and Muslims in Mandalay," he said.

Sein Win added that his organization held another communal event on Monday, inviting 80 local civil society groups in Mandalay for a ceremony at Oriental House in Mandalay from 5 pm to 8 pm to celebrate the end of Eid.

In early July, inter-communal riots erupted after rumors spread that a Muslim tea shop owner had raped a Buddhist maid, a claim that the government later said was false. In the ensuing violence, which lasted several days, a Buddhist man and a Muslim man was killed and 14 people were injured.

Thein Tan, of the Mandalay Peace Making Committee, said the event to make offerings to the monks would help heal relations between communities in Mandalay after the recent unrest.

"Neither Buddhists nor Muslims began the recent riot. An outside organization intentionally caused the incidents and everyone knows that," he said without elaborating about who was behind the riots. "But we are uniting through an event like this in order to ensure that we don't misunderstand each other."

He said his committee was continuing discussions between Buddhist and Muslim leaders, and talks are being held in monasteries and mosques to restore social harmony. "Now, Mandalay is calm," Thein Tan added.

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Sentencing Delayed for 173 Farmers in Sagaing Land Grab Case

Posted: 04 Aug 2014 05:37 AM PDT

A defendant waves at fellow villagers as she and other farmers are taken away in a police truck after a court hearing at Kantbalu Township Court on July 14. (Photo: Min Naing Thu / The Irrawaddy)

A defendant waves at fellow villagers as she and other farmers are taken away in a police truck after a court hearing at Kantbalu Township Court on July 14. (Photo: Min Naing Thu / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Kantbalu Township Court has postponed the sentencing of more than 170 farmers in Sagaing Division who protested over a military land grab, according to a lawyer for the defendants.

Authorities have brought cases against hundreds of farmers in Kantbalu Township who returned to land seized by the military and handed to a sugar company.

A lawyer representing the farmers told The Irrawaddy that 173 of them were due to be sentenced on Sunday, following jail terms of three months to three years that were passed down to 57 other farmers last month for plowing their former land in protest.

But Thein Than Oo, the lawyer, said the judge postponed the sentencing of the 173 people—who have been found guilty of trespassing and causing damage or loss of land—until Aug. 15 because he was "busy."

"They [court officials] told us to come back on August 15. We may know about sentence at that time," he said, adding that those charged ranged in age from under 18 to 80.

Under Burma's military regime, the army had the right to confiscate land, but was obliged to pay compensation. The Kantbalu farmers say they received no compensation for 13,000 acres of land belonging to about 500 families in the township that was confiscated beginning in 1999.

"They need to give compensation according to the law if they confiscated land from the people. This was a law in the past, but they did not give it to the farmers for this land," said Thein Than Oo.

Much of the land is being used by a company to grow sugar cane. In April this year, farmers began plowing and planting seeds on it in protest, but authorities have responded with a judicial crackdown.

Farmer Than Htike, who is waiting to be sentenced, said that of the 57 Kantbalu residents already sentenced, 15 had been taken to prisons elsewhere, leading to hardships for family and friends visiting them.

"It is our land. There should be no problem if we plant seeds on it. But they sentenced our farmers to prison. We have lost our land, our seeds, and the costs of plowing," said Than Htike.

According to locals, the Burma Army has been conducting a military exercise on the seized land since July 22, in what farmers say is a scare tactic.

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Many Burmese Will Have to Wait for Ooredoo Network

Posted: 04 Aug 2014 05:22 AM PDT

Ooredoo Myanmar CEO Ross Cormack points to a presentation showing the rates his company is charging for its mobile phone and Internet services during a press conference in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Ooredoo Myanmar CEO Ross Cormack points to a presentation showing the rates his company is charging for its mobile phone and Internet services during a press conference in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Qatari telecommunications firm Ooredoo launched its 1,500 kyat (US$1.50) SIM cards here on Saturday, ending years of waiting for affordable and fast mobile phone and Internet services—for some.

Ooredoo's official commercial launch date is Aug. 15, but SIM cards are already being sold offering limited, but free, services. Norwegian company Telenor is expected to launch competing SIM cards sometime next month.

"We are providing a standard high-definition voice. That means when you are talking to somebody with an Ooredoo Myanmar phone, you will have crystal clear voice communication," Ross Cormack, Ooredoo Myanmar CEO said during a press conference in Rangoon on Saturday.

"You will enjoy fast internet. Everywhere we have coverage, you will have fast internet."

Sales are currently limited to only Rangoon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw and from Aug. 15, a total of 68 towns and cities, mainly in central Burma and including Prome, Meikhtila and Magwe, will be able to use Ooredoo's services.

Ooredoo Myanmar said the network will reach 25 million people in 450 cities by the end of the year. Farther flung places including Magwe Division, Sagaing Division, Irrawaddy Division, parts of Pegu Division, Karen State and Mon State should get coverage before next year, according to the company.

However, it is not clear when the network will reach the more remote parts of Burma, and the rest of the estimated 60 million people living in the country. Both Ooredoo and Telenor, as part of the license agreements they were awarded after a tender last year, are tasked with building nationwide telecommunications infrastructure where before there was practically none.

Cormack said that while coverage in Naypyidaw and Mandalay was already "perfect" the country's biggest city, Rangoon, was not yet comprehensively covered by the network.

Some users have already taken to social media to complain about apparent delays activating their SIMs, weak reception and incompatible phones.

Ooredoo said customers can check whether their phone is compatible with its network using an application on its website.

Other users complained that the cost of Internet data—25 kyat per megabyte (MB)—was high, compared with the state-run firm Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT), which charges about 2 kyat per minute, albeit for a slow connection.

"I want to say: Test and use it first," countered Myint Zaw, Ooredoo Myanmar's national sales director.

"We are charging by MB, which is volume based. Even though it costs only 2 kyat per minute in [MPT's] time-based pricing, time is wasted waiting for loading, which can take 10 minutes. I just want to say not to worry much for this. We have other promotion packages coming up."

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Court Accepts Lighter Charges Against 5 Members of Journal

Posted: 04 Aug 2014 04:50 AM PDT

One of the publishers of the defunct Bi Mon Te Nay journal arrives at Pabedan Township Court in Rangoon on Monday morning. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

One of the publishers of the defunct Bi Mon Te Nay journal arrives at Pabedan Township Court in Rangoon on Monday morning. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A Rangoon court has accepted criminal charges against five journalists, editors and publishers of the Bi Mon Te Nay journal, but the charges were lighter than expected and one editor at the defunct weekly was acquitted, the defendants' lawyer said. Authorities launched an investigation against the journal last month after it published a story that upset the government.

On Monday, Pabedan Township Court in Rangoon accepted the charge under the Penal Code's Article 505 (b) against journalist Kyaw Zaw Hein, editors Win Tin and Thura Aung, and publishers Yin Min Htun and Kyaw Min Khaing, according to their lawyer Robert San Aung.

The judge ordered the release of editor Ye Min Aung, he added.

Article 505 (b) is a broadly defined charge, punishing those who spread or make statements that can "alarm the public" or "whereby any person may be induced to commit an offence against the state." The charge was widely used to crush dissent under the former military regime.

In recent weeks, Pabedan police said Special Branch Police had charged the defendants with articles 5 (d) and 5 (j) of the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, which set out lengthy prison sentences for affecting conduct of the public or undermining law and order.

Robert San Aung said these charges had been revoked and replaced with article 505 (b), adding that this meant a significant reduction in potential prison terms.

"Under the previous charges they could receive seven years' imprisonment for each charge, but the new charge carries a maximum punishment of two years' imprisonment," he said, adding that, "The charge can also be closed with a fine payment."

Robert San Aung said he believed the reduced the charges were the result of the Myanmar's Interim Press Council meeting with President Thein Sein on Friday. The president promised to support the media sector, ensure journalists facing prosecution would receive "fair treatment" and that the council would be allowed to mediate any legal disputes involving journalists.

Su Thet Hnin, a friend of journalist Kyaw Zaw Hein said, "I talked to [him], he said the change to their charges is potentially a positive step."

The next court appearance for the five defendants is scheduled for Aug 14.

Special Branch Police launched an investigation into Bi Mon Te Nay journal in early July and began arresting journalists, editors and publishers at the newspaper after it ran a front page story on a statement by Movement for Democracy Current Force (MDCF), which mistakenly claimed that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi had formed an interim government.

On 20 July, Burmese border authorities cooperated with Thai border authorities during the arrest of publishers Yin Min Htun and Kyaw Min Khaing, and his wife Ei Ei San in the Thai border town of Mae Sot. The arrest and subsequent extradition of members of the media was considered unusual as the defendants were being sought by Burma for political reasons.

Ei Ei San was later released because of a lack of evidence.

The trial against Bi Mon Te Nay journalists is the latest in a number of legal cases by authorities against Burmese journalists, and appears to be part of wider effort by the government to reign in and intimidate local media, which had been enjoying a period of relative freedom after President Thein Sein lifted junta-era media restrictions in 2012.

Activist Charged

Naung Naung, an activist at MDCF, appeared at Rangoon's Kyauktada Township Court on Monday and the court accepted the charge under Article 505 (b) against him for spreading a statement claiming that Suu Kyi had formed an interim government, according Naung Naung's wife Kyu Kyu.

The MDCF is a small but active rights group that has been protesting against the previous military government and what it sees as injustices under the current government.

The group's leader, Htin Kyaw is also facing charges under Article 505 (b) in relation to the statements it released about Suu Kyi forming a government. He is already serving a one-year prison term for other activities.

Two other activists of the group were recently sentenced to six months' imprisonment for distributing pamphlets that accused President Thein Sein's government of abuse of power.

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Burma Govt, Ethnics Discuss Roster of Eligible Ceasefire Groups

Posted: 04 Aug 2014 03:52 AM PDT

Representatives of Burma's ethnic armed groups and the government peace negotiating team hold talks on Sunday in Myitkyina, Kachin State. (Photo: May Kha / The Irrawaddy)

Representatives of Burma's ethnic armed groups and the government peace negotiating team hold talks on Sunday in Myitkyina, Kachin State. (Photo: May Kha / The Irrawaddy)

MYITKYINA, Kachin State — Ethnic armed groups and the Burmese government's peace delegation met on Sunday to discuss who would qualify to sign a long-sought nationwide ceasefire agreement, with Naypyidaw seeking to limit the number of signatories while ethnic groups have expressed wariness at such exclusion.

Leaders of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) held talks with representatives of the Union Peace Working Committee (UPWC) in Myitkyina, the Kachin State capital, in northern Burma after concluding an ethnic summit in the Kachin rebel-held border town of Laiza last week.

The NCCT comprises representatives of 16 ethnic armed groups in Burma, while the UPWC is led by President's Office Minister Aung Min.

Saw Kwe Htoo Win, a member of the NCCT who also serves as general secretary of the Karen National Union (KNU), said the two sides were trying to set criteria that ethnic armed groups must meet in order to sign a nationwide ceasefire accord.

"For example, those who meet the standard are organizations that previously reached individual ceasefires with the government and ethnic armed groups who have engaged in armed hostilities with the government for their political beliefs," Kwe Htoo Win said.

He said organizations based abroad that are active in Burma-related campaigns and advocacy work, and overseas groups critical of the government or "anti-government," would be excluded from the list of qualified organizations.

Currently, the government recognizes 16 ethnic armed groups and the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) as meeting the criteria for signing a nationwide ceasefire accord, while the NCCT recognizes more than 20 ethnic armed groups as potential signatories.

The government has said two large ethnic rebel groups outside the NCCT, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), would be eligible to sign, but some members of the NCCT would not.

"We will carefully check existing armed groups and negotiate with the government over the criteria and standards that they [the government] lay out. During the Panglong Conference [in 1947], some groups were excluded from signing the [Panglong] Agreement and that ultimately led to civil war. We will try to include all respective ethnic groups [as signatories]," said Salai Lian Hmong Sakhong, an NCCT member and leader of the Chin National Front rebel group.

Only Shan, Kachin and Chin ethnic minorities signed the Panglong Agreement with Burma's central government led by the late Gen. Aung San on Feb. 12, 1947, while ethnic Karen insurgency leaders were present as observers.

Currently, armed groups recognized by the government as eligible signatories are the KNU, ABSDF, UWSA, National Democratic Alliance Army, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army, Restoration Council of Shan State, Chin National Front, Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Shan State Progressive Party, New Mon State Party, Karen Peace Council, Karenni National Progressive Party, Arakan Liberation Party and Arakan Army, as well as ethnic Pa-O, Ta'aung, and Naga rebel groups.

Smaller, politically oriented ethnic groups such as the Wa National Organization (WNO), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) and Arakan National Council (ANC), as well as ethnic Kokang and Zomi organizations, are not recognized by the government as eligible ceasefire signatories.

"We can't exclude any of them [unrecognized ethnic groups]. We don't want civil war again. Even if they [the government] can't accept the rest of the groups to sign the agreement individually, we proposed to the government that they accept these groups to sign the agreement under the UNFC [United Nationalities Federal Council]," said Khun Okkar, an NCCT member.

He said the NCCT delegation told the government team on Sunday that it could not accept some of the demands made by the chief of Burma's armed forces, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. Particularly unpalatable to rebel groups was a requirement that they disarm, demobilize and reintegrate (DDR) with the military, also known as the Tatmadaw, Khun Okkar said.

The six-point statement from the military, which includes demands on DDR and acceptance of the controversial 2008 Constitution, first came to light in April.

Asked about the DDR provision, Hla Maung Shwe of the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) said the issue would have to wait.

"We can't say anything about how to proceed with it [DDR] right now. It is too early to talk about it now. Both the government and Tatmadaw are now focusing efforts on the peace process. We have to think about it carefully later."

The informal meeting between ethnic armed groups and the government in Myitkyina was also attended by government army officials including Lt-Gen Thet Naing Win, Burma's minister of border affairs, members of the MPC and local authorities from the Kachin State government.

Despite the efforts of ethnic leaders and the government to develop a common position, military-related matters and political terminology have emerged as sticking points to a nationwide ceasefire accord, which the two sides hope to sign in September.

The Tatmadaw has objected to ethnic groups' demands for autonomy within a federal union, while ethnic groups have signaled that they cannot agree to the military's six-point demands.

Ashley South, a Burma watcher who also acts as a senior advisor to the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI), a Norwegian government-backed project to mobilize international support for Burma's peace process, said there has been progress in negotiations over the past year, but added that the window was shrinking to achieve an agreement before elections expected by the end of next year.

"I think the biggest challenge is for the Myanmar government and Army to acknowledge ethnic groups' demands, and demonstrate commitment to resolving these. One of the other challenges is to recognize the legitimacy of the main ethnic armed groups as representatives of ethnic nationality communities, while at the same time deepening participation in the peace process to include civil society and political parties," South said.

He added that some of these issues would need to be discussed in multi-stakeholder political negotiations that would include not only the government, Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups, but also representatives of civil society and political parties.

"It will be a huge challenge to hold such discussions and reach preliminary agreement on at least some key issues, before the elections," South said.

More than a dozen ethnic armed groups have signed bilateral ceasefires with the government since President Thein Sein took office in 2011, but the KIA and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army have yet to do so, and have frequently clashed with government troops in recent months.

Saw Yan Naing reported from Chiang Mai, Thailand.

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President Addresses Press Freedom Concerns in Meeting With Media Reps

Posted: 04 Aug 2014 12:04 AM PDT

President Thein Sein talks to the Myanmar Interim Press Council during a meeting in Naypyidaw on Friday. (Photo: MOI/Facebook)

President Thein Sein talks to the Myanmar Interim Press Council during a meeting in Naypyidaw on Friday. (Photo: MOI/Facebook)

RANGOON — President Thein Sein has sought to assuage concerns about the worsening press freedom situation in Burma during a meeting with the Myanmar Interim Press Council on Friday, telling journalists that he would support the fledgling media sector and that the council could mediate in legal disputes.

The council met with Thein Sein and the President's Office ministers Aung Min and Tin Naing Thein, Immigration and Population Minister Khin Ye and the new Information Minister Ye Htut, a former presidential spokesman whose nomination for the minister's post was approved by Parliament on Friday.

The council met Thein Sein once before in September 2013 and had requested another meeting to discuss a recent deterioration of the media climate that has raised concerns in Burma and abroad.

In recent weeks, five journalists of the Unity journal were sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for reporting on an alleged chemical weapons plant. Six journalists and staff members of the Bi Mon Te Nay journal have been detained and charged under a draconian, junta-era law for publishing a story that upset the government.

Special Branch Police have launched vaguely defined investigations into the finances of numerous news publications, while police planned to charge dozens of journalists under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Act for holding an unauthorized demonstration for press freedom.

On Friday, Thein Sein told the council that he valued the media's role in Burma's democratic transition and acknowledged that the council should have a mediating role in dealing with "ethical problems," state media reported, referring to disputes and government prosecution that could arise from media reports.

The president said he would support "ways to solve ethical problems of journalists through the press council instead of legal action," The New Light of Myanmar reported. According to the Press Law, adopted in March, disputes arising from media reporting should first be mediated by the council.

In a statement following the meeting, the press council said discussions with the president had resulted in a basic agreement on the need for improving Burma's media environment and relations between the government and the media.

Thein Sein warned the council, however, that media should be "respectable" and "preventing the abuse of press freedom" and exercise it "harmoniously," state media reported.

Last week, the president told Parliament that "improper, wedge-driving, unethical and instigating reports by some local and foreign media" had contributed to recurrent outbreaks of anti-Muslim violence in Burma. The claim was widely rejected by local media representatives.

Press council member Zaw Thet Htwe said the president had signaled that he could intervene to protect journalists who face legal prosecution to ensure they receive "fair treatment."

"The president said he will act fairly within the scope of his authority [to help] those journalists and media practitioners who face prosecution," he said. "I think the president could withdraw charges of the journalists who are facing charges under Article 18, but he may not able to completely free the Unity Journal journalists, except reduce their sentences."

Zaw Thet Htwe said the president had also "instructed his ministers to implement a mechanism for access to information for journalists."

In Burma, there is no freedom of information act and government policies, actions and laws are often shrouded in secrecy, while officials are reluctant to talk to journalists.

Thein Sein's nominally civilian government introduced sweeping political reforms after taking office in 2011 and lifted long-standing, junta-era media restrictions, such a media censorship and a ban on daily newspapers.

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John Kerry to Meet Burmese Officials This Week

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 11:16 PM PDT

Then US Senator John Kerry, who is now the secretary of state, meets Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the US Capitol in Washington. (Photo: Reuters)

Then US Senator John Kerry, who is now the secretary of state, meets Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the US Capitol in Washington. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — US Secretary of State John Kerry will arrive in the Burmese capital, Naypyidaw, on Saturday and will meet with Burmese government officials, according to a statement from Washington.

State Department Spokeswoman Jen Psaki said in the statement that Kerry will be attending the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) Regional Forum, the East Asia Summit ministerial meetings, a US-Asean event and a meeting of the Lower Mekong Initiative.

"Engaging the region's multilateral institutions is one of the key aspects of US commitment in Asia to promote peace, stability, and prosperity," Psaki said.

"The Secretary will also participate in a series of bilateral meetings."

Kerry is scheduled to fly on to Australia on Aug. 11.

Burma is this year holding the rotating chairmanship of Asean, and is hosting a number of meetings involving the 10 member states of the bloc and other countries. This week's meeting are a precursor to the Asean Summit and East Asia Summit, high-level talks set to take place in Naypyidaw in November involving the US, China, India, Japan and Russia. US President Barack Obama is expected to attend the November meetings.

Ahead of Kerry's visit, a group of more than 70 US lawmakers wrote to the secretary of state calling on him to recalibrate US policy toward Burma in light of sectarian violence in the country, continuing human rights abuses by the military, curbs on press freedom and the need to reform the military-drafted Constitution.

"We also urge that, when you go to Burma next month in the midst of this deterioration, you unequivocally convey to the government that the country's current trajectory will seriously damage relations between our two nations," the letter read.

"And, we urge you to use the tools at your disposal to sanction those complicit in abuses and atrocities against innocent Burmese people, increase pressure for concrete changes, and suspend further US concessions contemplated for approval until core issues are addressed."

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Risky Business for Rangoon’s Labor Class

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT

The owner of a small workshop in a Rangoon industrial zone grinds the edges of a recycled metal plate. (Photo: Christopher Ian Smith)

The owner of a small workshop in a Rangoon industrial zone grinds the edges of a recycled metal plate. (Photo: Christopher Ian Smith)

RANGOON — In the heart of one of Rangoon's industrial zones, sweat soaks the faces and hands of laborers while the shaking machinery produces a deafening noise. With the push of a shoeless foot onto an iron bar attached to a large, spinning industrial press, there is an unnervingly loud thud and a hole appears in the middle of a 2×2-inch piece of metal—mere centimeters away from the bandaged hand that holds it.

"[The workers] have learned to know how it feels when the machine is going to jump or act dangerous," a worker explains. "When they sense it's going to jump, they have just enough time to pull away. They will lose the piece of metal, but they don't lose their finger."

In the shop next door, a man with Down syndrome drills holes into large metal pipes in the corner. Young men sit flat on the cluttered ground swinging sledgehammers aimed at breaking parts off of scrap engine blocks that are placed between their outstretched legs. Some hits send sparks flying and some send chunks of metal shooting toward nearby coworkers. No one wears eye protection or gloves, and none of them have protective footwear. The smaller pieces will be melted down in a sweltering hot, open barrel in the middle of the room that spits fire into the air. With the molten metal, they will pour it into molds carved into the dirt floor, to cast new parts for a boat engine.

The scene is both appalling and strangely impressive. In workshop after workshop, the extremely dangerous working conditions remain the same in Rangoon's industrial zones, along with a common but varied uniform consisting of thin shorts, a T-shirt and flip-flops. Many of the workers are migrants that have moved to this city because there are no jobs or other ways to make a living back in their home villages, and most of them sleep at the workshops where they work. These sleeping areas are precarious at best, but can accommodate anywhere from two to 15 workers at a time.

Other options are few and far between. Laborers can work over eight hours a day, six days a week and may still not make enough money to afford to rent a place, even though housing costs in the area can be as low as 20,000 kyats (US$20) per month. In many cases, owners will live and work alongside their employees, facing the same hazardous environment day after day. It's clear that the working conditions in the area are not the result of intentional exploitation, but rather, are due to extreme poverty and lack of knowledge.

As Rangoon begins its assimilation into the global business scene, construction is as feverish as the international criticism for labor rights abuses. In a move to help establish working conditions that meet international standards, the government will soon be implementing a new regulation for businesses to keep a certified safety officer on location. Additionally, though not yet required, companies can acquire fire safety certification from the city's fire brigade, and there is even talk of establishing a minimum wage.

Despite these steps, there's a chance that only the large companies—or those in view of the public—will see any real change. Many small factories and workshops, on the other hand, may be overlooked or forced to go out of business due to the costs of implementing these new requirements.

Proximity Designs, a social enterprise that manufactures low-cost irrigation systems, raises the possibility that just providing safety gear and regulations may not be enough. Workshop manager Thwin Naung Soe explains that in his experience, most safety issues stem from workers' mentality and lack of proper safety measures,.

"When I first witnessed the working conditions in this area, many workers would not use the safety gear even if it was provided. … There is no awareness of a safe environment. They know their type of work will lead to accidents. They think 'I'm a man working in this industry, it will happen someday, so why should I inconvenience myself every day?'"

In order to combat this mentality and construct safe working conditions, Thwin Naung Soe set up a system that revolves around education and putting employees through training demonstrations and certification classes. In turn, he says employees began to take more interest and find more value in their work; they developed a greater sense of self-worth and protecting themselves became the norm. Even the way that the Proximity Designs manufacturing team carry themselves is a stark contrast to those laboring in the workshops just down the street.

In one such workshop, a man pours a bucket of water over his head, sending steam shooting out from the nearby piles of orange-hot glowing metal rails. As if he was asked to emphasize the separation in concepts of safety, he responds with a simple "no" when asked if anyone gets burned at his workshop. He looks down to where one of the hot metal rails has brushed against his shin, causing his skin to peel off and blisters to form. "Just these," he says.

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‘In Places of Military Dominance, Women Can Never Be Equal’

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT

Dr. Khin Mar Mar Kyi says women must be allowed to participate more fully in Burma's ongoing peace process. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Dr. Khin Mar Mar Kyi says women must be allowed to participate more fully in Burma's ongoing peace process. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Dr. Khin Mar Mar Kyi is an award-winning social anthropologist and documentary filmmaker specializing on Southeast Asia, Burma and gender issues. She has served as a senior advisor to the Australian government and a lecturer at Australian National University, but now works at Oxford University in the United Kingdom. She is currently visiting Burma as a member of the university's Oxford Burma Universities' Collaborations delegation, giving lectures at both Rangoon and Mandalay universities as part of the program.

She sat down with The Irrawaddy last week to talk about women's place in Burmese society, politics and the nation's peace process.

Question: What has been the status of Burmese women over the course of history?

Answer: If you look at the present situation, the status of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a leader makes people think there is no gender inequality here. If you ask the ministers, they'd add that their wife has a say in their family.

Judging from this, people are often misled that gender equality exists in Burma. But women have to struggle to support their families. It is also not easy for women to ride a bus without having to worry about their safety. There are now more cases of young girls being raped. There were many female tycoons in various industries before, but nowadays almost all the tycoons in Burma are male.

During colonial times, Burma was admired for its society, which respected women and granted them a lot of rights. But now, even on a regional scale, Burma is a country with the least proportion of women participating in parliamentary affairs. Only 5.4 percent of all parliamentarians are women.

Q: If people in Burma understand gender as you have explained it, what improvements do you think we will see in the future?

A: If they understand gender as not just women's rights but as their responsibilities, values and beliefs derived from the Burmese tradition, men will see gender issues as not just concerned with women but concerned with men too. So men will participate in addressing gender issues in Burma. That would be an improvement. If a man saw a woman being treated without respect, fairness or with violence—even if only verbal—he would stand up for her if he feels it is a cultural insult for all Burmese men.

Q: What improvements and regressions have you noticed in addressing gender issues since the Thein Sein government came to power?

A: Women's forums can now be held freely. More women are involved in peace talks, but they are only decorative. In reality, women have no say in decision-making. The Parliament is also male-dominated.

Obtaining peace is crucial in transforming the country. And peace is impossible without addressing gender issues. Currently, if we look at the global level, many countries including East Timor, Rwanda and Northern Ireland all included women in their peace talks. We need to include women in peace talks because women are not only half of the population but also half of the resources of our country. You cannot afford to waste half the population and resources in these peace talks. No woman, no peace.

Moreover, in traditional Burmese culture, women are the ones who harmonize the household. In conflict-ridden ethnic regions of Burma, women are the ones who have to handle such difficulties as wartime survival.

Q: We can see a lot of male-dominated countries nowadays. What are some of the differences between an ordinary male-dominated country and one that has been under military rule?

A: The military is an extreme form of male dominance, an extreme form of patriarchy. In places of military dominance, women can never be valued, women can never be equal, their rights are not protected and their needs are not considered. In places where the military dominates, women face extreme discrimination. The extremely male-dominated military subculture, within the bigger cultural context of Burma, especially deprecates women.

Q: How much do history and culture play a role in creating this kind of mentality?

A: Different circumstances and times can change a culture. During colonial times, every book about Burmese women written by Western authors couldn't help but reflect in wonder on Burmese women's high social status. Burmese women dominated the economy. They had rights in marriage and divorce, property rights and the right to freely travel. These were rights that women in the West couldn't dream of [at the time].

Eventually, those rights came to be called 'feminism' by Westerners. Westerners thought Burmese men had become useless because they were living in a female-dominated society. The colonizers saw traditional Burmese culture as an uncivilized culture that they therefore had to change. They started to teach girls in missionary schools how to be feminine. During the nationalist movement, this perception of a feminine woman continued.

Q: How long do you think it will take to change the mentality of the former military leaders in government?

A: One problem is that it will take time to change. So instead of trying to change their perception on the spot, we just have to ask upfront for women's rights. That's why we need quotas. On one hand, we can give them reasons as to why addressing gender issues is important, but at the same time, we need to ask for women's rights directly.

Q: What do you think of the proposed interfaith marriage law restricting Burmese Buddhist women from marrying a person of a different religion?

A: Today we should stop this 'discipline and punishment' approach; we all need to develop critical thinking. If they reason that they need this law because financial difficulty and lack of knowledge are causing women to be lured [into marriage], then we need to support women to have financial security, knowledge and autonomy. We need to empower them to make the right decisions to protect herself not just from men of other religions but also their own. We cannot just target other religions but also our own. How many women are facing domestic violence and sexual abuse at the hands of their own men from the same religion? Without empowerment of women, women will always be vulnerable, regardless of religion.

This law creates a loss of her traditional and legal position as wife, or even more importantly, [may lead to] gender-based violence and discrimination.

According to this law, a woman needs written permissions from her parents and the provincial government office as well as his conversion in order to marry him legally or face 10 years imprisonment. It underestimates our traditional customary values. It contrasts with the 10 ways of Burmese traditional marriage as all know. Simple ways to marry, by staying under the same roof, or eating from the same plate, legalizes a couple as husband and wife yet protects her. And the choice should be hers.

The post 'In Places of Military Dominance, Women Can Never Be Equal' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Strong Quake Kills 381 in Southern China

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 09:58 PM PDT

A paramilitary policeman carries an elderly man on his back after an earthquake hit Ludian county of Zhaotong, Yunnan province August 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

A paramilitary policeman carries an elderly man on his back after an earthquake hit Ludian county of Zhaotong, Yunnan province August 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Rescuers dug through shattered homes Monday looking for survivors of a strong earthquake in southern China's Yunnan province that killed at least 381 people and injured more than 1,800.

About 12,000 mostly brick homes collapsed when the quake struck Sunday afternoon in the impoverished Ludian county, about 370 kilometers (230 miles) northeast of Yunnan's capital, Kunming, China's official Xinhua News Agency reported.

The streets of Ludian county seat of Zhaotong were like a "battlefield after a bombardment," resident Ma Liya told Xinhua. She added that her neighbor's house, a new two-story building, had toppled, and said the quake was far worse than one that struck the area in 2012 and killed 81 people.

"I have never felt such strong tremors before. All I can see are ruins," Ma said. "The aftermath is much, much worse than what happened after the quake two years ago."

The magnitude-6.1 quake struck at 4:30 p.m. on Sunday at a depth of 10 kilometers (6 miles), according to the US Geological Survey. Its epicenter was in Ludian county township of Longtoushan. China's earthquake monitoring agency put the magnitude at 6.5.

Rain and thunderstorms were forecast for the area in the coming hours, complicating efforts to bring tents, water food and other relief supplies to survivors. Roads had caved in, and rescuers were forced to travel on foot.

Xinhua and state broadcaster CCTV said 381 people were killed, citing rescuers. CCTV said 1,891 were injured, three were missing and 29,400 had been evacuated. The death toll was expected to rise, once rescuers reached remote communities to assess casualties.

Many of the homes that collapsed in Ludian, which has a population of about 429,000, were old and made of brick, Xinhua said, adding that electricity and telecommunications were cut off in the county.

The mountainous region where the quake occurred is largely agricultural, with farming and mining the top industries, and is prone to earthquakes.

Relief efforts were underway, with more than 2,500 troops dispatched to the disaster region, Xinhua said. The Red Cross Society of China allocated quilts, jackets and tents for those made homeless by the quake, while Red Cross branches in Hong Kong, Macau and neighboring Sichuan province also sent relief supplies.

Premier Li Keqiang was en route to Yunnan to oversee quake relief, Xinhua said.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon offered "his condolences to the Chinese Government and the families of those killed," according to a statement from his office. The statement said the U.N. is ready to "lend its assistance to efforts to respond to humanitarian needs" and "to mobilize any international support needed."

The White House also offered its condolences.

"Our thoughts and prayers are with the families of those that lost their lives," said National Security Council deputy spokeswoman Bernadette Meehan. "The United States stands ready to assist."

Chinese state broadcaster CCTV said the quake was the strongest to hit Yunnan in 14 years.

In 1970, a magnitude-7.7 earthquake in Yunnan killed at least 15,000 people, and a magnitude-7.1 quake in the province killed more than 1,400 in 1974. In September 2012, 81 people died and 821 were injured in a series of quakes in the Yunnan region.

In May 2008, a powerful quake in Sichuan province left nearly 90,000 people dead or missing.

The post Strong Quake Kills 381 in Southern China appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Surrogate Mom Not Angry With Australian Couple

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 09:54 PM PDT

Gammy, a baby born with Down syndrome, is kissed by his surrogate mother Pattaramon Janbua at a hospital in Thailand's Chonburi province August 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Gammy, a baby born with Down syndrome, is kissed by his surrogate mother Pattaramon Janbua at a hospital in Thailand's Chonburi province August 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

SRI RACHA, Thailand — A Thai surrogate mother said Sunday that she was not angry with the Australian biological parents who left behind a baby boy born with Down syndrome, and hoped that the family would take care of the boy's twin sister they took with them.

Pattaramon Chanbua, a 21-year-old food vendor in Thailand's seaside town of Sri Racha, has had to take a break from her job to take care of her 7-month-old surrogate baby, named "Gammy," who also has a congenital heart condition. The boy, with blond hair and dark brown eyes, is now being treated in a hospital for infection in his lungs.

Pattaramon said she met the Australian couple once when the babies were born and knew only that they lived in Western Australia state.

"I've never felt angry at them or hated them. I'm always willing to forgive them," Pattaramon told The Associated Press. "I want to see that they love the baby girl as much as my family loves Gammy. I want her to be well taken care of."

Pattaramon was promised 300,000 baht (US$9,300) by a surrogacy agency in Bangkok, Thailand's capital, to be a surrogate for the Australian couple, but she has not been fully paid since the children were born last December.

She said the agency knew about Gammy's condition four to five months after she became pregnant but did not tell her. It wasn't until the seventh month of her pregnancy when the doctors and the agency told her that one of the twin babies had Down syndrome and suggested that she have an abortion just for him.

Pattaramon recalled strongly rejecting the idea, believing that having the abortion would be sinful. "I asked them, 'Are you still humans?' I really wanted to know," she said Sunday.

Pattaramon's case highlights the rising problem of surrogacy in Thailand, where legal loopholes allow the practice to exist. Thai officials said last week that there were 50 surrogate babies of Israeli couples in Thailand who were not able to travel to Israel due to nationality issues.

"The Thai authorities are pushing for a law that will ban surrogacy of non-family members, but there is no punishment right now," said Pavena Hongsakul, a former Thai social development and human security minister and advocate for women's and children's rights. "This is a worrying trend as it can lead to other problems, such as human trafficking."

Pavena said a surrogate mother is usually paid 300,000 to 350,000 baht ($9,300 to $10,900) to carry a baby for overseas couples who either have reproduction difficulties or are gay.

Pattaramon, who also has a 6-year-old son and a 3-year-old daughter, said she approached the surrogacy agency on Facebook early last year because she wanted money to pay off debts. She said she plans to file a complaint with Thai police to get the rest of the unpaid compensation money from the agency.

Meanwhile, an online campaign by an Australian charity organization to help Gammy has raised nearly $200,000 since July 22.

"I'm going to save the money for him," Pattaramon said. "Actually, I just want the baby to have a house. It doesn't have to be big. I only want him to live in a good house and be comfortable."

The post Thai Surrogate Mom Not Angry With Australian Couple appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indian PM Offers Nepal $1 Billion Loan in Regional Diplomacy Push

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 09:48 PM PDT

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves upon his arrival to meet with his Nepalese counterpart Sushil Koirala in Kathmandu on Aug. 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Navesh Chitrakar)

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves upon his arrival to meet with his Nepalese counterpart Sushil Koirala in Kathmandu on Aug. 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Navesh Chitrakar)

KATHMANDU — Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered Nepal US$1 billion in concessional loans to help build power plants and roads during a visit on Sunday aimed at shoring up support in a region where China is making inroads.

Both India and China are vying for political influence in South Asia, home to more than 1.5 billion people, by offering closer integration with their giant economies.

India has long been the dominant force in the region. But in recent years as its economy slowed and it struggled with policy paralysis, China has stolen a march, building ports from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh and power plants in Nepal.

Modi is on a two-day visit to Kathmandu to help speed up negotiations on a power trade pact that is at the center of his new diplomatic drive.

"Nepal needs highways, information ways and transmission ways. India will support you in all these," he said in an address to the Nepali parliament where he announced the $1 billion credit line for the landlocked nation.

"Nepal can use this on hydropower and infrastructure projects of its choice," he said to thunderous applause in a parliament chamber where politicians in the past have often targeted India as a "big brother" meddling in its affairs.

Since becoming prime minister in May, Modi has reached out to neighbors after years of neglect, in a policy top advisers say is key to his plans to make India a military and economic power.

"The government's real challenge in Nepal is not China. It is the tragic failure of Delhi's own engagement with Kathmandu," said C. Raja Mohan, a top Indian foreign policy expert.

"Despite geographical proximity, cultural intimacy, economic interdependence and shared political values, India has stumbled in Nepal."

This is the first bilateral visit to Nepal by an Indian prime minister in 17 years, though Indian leaders have routinely attended regional summits in Kathmandu.

Indian and Nepali negotiators were trying to narrow down differences over a power pact aimed at harnessing Nepal's estimated 42,000 MW hydro-electric potential to meet domestic needs and also supply India's giant energy-starved economy.

The Himalayan nation currently has an installed capacity of just 600 MW because its development has been held back by years of political instability. It is still struggling with the transition to a constitutional republic after the abolition of the monarchy in 2008.

Nepal's politicians are at odds over the proposed energy pact. Opponents say it would give Indian firms a stranglehold over Nepal's energy resources and bar other countries, like China, from investment in the sector.

Modi sought to allay those concerns.

"Nepal can become a prosperous nation by selling electricity to India. We want to join you in your journey to prosperity," Modi, dressed in skin tight trousers, knee-long loose shirt and a waist coat, said in a speech in Hindi.

During the two-day trip, Modi plans to meet politicians across the spectrum, including the Maoists who have accused India of meddling in Nepal's internal affairs in the past.

On Monday, he will offer special prayers at Lord Pashupatinath temple, a major Hindu landmark in Kathmandu, stressing the religious bonds with majority-Hindu Nepal, a country of 27 million people.

Writing and additional reporting by Sanjeev Miglani.

The post Indian PM Offers Nepal $1 Billion Loan in Regional Diplomacy Push appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

National News

National News


Can U Ye Htut tame the media industry?

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 02:53 PM PDT

U Ye Htut's appointment as the new minister for information garnered a mixed reaction from Myanmar journalists last week. 

Six months, 1000 staff, one network

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 02:41 PM PDT

Ooredoo Myanmar CEO Ross Cormack speaks about the challenges of the rollout and the company's future plans.


President agrees to respect press council mediation role

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 02:35 PM PDT

President U Thein Sein has agreed to settle any future media disputes through the press council, following a spate of cases in which journalists have been arrested and jailed.

Ethnic groups send mixed messages on draft ceasefire

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 02:20 PM PDT

Ethnic leaders have made a number of decisions on a draft nationwide ceasefire agreement but say they want further guarantees from the government on minority rights, particularly the introduction of a federal system.

School water supplies being fixed, government insists

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 02:11 PM PDT

Work to ensure schools are supplied with clean water will finish by the end of July, Deputy Minister for Education U Zaw Min Aung told parliament last week.

Census ethnicity data release delayed until after election

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 02:01 PM PDT

Officials say an unexpectedly high number of handwritten responses that did not fit into the 135 official ethnicity categories is to blame, but observers say political considerations may have also played a role.

Government unveils foreign scholarship program

Posted: 03 Aug 2014 01:44 PM PDT

A recently launched government scholarship program to send promising students to foreign universities may struggle to attract the best candidates due to its strict eligibility criteria, experts have warned.

Sunday, August 3, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


DVB talks to Vikram Kumar, IFC

Posted: 02 Aug 2014 10:29 PM PDT

Vikram Kumar, the Resident Representative for the International Finance Corporation (IFC) in Burma, spoke to DVB Interview International's Alex Bookbinder about IFC investments in Yoma Bank and Shangri-La hotels.

The IFC, which is part of the World Bank Group, are financing several major infrastructure projects in Burma. One major investment is US$75 million in funds to Yoma Strategic Holdings (YSH) and Hongkong and Shanghai Hotels (HSH), both companies linked to Burmese business tycoon Serge Pun.

The money will go towards financing the development of a five-star resort that will transform Rangoon's British Burma Railway Company into offices, a hotel and apartments. A further $30 million will go to Pun's Yoma Bank to fund a small and medium enterprises (SME) lending programme.

"Our engagement with Yoma Bank is extremely comprehensive. It's not just the investment support, it is comprehensive advisory because we honestly believe local banks need a huge amount of capacity building," Kumar said.

"If you compare the quality of banking service here in Myanmar [Burma] to any country in the world, it has a really long way to go."

The IFC has faced criticism over its investment in Yoma Bank, particularly from the US Campaign for Burma. They questioned why the IFC had categorised the project has 'Financial Intermediary 2' (FI2), which means it can forego environmental and social impact assessments and disclose certain information such as local partners.

Kumar defended the categorisation, and said the IFC was providing more than just finance to the bank; an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) is in place, and the IFC has people working inside the bank in an advisory capacity.

"We have full visibility on Yoma Bank's lending operations because we are helping them develop their risk management system," he said.

"In no possible way are the reporting and supervisory requirements any different. What we expect from Yoma is, in fact, an ESMS which is water tight."

Another major IFC project is a $80 million investment for the expansion of the Sule Shangri-la hotel in downtown Rangoon and the construction of Shangri-La's luxury apartments. But the IFC has come under intense criticism in many cases around the world over its financing of high-end hotels and luxury apartments from those who question how this kind of investment fits within the IFC's commitment to poverty alleviation.

"We strongly believe hotels and tourism is fundamental to job creation," he said.

"When we talk about democracy dividend we are talking about people actually having jobs, people having enough money to feed their families. The job creation of hotels and tourism is unmatched," Kumar added. "I don't see the creation of 1,500 jobs as contributing to inequality in any way."

Kumar ended by saying that IFC operations in Burma are not just limited to real estate and the hotel and tourism sector. He disclosed that the IFC has a mandate for 12 transactions in the country across sectors including agriculture and energy.

In February, the IFC pledged funds to develop Rangoon's energy supplier, the Yangon Electricity Supply Board (YESB).

 

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Conditions Worsening in Burma, Urge Tougher US Policy: Lawmakers

Posted: 02 Aug 2014 10:01 PM PDT

Conditions Worsening in Burma

U.S Secretary of State John Kerry and the Burmese President Thein Sein at the Asean Summit in Brunei last year. (photo: Simon Roughneen / The Irrawaddy)

WASHINGTON – More than 70 U.S. lawmakers say conditions in Burma have taken a sharp turn for the worse and want Secretary of State John Kerry to warn its government that could seriously damage bilateral relations.

In a letter to Kerry obtained by The Associated Press on Friday, the House members, both Democrats and Republicans, say that sectarian violence has spread, and that President TheinSein’s government seems to be catering to and stoking anti-Muslim sentiment. They also voice concern about military abuses against ethnic minorities, the recent jailing of journalists, and the need for constitutional reform.

The Obama administration has counted its support for former pariah state Burma’s shift from direct military rule as one of its principal foreign policy achievements, but the letter reflects mounting congressional concern over the direction the Southeast Asian nation has taken after Washington suspended its toughest sanctions in 2012.

The lawmakers call on Kerry to sanction those complicit in abuses and atrocities, and not make further concessions to the reformist government unless there’s serious progress.

“Just as the beginning of the reform process required a calibrated reassessment of U.S. policy three years ago, recent disturbing developments call for a significant recalibration now,” the letter says.

Kerry is expected to visit Burma for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Regional Forum being held in Naypyidaw on Aug. 10, and also hold bilateral meetings with Burmese officials.

The letter is dated Thursday. Signatories include Democrat Rep. Joe Crowley, a prominent congressional voice on Burma, and Republican Rep. Steve Chabot, who chairs a House panel that oversees policy toward Asia, and the top-ranking members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Last week another key congressional voice, Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell, called for Burma to reform its constitution to allow opposition leader Aung San SuuKyi to run for president and for the military to submit to civilian rule. But he also supported U.S. engagement with Burma’s military.

The post Conditions Worsening in Burma, Urge Tougher US Policy: Lawmakers appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Saturday, August 2, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Peace Drive

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 06:00 PM PDT

A brand new Ferrari sits atop a truck in Myawaddy before it is taken further inside the country. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy)

A brand new Ferrari sits atop a truck in Myawaddy before it is taken further inside the country. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy)

MYAWADDY, Kayin State — With its bumpy roads and deep poverty, Myanmar is one of the last places you expect to come across a flashy new Ferrari sports car. But in late May, that is what I saw sitting on the back of a truck in the border town of Myawaddy.

Actually, as the main hub for border trade between Myanmar and Thailand, Myawaddy is the kind of place where you wouldn't be surprised to see almost anything. It's a town built on contraband: For decades, everything from vegetables and consumer goods to high-end electronics and second-hand cars has crossed the border into Myanmar here—sometimes legally over the Friendship Bridge, but more often undeclared through 20 or so checkpoints controlled by various armed groups. Local traders say that at least US$3 million worth of goods enter the country this way every day.

But it is only since last year that luxury vehicles have begun to make an appearance on the border, according to Yangon-based car traders. Until then, they say, there was probably only one Ferrari in the entire country—the one owned by U Tay Za, a US-blacklisted crony who had his flown in to add to a fleet that also included Myanmar's only Lamborghini. Now, they claim, there are at least 10 Ferraris, 10 Lamborghinis and 40 Rolls-Royces in the country, all of them imported through Myawaddy.

So what's driving this sudden influx of luxury vehicles? Although growing demand—Myanmar has a tiny elite with a pent-up desire for the finer things in life, largely denied them during the era of international isolation—undoubtedly plays a role, the real impetus appears to be more political than economic.

Since assuming power as head of a quasi-civilian government in 2011, President U Thein Sein has made efforts to end decades of ethnic conflict a centerpiece of his agenda. Although military objections to federalism—a key ethnic demand—have stood in the way of reaching a comprehensive settlement, the push for peace has had some notable successes, particularly in Kayin State. It's here that the Karen National Union (KNU), Myanmar's longest-running insurgent army, has made unprecedented moves towards détente with the central government, a development that has earned the government international praise.

A Rolls-Royce is parked outside a hotel in Yangon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

A Rolls-Royce is parked outside a hotel in Yangon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Critics say, however, that much of this progress has been based on economic inducements, rather than real compromise. They note that U Aung Min, the president's chief peace negotiator, has handed out hundreds of car registration permits to armed groups as "peace gifts" that many see as little more than a form of bribery.

Sources close to the peace process have confirmed that the number of permits handed out so far has been significant. According to U Hla Maung Shwe, a special adviser to the government-backed Myanmar Peace Council (MPC), permission had been granted to register 800 cars in total—270 of them completely tax free. He said only three out of the 17 ethnic armed groups remaining in the country have yet to be given any registration permits.

U Aung Min has denied, however, that the permits—many of them handed out with his signature on them on Feb. 12, 2013, during a ceremony to mark Union Day—are of any economic value.

"They are not permits, as others are saying. It is just allowing their [ethnic groups'] unlicensed vehicles to be registered as they have vehicles without licenses," he told The Irrawaddy, adding: "The decision did not come from me or the president. It was the decision of the relevant government meeting."

Than Shwe Grandson: In Oct. 2013 Nay Shwe Thway Aung, the grandson of former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, was famously seen with a canary-yellow Lamborghini as the freshly crowned Miss Universe Myanmar, Ma Moe Set Wine, stepped out at a football stadium. (Photo: Facebook / The University Champions League)

Than Shwe Grandson: In Oct. 2013 Nay Shwe Thway Aung, the grandson of former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, was famously seen with a canary-yellow Lamborghini as the freshly crowned Miss Universe Myanmar, Ma Moe Set Wine, stepped out at a football stadium. (Photo: Facebook / The University Champions League)

But whatever their professed purpose, it's clear that the armed groups see the permits as a source of income. Saw Kwe Htoo Win, the KNU's general secretary, confirmed that his group had received some 120 car permits, most of which had been sold to convert the government gift into cash for organizational needs. (Other large groups, including the United Wa State Army and the New Mon State Party, have reportedly received the same number of permits, while smaller outfits such as the All Burma Students' Democratic Front have been given 60 permits, sources said.)

According to one car dealer, the value of the permits depends on the type of permit (some, for instance, are only valid in the state where the armed group is active) and the value of the vehicle. With most cars now much cheaper since the government relaxed import restrictions in 2011, dealers use the permits to buy the most expensive cars possible, paying up to US$50,000 for one that can be used to buy a Rolls-Royce. For the dealers, who would normally have to pay as much as $600,000 in taxes for a vehicle of this value (which can sell for $800,000 in Myanmar), the "peace permits" are a bargain.

So far, however, there has been limited peace dividends for civilians living in areas where conflict has been suspended but not ended, and standoffs between government and ethnic army troops still result in fresh clashes.

Irrawaddy reporter Lin Thant and Myanmar-language editor Yeni contributed to this report.

This story first appeared in the August 2014 edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Peace Drive appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 2, 2014)

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT

Thai Airports Management Firm in Cooperation Scheme With Burma

The state-owned Airports of Thailand Plc (AoT) is seeking to "gain a foothold in [Burma's] emerging airport business," a travel industry report said.

AoT has signed a cooperation agreement with Burma's Pioneer Aerodrome Services (PAS), a subsidiary of the Burmese conglomerate Asia World that manages Rangoon and Naypyidaw airports, said Bangkok-based TTR Weekly.

"AoT is probably hoping that a cooperation agreement could lead to partnerships and possibly the management of airports in [Burma] in the long-run," TTR Weekly said. "But the press statement skirts around business considerations focusing instead on vague subjects such as assisting in each other in 'activities' and hosting 'meetings.'"

AoT manages six airports within Thailand, including Suvarnabhumi and Don Mueang in Bangkok, and Chiang Mai.

The Thai business was partially privatized in 2002, but 70 percent of shares are held by the government's Ministry of Finance, which holds controlling stakes in a number of major Thai businesses, including oil and gas giant PTT.
Onshore Oil and Gas Deals Signed After 10-Month-Long Negotiations

Final development agreements have been signed between several oil firms, including Eni of Italy, for four onshore blocks after 10 months of negotiations over terms.

The four blocks were among 13 awarded by the Ministry of Energy after a bidding process in 2013 with the winning bidders named last October.

However, conditions and terms on exploration, production and profit sharing have been subject to negotiation ever since with Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE), said a Myanmar Times report. Negotiations on the other blocks continue.

"State-owned MOGE finally inked four of the much-delayed agreements on July 30," the Myanmar Times said.

"Two of the agreements were improved petroleum recovery contracts with British Virgin Islands-registered MPRL E&P and Myanmar Petroleum Exploration and Production, which are both part-owned by prominent Burmese oil and gas businessman Moe Myint. The two other signed agreements are production sharing agreements with Italian firm Eni."

MOGE and other state agencies and ministries are also continuing to negotiate with a number of local and major international firms over 20 offshore blocks awarded in March.
Thai, Chinese and Japanese Firms Show Interest in Burma Gas Plant

Several large foreign companies have registered interest in bidding for a joint venture contract to modernize and expand a liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant in Burma.

The contract is for the Nyaungdone plant in the Irrawaddy Division, said Burma's Ministry of Energy.

Interested foreign firms include PTT of Thailand, Mitsui of Japan, CNPC of China and NK of South Korea, said the ministry.

Burma currently has three LPG plants, all of which are in need of redevelopment like the country's three dilapidated oil refineries.

LPG has a range of uses, including fueling cooking appliances and vehicles.

Several foreign firms, including PTT, have previously shown interest in Burma's refineries but no firm financial commitments have yet been made.

Meanwhile, the state-run Myanma Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) is reportedly planning to invite foreign companies within the next three months to bid for a joint venture to sell petrol and diesel.

Outside management and logistical expertise is needed to improve retailing services, MPPE director Myin Zaw was quoted by Myanmar Times saying.

Thailand's PTT has previously announced plans for up to 50 roadside fuel retail stations in Burma, but in April said it was suspending plans "because investment rules were unclear," said industry magazine Asia Oil Monitor.

Other roadside distribution is operated by the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, and the Max Myanmar Group.
Almost $500M of Investment Flows Into Burma Between April and June

Foreign investment in Burma in the first three months of the current financial year totaled almost $500 million, the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA) said.

The April-June period saw $492.6 million inward investment, although more than half of it was for the telecommunications sector. The next largest segment, $141 million went into manufacturing industries, a DICA official told Myanmar Business Daily.

The first quarter investment tally compared with US$1.2 billion for the whole of the previous financial year, suggesting that investors are raising their stakes, DICA director Lin Tun was quoted saying.

Total investment for the 2014-15 year could reach $4 billion, said Lin Tun without giving any details to back up this forecast.

More than half of the quarter's investment came from Asian countries, Lin Tun said.
Jade Exports Have Climbed Dramatically in Last Three Years

The value of exports of Burmese jade in the last three years is more than $1.3 billion, a report said.

The quantity of jade shipped out of the country has risen dramatically over that time, said the Ministry of Economic Development, as quoted by Eleven Media.

No volume figures are available but values have risen considerably over the three years—from $34.2 million in the 2011-2012 financial year to $1 billion in the 2013-2014 year, said Eleven Media.

The chief buying countries over this period have been China and India, plus merchants from the Chinese Hong Kong enclave.

Much of the jade is mined in Kachin State and official export figures do not take into account smuggling from untaxed mining, the report said.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 2, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

On the Road Back to Mandalay

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT

People hold weapons as they come back from the funeral ceremony of U Tun Tun, a 36-year-old funeral bus driver killed in a riot, in Mandalay on July 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

People hold weapons as they come back from the funeral ceremony of U Tun Tun, a 36-year-old funeral bus driver killed in a riot, in Mandalay on July 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

In 2012, during my second trip to Myanmar after spending 24 years in exile, I made a point of visiting Mandalay. For me, traveling to the country's second-largest city was a bit like going on a pilgrimage: It was here, after all, that King Mindon established the Yadanabon newspaper (known in English as The Mandalay Gazette), one of Southeast Asia's first newspapers.

King Mindon, Myanmar's penultimate monarch, was an enlightened leader who understood that the best way to withstand Western influence was by embracing some of the same institutions that made the West so strong. Famously, he declared that the press was to have free rein when it came to reporting on affairs of state.

"If I do wrong, write about me," he said. "If the queens do wrong, write about them. If my sons and my daughters do wrong, write about them. If the judges and mayors do wrong, write about them. No one shall take action against the journals for writing the truth. They shall go in and out of the palace freely."

But it wasn't just the press that benefitted under King Mindon's rule. Although he took his traditional role as the protector of Buddhism seriously, he also respected other religions. Under his reign, Christians and Muslims were allowed to build places of worship and practice their faiths freely. Muslims and Portuguese served in the royal army and custom's department, and were allowed to marry Myanmar women.

Many Muslims were royal bodyguards, couriers, interpreters and advisers in the royal court. It is said that the king, who hosted the Fifth Great Buddhist Synod in 1872, even helped to build a hostel in Mecca for Muslim pilgrims from his country.

Thais descended from prisoners of war after the sacking of Ayutthaya also lived on peacefully in Mandalay. And to impress the British who occupied lower Myanmar, Mindon sent some of his sons to study in an Anglican missionary school.

In more recent times, Mandalay residents owed gratitude to U Razak, a minister for planning and education who died along with independence hero Aung San. A former headmaster of Mandalay National High School who helped build Mandalay College (now Mandalay University), U Razak, respected Muslim and a scholar of Pali and Buddhism, was a true national hero.

Mandalay also has an important place in more recent history. In 1988, it was a major center of the pro-democracy uprising that sought to overthrow the military dictatorship. The city produced many well-known activists, but Buddhist monks played an especially prominent role in opposing the country's rulers. When the generals refused to respect the results of elections held two years later, the monks earned the admiration of the entire nation by rejecting alms from military families—a powerful gesture that showed the ruling regime lacked all legitimacy. For their defiance, many monks were arrested in raids on monasteries and tortured in prison.

All of this makes it especially depressing to realize that Mandalay is now better known as a hotbed of religious intolerance, thanks to the acts of a few extremists intent on stirring up trouble as a way of undermining Myanmar's efforts to restore democracy.

Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org.

U Wirathu, the monk who calls himself the "Burmese bin Laden," is no heir to Mandalay's noble past. Although he is the abbot of one of the city's largest monasteries, he does not spread the Buddha's message of peace, but propagates a gospel of fear and hatred directed at Myanmar's Muslim minority. But it comes as no surprise that his hateful incitement has gone unchecked: Photographs on social media sites have shown him receiving alms from hard-line leaders of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and others who unashamedly proclaim him a true defender of Buddhism.

The violence that shook Mandalay in early July followed a pattern that we have seen many times in the past two years, and which we will no doubt see many more times between now and next year's crucial elections. Two Muslim men were accused on social media of raping their Buddhist maid, and after a period of growing tension between the city's Buddhists and Muslims, all hell broke loose.

Although there was relatively little loss of life or damage to property in this latest incident, reporters on the ground in Mandalay say they feel there may be worse to come.

Indeed, many observers of Myanmar's dirty and often deadly politics are growing increasingly wary of the direction the country seems to be taking as it heads toward elections that will decide its fate for years to come. As one ethnic leader told me, the current government—which came to power through a rigged vote in 2010—"doesn't have the courage" to hold free and fair elections in 2015.

The fear is that instability will be used as an excuse to spare the military-backed USDP another resounding electoral defeat like the one it suffered at the hands of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in by-elections held in 2012. (The NLD boycotted the 2010 election.) If that happens, Myanmar's reforms could rapidly unravel, and the country would return to a political impasse that would only benefit hard-liners from the former regime who preferred the pre-2011 order.

It seems that the leaders of the old regime had calculated that five years of relatively relaxed rule would be enough to win their party another lease on life. Now that their time seems to be running out, however, they are getting more desperate and more willing to resort to their tried-and-true tactics of violence and divide and rule to perpetuate their hold on power.

After a brief period of hope, when the administration of President U Thein Sein made all the right moves—releasing political prisoners, lifting media censorship and suspending the unpopular Myitsone hydropower project, among others—it is easy to despair as the country appears to be sliding back into the repressive habits of the past. With activists and journalists being locked up again, the sense of déjà vu is almost oppressive.

But at such times as this, it is important to remember that Myanmar's history has not been entirely one of woeful misrule. Mandalay's proud past, for instance, points to other possibilities. If Myanmar once had leaders who valued press freedom and religious tolerance, there's no reason it can't have them again.

This article first appeared in the August 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post On the Road Back to Mandalay appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Election Commission backtracks on new campaign rules

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 10:54 PM PDT

Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) has agreed to seven of nine electoral regulation changes recommended by the country's main opposition party, according to politicians present at the negotiations.

Win Myint, central committee member of the National League for Democracy, told DVB that his party met with the UEC on 1 August to propose changes to election and campaign protocol before polls scheduled for next year.

The NLD recommended nine changes, seven of which were accepted by the UEC. Among the points accepted was the allowance of a two-month campaign period in the lead-up to elections, as opposed to a one-month period currently stipulated.

"They [the UEC] agreed to seven points. One point that they did not agree to was changing the hours for pre-voting, so that the window would end at 6am instead of 4am," said Win Myint. The UEC, he said, explained that they do not have the authority to make that adjustment.

The other rejected proposal was a requirement that all UEC members abstain from any affiliation with a political party for 3-5 years before becoming a member. Burma's Constitution currently stipulates that members cannot have a party affiliation, but does not specify a time-frame. The commission said that they have no power to add the requirement as it pertains to the Constitution, not electoral law.

Regarding the accepted proposals, the UEC committed to releasing orders to implement the changes, Win Myint said.

The NLD's recommendations were submitted to the commission on 21 July, after electoral guidelines were controversially redrafted by the UEC in May. The new rules and regulations, which contained 44 amendments, were released on 28 July.

The UEC, a government-appointed oversight body established in 2010 and chaired by former Lt-Gen Tin Aye, has come under fire for tightening control on election regulations in advance of highly anticipated general elections set for late 2015. Another round of by-elections are expected by the end of 2014, in which 31 seats across Burma will be contested.

The upcoming elections are seen as a litmus test for Burma's reforms. A 2010 general election — the country's first in decades — was almost universally dismissed as fraudulent, though by-elections held in April 2012 landed 43 opposition party members in the newly-formed parliament, lending some credibility to the new government.

Among those opposition members was Aung San Suu Kyi, who was formerly under house arrest. While the 2012 by-election placed her in parliament, the government has faced immense criticism for a Constitutional clause that prohibits her from seeking the presidency in 2015.

 

The roots of intolerance and prejudice in Buddhism

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 09:22 PM PDT

Violence related to Buddhism in Sri Lanka and Burma often leaves observers with a sense of bewilderment; many Buddhist practitioners have resorted to violent means in the name of what is essentially a peaceful religion. This contradiction is somewhat easier to understand when viewed from two angles – East and West.

For the Asian Buddhist, the idea that the teachings of the Buddha could ever lead to hostility is simply dismissed. Buddhism is airbrushed from the scenes of violence and in its place is left only a threat to the nation, a threat to the culture and a threat to the religion.

The Western observer tends to assume that those committing these acts are not 'real' Buddhists. The original teachings have mingled with culture to such an extent as to become unrecognisable – dig beneath the culture, to the text, and there the 'real' message of the Buddha will be found. For the West, Buddhism has to be separated from its cultural environment. This is out of necessity – for it is assumed that Buddhism is not a 'religion' at all. It is a pristine 'other', standing alone and somewhat aloof from the messiness of the masses.

For the Asian Buddhist, the West can never culturally understand Buddhism (the West is 'foreign' – modern and corrupt). Whereas for the Western Buddhist, it is precisely these cultural accretions that obscure the real teachings. The East is naïve and lacks sophistication. Both sides, East and West, seek authenticity in Buddhism.

Buddhism has portrayed itself, and been described by Western commentators, as the religion untainted by 'religiousness' (dogmatism, violence, fundamentalism). It is the religion of choice for the compassionate, modern individual. Many believe that Buddhism has a pure history in which misdemeanors, carnage, war and hostility has been committed by everyone — except the Buddhist. This is why the recent violence in Sri Lanka and Burma elicits such shock.

In seeking the origins of these hostilities, we shouldn’t turn to the core textual tradition, even though some Buddhist groups may refer to particular texts to support their own positions. In the fundamental ideas of the Pali Canon, or the early Sutras of the Mahāyāna tradition, the teachings of the Buddha are based on tolerance and compassion.

The roots of intolerance might be found in the reaction of one Buddhist group to another. For example, this sectarian attitude surfaced in the emergence of the Mahāyāna Buddhism. The Mahāyāna identified itself in opposition to what it termed 'Hīnayāna' Buddhist groups. Although Mahāyāna is often translated as 'Great Vehicle' and Hīnayāna as 'Smaller Vehicle' – the term 'hīna' actually means 'inferior', 'low,' 'poor', 'miserable', 'vile', or 'contemptible'.

Evidence suggests that some Buddhist schools had uncompromising attitudes towards others. That intolerance was pronounced by the rise of Buddhism in the West (including the Asian 'West'). There is an ongoing debate concerning which group is the most compassionate. The argument has been made that some Buddhist groups in Asia and elsewhere are using this 'stick of compassion' against Burmese Buddhists as a way of distancing the rest of the Buddhist world from the situation in Burma. Buddhist groups have long been vying for the claim of authenticity, an element of Buddhist history that could be at the heart of recent hostilities.

Even beyond disputes between differing factions of Buddhism, there is a broader sense of religious superiority. The notion of the superiority of Buddhism is often based upon a supposed scientific resemblance and methodology; Buddhism is better because it is viewed as scientific, rational. Because it is perceived as 'better', Buddhists go to war, discriminate against others, take Buddhism to be essential to national identity, and do things that we might find completely contrary to the Buddha's teachings.

There is an historic pride in the fundamental goodness of the Dhamma which causes conflict and hostility. There are enough teachings in the Buddhist Canon that warn against these attitudes, but there are also many examples in Buddhist history where a strong sense of pride in one's own tradition is supported. It is precisely where an attitude in which the most compassionate, the most Buddhist, the most traditional are valued – that intolerance in Buddhist culture comes into focus.

 

Dr Paul Fuller has taught Religious Studies at Universities in Southeast Asia, the University of Sydney in Australia and at Bath Spa University in the UK. His research interests include early Indian Buddhist philosophy and the Buddhist ideas of Aung San Suu Kyi. His book, The Notion of Ditthi in Theravada Buddhism: The Point of View (Routledge Curzon Critical Studies in Buddhism, 2004) explores the textual basis of discrimination and attachment in the Pali Canon.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

National News

National News


Ooredoo marks launch in Yangon

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 02:49 PM PDT

The long-promised new era in telecommunications finally landed in customers' hands on August 2 with the launch of the Ooredoo network.

Analysis: Three-way mobile war on horizon

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 02:45 PM PDT

Myanmar's mobile users are now faced with a choice for the first time, as Ooredoo launches its services with Telenor to follow.

Tatmadaw releases 91 child soldiers

Posted: 01 Aug 2014 12:57 PM PDT

Myanmar's army has freed 91 children and young people from its armed forces, the United Nations announced on August 1, in the country's latest move towards ending the use of child soldiers.