Shan Herald Agency for News |
| Stop All Mining Operations, Say Civic Groups Posted: 27 Jun 2016 03:29 AM PDT A coalition of 35 civil society organizations in Burma has issued a statement calling for the National League for Democracy-led government to suspend all mining operations in the country.
The statement was released on Friday after representatives from Kachin, Kuki, Karen, Karenni, Chin, Ta'ang, Mon, Arakan and Shan states and divisions concluded a three-day conference in Kachin State capital Myitkyina. "The current concessions on mining and the new mining concessions must be suspended," reads the statement. Sai Khur Hseng of the Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization and the spokesperson of the newly formed Myanmar Mining Watch Network (MMWN) said that the ruling government, when it sets its new policy, must not neglect people's losses and damage caused by mining operations. "Civilians whose lands were destroyed by mining activity have never been fully compensated," he said. "In response, civilians from every part of the country have formed this network to demand the government stop mining operations." Sai Khur Hseng told Shan Herald that many villagers' lands had been forcibly confiscated and damaged due to gold mining in Tar Lue, a village in eastern Shan State's Tachileik Township. "Over 300 acres of villagers' lands have been destroyed by mining waste," he explained. "One villager was even shot dead and several people were injured." On 9 December 2015, SHANreported that Burmese soldiers, who in October 2014 shot dead a villager named Loong Sarm, had never been brought into justice. "A process of justice must be applied to solve the issues of those who have lost their lives or been injured due to mining," said Myanmar Mining Watch Network (MMWN). According to Sai Hor Hseng, a spokesperson for the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), mining activities have impacted both human beings and the environment. He said that those people who live near mining operations are often afflicted with diseases and ailments. MMWN said it urges the state government to recognize and follow the recommendations of the local civic community. Numerous mining operations are currently ongoing in Shan State, including: coal mining in Mong Kok, Hsipaw, Nam Zarng, Panglong and Mongkerng; and gold mines at Mong Len in Tachileik, and Ti Gyit in Panglong Township. Burma's unsafe mining practices were highlighted last November when at least 116 people were killed in a landslide at the Hpakant jade mine in northern Kachin State. The new Aung San Suu Kyi-led government has vowed to investigate that incident and others where people's lives and the environment have been affected. BY: Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) | ||||||||
| Posted: 26 Jun 2016 11:28 PM PDT A presentation by the Shan Representatives At the Multi-Nationalities Seminar Held at the Rangoon City Hall (September 29, 1957)
FOREWORD FOR SHANLAND'S GRIEVANCES This translation is a result of second thoughts which occurred after the completion of the preceding booklet – the Secession Issue: To part or together. As the latter's commentary on Shan grievances was too brief and generalized, making it difficult for outsiders to understand fully why the Shans are "on strike", I decided this further translation was needed. All thanks are due to my friends who took such time as trouble to edit my miserable English. Khuensai Jaiyen July 9, 1982 Re-edited:27 June 2016 *The presentation was prepared by U Htoon Myint Taunggyi—Translator* Mr. Chairman, Venerable Monks, honored citizens, esteemed Members of Parliament and representatives from fellow nationalities, I offer you my respects and sincere thanks. I am especially honored and heartened because, firstly, I have the opportunity to present our grievances at this historic seminar, and secondly because I have the opportunity to meet fellow representatives from various States and to enter into close discussion with them. I believe that the rest of the representatives will feel as honored and heartened as I do. At the same time, I recall the first meeting between us ten years ago. It was at the historic conference attended by the late General Aung San and leaders of various nationalities in Panglong that ended successfully on February 12, 1947. We first met then to secure an enduring unity. I sincerely hope this meeting will further cement the unity that was established there. Mr. Chairman and representatives from nationalities of common suffering, before we unfold the facts surrounding our present grievances, allow me to present a brief past history of Shanland. PAST HISTORY Regrettably, a review of the past finds that the people of Shanland have throughout history been "other people's slaves." During the reign of the Burmese emperors, the Shan princes and princelings were forced to pay tribute in the form of gold and silver garlands and beautiful maidens. Their people consequently became servants and slaves. The Burmese enlisted their services both in wars involving territorial disputes, and in wars of expansion, such as the invasions of Siam, Manipur, etc. Shanland followed Burma into the British Colonial Empire in the wake of King Thibaw's forced exile. And when I 1942 Burma was occupied by Japanese fascists, Shanland too was occupied. It was when Shans allied themselves with Burmese comrades to struggle against Japanese fascism that we began to see political awakening in Shanland. There arose among the Shan people an unprecedented aversion to a life of enslavement, a longing for freedom and an urge to determine their own destiny. However, for a people anxious to achieve freedom, their organization was still weak. In searching for allies, they chose the people of Burma, who were in the same situation. During their over 100-year-long subjuagion by the British the two countries had developed a closeness with respect to economy, religion, culture and tradition. British colonialists had tried to distance the Shans, Kachins, etc. from the Burmese, but nevertheless, the realization had dawned on us that freedom could only be won by unity between the Hill Peoples and the Burmese, rather than by fighting separately. Leaders of the various national groups therefore met in February 1947 at the Shan town of Panglong to forge unity. One of the Hill Peoples' worries then was whether the Burmese would turn out to be worse than the British colonialists in terms of political, administrative, economic, cultural and racial discrimination. Frankly, they were not looking forward to the kind of freedom where the Burmese merely replaced the British as Shans' masters. For this reason, Bogyoke Aung San had to patiently spend time persuading the various national representatives of the need for unity. The Anti Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) headed by him and other progressive Burmese leaders then agreed to the following points: 1. The present cooperation shall not affect future cooperation or separation. 2. Despite agreement to join the Union, the Shans shall reserve the right to secede if the when they choose. 3. The Shans can still join the Union even thought they shall choose to defer their decision to do so until after the convening of the Constituent Assembly. 4. Full autonomy for internal affairs. 5. No prejudice against the customs and traditions of the Shans. The non-Burmese recognized that nobody could be more magnanimous than this, and they warmly welcomed this fresh stand. They naively trusted Aung San at his word. They thought that other Burmese leaders would also uphold the same lofty ideals. However, today's grievances in the States prove that our naïve faith in the Burmese leaders was an unpardonable mistake. The non-Burmese then signed the Panglong Agreement, having joined together to cooperate in overthrowing the British colonialists. Here I would like to point out the following main points in the Agreement: 5.Full autonomy in internal administration for the Frontier Areas is accepted in principle. 7.Citizens of the Frontier Areas shall enjoy rights and privileges which are regarded as fundamental in democratic countries. 8.The arrangements in the Agreement are without prejudice to the financial autonomy now vested in the Federated Shan States. Concerning the rights of secession, Bogkyoke Aung San said clearly: "The right of secession must be given, but it is our duty to prove our sincerity so that they don't wish to leave." He had also warned Burmese residents in the Shan States to refrain from the practice of bullying: "Burmese citizens in Shanland, live in fraternity with the Shans! Don't go in for bullying. Those who are intent upon it shall have to answer to me before anything else!" Such were his clear words. During the drafting of the Constitution, Shan representatives had vehemently opposed the inclusion of Section 202 in the Chapter dealing with the Right of Secession: "The right of secession shall not be exercised within ten years from the date on which this Constitution comes into operation." We opposed it because it was contradictory to the Principle of Federation and in violation of the minority rights. But Bogyoke Aung San, after explaining both the international and domestic situation at that time, asked to be allowed to implement at least two Five-year Union Development Plans. Only after these plans had been given a chance to work should we be allowed to secede at will if we were still dissatisfied. His words so moved the Shans that they finally agreed to the 10-year condition. So it was that Shanland joined Burma, and now both have been free from the British colonialist yoke for ten years. It is therefore time to assess what has been gained and what has been lost during the period. I shall do this by making a comparison with the British era with respect to two issues: 1. Whether or not we have enjoyed equality, and 2. Whether or not the Shan State has totally and freely enjoyed the right of self-determination. POLITICAL GRIEVANCES First of all, allow me to point out the irregularity in the composition of the Chamber of Nationalities, which has caused the Shans to suffer a loss of their democratic rights. As we all know, there exists in the Union Parliament two component houses, namely the Chamber of Deputies (the lower house) and the Chamber of Nationalities (the Upper House). As members of the Lower House are being selected on a population quota basis, the Burmese naturally enjoy a majority of seats. Such being the case, were there only a single House in the Legislature, the minorities would obviously be at the mercy of the Burmese majority. Therefore, in order to safeguard their rights, another House, the Chamber of Nationalities had to be created. This is a very equitable arrangement. However, let us now see whether the Upper House has lived up to our expectations. A look at the composition of the Upper House reveals a conspicuous irregularity: according to Section 154 (2), Shan members in the Upper House can be elected by the ruling princes only from among themselves. At the same time, they are being denied the right to become members of the Lower House. 152 (2). All the representatives from the Shan State in the Chamber of Nationalities shall be elected by the Saophas of the Shan State from among themselves. The Saophas shall not be eligible for membership of the Chamber of Deputies. (Translator's Appendage) In the Chamber of Nationalities, the Shan State is allotted 25 seats. But the problem is that the representatives cannot be elected by the people. Only the princes enjoy the right to choose from among themselves. This proves that: 1. The people of the Shan State do not have the right to choose their own representatives in the Upper House. This is a loss of their democratic rights. 2. At the same time, the princes are denied the right to be elected to the lower house, which is also a loss of democratic rights on their part. Ideally, both the Shan people and the Saophas should democratically elect their representatives to the Upper House, while the Saophas themselves should be allowed to become elected members of the Lower House. Next, I would like to discuss the appointment of the State Chief Minister. According to Section 160, the Prime Minister only appoints the State Chief Minister, called the Minister for the Shan State, after consultation with the State legislature, called the Shan State Council. Section 180. A member of the Union Government to be known as the Minister for the Shan state shall be appointed by the President on nomination of the Frime Minister acting in consultation with the Shan State Council from among the Members of Parliament representing the Shan State. The Minister so appointed shall also be the Head of the Shan State for the purposes of this Constitution. (Translator's Appendage) On the surface, there is nothing wrong with the said Section. The Prime minister should indeed consult the respective State council before appointment. However, it should also provide who holds the real power to elect the Chief Minister. In a democracy, this power should normally belong to the State Council concerned. In practice, if the person elected by the State Council concerned happens to be pro-the Prime Minister in office or pro-AFPFL, the Prime Minister accepts him readily and jubilantly. On the other hand, if he does not happen to be a supporter of the Prime Minister in office or the AFPFL, the Prime Minister not only refuses to accept him but forcibly dismisses him. The first Chief Minister elected by a majority vote in the Shan State Council was U Htoon Myint Langkhurh, but he was not accepted by U Nu and finally ended up in a different portfolio. As both of them are still alive, I am sure they can certify the fact. (Translator's Note: According to Ohn Pe Taunggyi, Htoon Myint was threatened with outright dismissal, as empowered by Section 56 (3): "The President shall, on the advice of the Prime Minister, accept the resignation or terminate the appointment of any member of the Union Government.") To what extent the Prime Minister ruthlessly meddles in the appointment of Chief Ministers, we have only to ask the Chins. The present Minister for Chin Affairs, U Zahre Lyan can surely testify to this. What really happens is that the name of the Chief Minister elect has to be submitted to the Prime Minister for consideration, and he is appointed only if he is acceptable to the Prime Minister. He is removed if he does not suit the Prime minister's fancy. In this manner, the Prime Minister's personal wish prevails over that of the majority in the State concerned. This is firstly a blatant violation of the democratic tradition. Secondly it is an intimidation of the whole State Council concerned, since it forces them to acquiesce to the Prime Minister's wishes. Allow me to explain this further. If the State Council is dominated by an anti-AFPFL majority, the Chief Minister elect logically will come from that party, which is clearly what the Prime minister is unlikely to accept. The proper way to have a pro-AFPFL Chief Minister is, of course, to have a pro-AFPFL dominated State Council. And the only way to have this it to campaign for more AFPFL votes during the polls. Unfortunately the Prime Minister's conduct is rendering meaningless the State's right of self-determination. It is interference in the States internal affairs. This will become more evident as I proceed to present further how it really is in practice. MILITARY RULE Allow me now to present how the Mainland Government, by using different strategies, is trying to undermine the whole Shan State administrative apparatus. For instance, martial law was introduced in the Shan State in 1952, thereby collapsing State administration. The Mainland Government then, citing the Kuomintang invasion of the Shan State, sent more troops than was needed into the Shan State. At first the Shan people were beholden by what they regarded as the Mainland's goodwill. They offered their services to the front lines in very possible way so the Burma Army could successfully launch its operations. However, under the pretext of anti-Kuomintang war efforts, the Mainland Government engaged in unwelcome interference. Areas far from KMT troops such a Yawnghwe, Kalaw, Taunggyi, Mongpawn, Loilem, Laikha and Mong Keung were also designated Militarized Zones and placed under military rule. However, the Mainland Central Government's politico-military ploy could not be disguised for long. Nobody can deny that fascistic bullying, tortures and injustices were committed by members of the Military Intelligence Service (MIS) who were taking advantage of martial law. The military, unbidden, rode roughshod into local administrative affairs, making unwarranted arrests and suppressing the population. As a result, the whole Shan State is now sickened by the sight of the Burma Army because of their despotic practices. The AFPFL Central Government, instead of checking their mistakes, continued to make another ploy: In 1955, martial law was revoked, but in practice, nothing has changed as far as the people are concerned, although martial law was withdrawn, the Army was not. The people therefore remain under their boots. This is how the hopelessly arrogant AFPFL Government, by misusing the Burma Army as a tool, has been shamelessly interfering in Shan affairs. And this is only a summary of life under martial law. DEMOCRACY Allow me to take this opportunity to further present the features and standard of democracy prevailing in Shan State. There is no need to explain in depth and breadth the principles of democracy, with have been familiar to the world for centuries, but, it would be helpful to bring to light their general essence for our purpose. Everybody will agree that the democratic system rests entirely on the rights of human beings to think, express themselves and propagate freely. So let us examine here what systems have been dominating in our Shanland, one of the bright stars in the Union, which is supposed to have been founded on democratic principles. It will not be necessary to explain in length how Shanland has been, since pre-independence days, enjoying the status of the State. Administrative power was in the hands of the ruling princes. The whole Shanland was at the mercy of their customary law, better known as Section 10. Exercising the power provided by Section 10, the ruling princes could persecute and arrest any person at will. This was generally considered the worst evil that could befall any person. However, when the Japanese occupation resulted in the let-up of Section 10, the degree of suffering in fact increased. We were subject to the usual fascist treatment: slapping of faces and ears, confiscation of property, rapes, etc. It was only natural that the people stood up to oppose them. By 1945, thanks to the unity forged with the Burmese people, we were able to expel the Japanese fascists and celebrate our victory. These sufferings under two successive regimes taught the Shans to try and find a way out. The result was the successful overthrow of British colonialism in unity with the Burmese. The Shan people actually believed that they would soon be enjoying the fruits of democracy in the independent Union era. However, our dreams have not been fulfilled, ever though ten years have elapsed. According to the Constitution, our State was granted free and total administrative power. But in practice, we are being subjected to the AFPFL socialists' intrusions in our affairs. - They provided cash and arms to organizations under their control in order to sow discord among the people of Shan State. In short, they themselves have been practicing the Divide-and-Rule policy. - The military is being used to oppressing and suppressing people. Martial law was introduced in 1952 and lifted in 1955. But in reality, the troops were not withdrawn, In fact, even more troops are being imported into Shanland, and the people have continued to suffer under the military. Therefore, regardless of the fact that they say they do not want to meddle in our State affairs, in practice they cannot deny their shameless interference. As the Burmese saying goes: "The mouth says God, but the hands are spread out." A plain example can be seen from their disposal of the Pa-O National Organization (PNO). - The PNO President, Heng Maung, disappeared after being summoned by the Burmese authorities. There has been no trace of him since. - Just about the same time, U Pyu, U Kyaw Sein and U Htun Yee were unjustly arrested and kept in captivity under the notorious Section 5. - And just before the 1956 Parliamentary Elections, U Aung Tha, a Pa-O candidate and four of his colleagues were "invited by our captain" and strangely murdered. Up to this day, the Government has failed to expose the culprits. These barbarous acts have stuck in the Shan people's hearts like hammered nails. I would like to assure you that they will neither be forgotten nor forgiven. If one compares this behavior to Japanese atrocities, the Burmese clearly are enjoying a comfortable lead. Peaceful villagers are tortured, murdered and relocated on mere suspicion of being in touch with rebels. In this way they forcibly moved people from the villages of Hoteung and Tawngnawk in Laikha to Loilem. They also threatened to burn down other villages that refused to obey their orders. Villagers in the eastern Shan State are being press-ganged as porters and laborers like during the Japanese occupation. They even had to take their rations with them from their homes. For months, they have to risk their lives at the front-lines to follow army orders. And their reward for all their services is kicking and beating from the soldiers. Some ferrymen in the Taping Ferry in the Namlwe were reported to have been kicked down from their vessels into the rushing torrents. Mules and horses are also seized for army use without compensation. The owners have even been forced to hire grooms for them. Nowadays, the appropriation of private automobiles is continually making headlines in the papers, and has been causing discontent among the Shan auto community. Most outrageous for the Shan people are the overwhelming number of reports of rape cases in the east. One of the blackest events in the Union's history must be the news of the death of a holy nun after being gang-raped. And on top of all this, instances of Shan girls being sold in the cities by Burmese soldiers are being witnessed. One of the most distasteful acts is the enticement of Burmese soldiers with monetary rewards to marry Shan girls. This is certainly an act of deliberated racial degradation. Considering this political and racial oppression, I would venture to state that Shanland is displaying the unenviable characteristics of a colonized country. ECONOMIC GRIEVANCES Mr. Chairman after presenting these political issues, allow me to present how we are suffering and being exploited economically. Every national group knows that the Shan State is the richest in the Union, both economically and in terms of natural resources. Our main economic endeavors are mining, forestry and agriculture. That we have been enjoying these endeavors only in name –that we have been consuming only the bones and not the meat itself – I would like to explain under separate headings. MINING Prior to explaining the mining issue, I would like to acquaint you with the abundance of Shan subterranean resources. The following is the average annual value of minerals extracted during the period 1935-1940 from Burma (i.e. Shan State). Serial Mineral Amount Value 1 Silver 6 mil.ounces 2 Lead 77,000 tons Totaling 4.3 mil 3 Zinc 60,000 tons pounds sterling 4 Wolfram 10% of worlds needs or 60 mil. Rupees &35% of empire needs GEOLOGICAL REPORTS A study of Indian geological reports made by Dr.Coggin and Sondhi in 1933 reveals Northern Shan's incredible mining potential…As for Southern Shan's remarkable resources, they can be studied from the reports made by a G.V. Hobson… Unfortunately, the Shan State government does not enjoy the right to dig its own wealth. According to the Constitution's Third Schedule, List 1&2, states are not authorized to extract and develop these treasure troves. The right belongs exclusively to the Central Government. This explains how powerless the States are in terms of economy. We would especially like to emphasize how helpless the States are in practice. It should be more understandable if we compare the current situation with the colonial period. According to the 19thReport: Year Profit (in Rupees) 1936 10.5 mil 1937 16.5 mil 1938 8.7 mil 1939 6.9 mil Total 42.6 mil (av 10.85 mil) The profits were shared among the foreign companies. The Shan people did not receive any part of them. Now that we are independent, Shans should naturally be sharing the profits. However, contrary to reason, they are not. The only beneficiaries are the foreign companies and the AFPFL Government who are partners in the joint-venture. During the colonial period, the Federated Shan States government at least received 99% of the taxes from the Namtu-Bawdwin Mines, if not the profits. But after independence, the Shan people and their Government are being totally deprived of both the profits and the taxes. It is the same with other mining enterprises. The Shans enjoy neither the profits not the taxes. The profits go to the Ministerial Resources Development Corporation (MRDC) and some Burmese capitalists, while the taxes go to the Central Government. This is the reason why even though the land is rich, the people are still deep in poverty. Some would of course argue that I have ignored the State Subsidies, but I hope you will allow me to answer this in the appropriate section. FORESTRY Prior to explaining about forestry, allow me to acquaint you with the abundance of the Shan forests, according to statistics from 1938-39, the Shan forests cover an area of 19,036 square miles and the Shan Government received 1.1 million from the logging and timber business. However, as in mining, the Shan Government now has no right, according to the Constitution, to engage in logging and timber production. Only the Central Government holds this special privilege. During colonial days, the profits from logging and timber went to the foreign companies, though the Shan Government got the taxes. In contrast, after independence, the profits are going to the State Timber Bureau (of the Central Government), while the taxes are going to the Central Government. The Shan people and their Government are being deprived of both benefits. As a consequence, despite Shanland's verdant landscape, its people are living in want. Here also, some may argue about the State Subsidies, but again, the hope you will allow me to explain this later in the appropriate chapter. AGRICULTURE After mining and forestry, allow me to present the subject of agriculture. Even though I have placed it last, I would like to point out that it is not of lesser importance. Agriculture comprises the growing of rice, wheat, gram-pea, peanuts, potatoes, onions, coffee, tea, cheroot-leaves and the cultivation of orchards of pineapples, oranges, etc. 80% of the population make their living mainly from agriculture. According to the Constitution, the Shan people and their Government are free to engage in this field. Yet, without warning, one million acres of Shan arable land were handed over to Israeli capitalists in March 1956, in accordance with the terms of agreement of the Burma-Israeli Economic Accord. One million acres is roughly half of the total arable land of the Shan State. The Central Government, on such an issue of importance, had simply forgotten to consult with or ask for consent from the Shan people and its government beforehand. This is a deliberate undermining of the Shan people's rights, and a direct violation of the provisions in the Constitution which say, in effect, that land must be cultivated only by citizens of the Union. Consequently, Shan students, workers, peasants and patriotic individuals have strongly protested against this agreement. However, the AFPFL Government simply ignored the protests and forged ahead. This is clearly a veiled insult to the States. Therefore, when it comes to economic matters, who can guarantee that the AFPFL government will not continue to abuse us as they did over the Burma-Israeil affair? I am making this presentation at this seminar so that all the participants can deliberate these issues thoroughly. STATE SUBSIDIES Mr. Chairman and groups of common suffering, I would now like to explain about the State Subsidies that I referred to earlier. Subsidies, as the name implies, do not mean liabilities or bounden duties, but donations according to the prevailing goodwill of the Central Government. Even the name itself is overbearing and self-complimentary. To make my point clear, I would like to bring to light the financial arrangement between the Shan Government and the Mainland Government during the 1940-41 fiscal year. During that year, the Shan government received from the Mainland Government the following percentages of various taxes: 1. Import-export sea customs…7% 2. Salt, sugar, cash and cigarettes…6.7% 3. Gasoline, kerosene and matches imported from Burma..100% 4. Namtu Silver mines…99% 5. Government and Railway Department Personnel income..100% 6. Government lottery sales in Federated Shan States…40% 7. Alcoholic liquor imported from Burma…100% 8. Exported lacquer…93.1% 9. Exported cutch…2% 10. Railway profits…7% 11. Postal and Telegraph…7% 12. Profit from Coinage Department (from India to Burma)..5% The total revenue for the Shan Government was approximately 5,888,000 rupees. In the same year, the Shan Government, as a liability, paid the Mainland Government the following percentages: 1. Total port customs expenditure…6.2% 2. Total expenditure incurred from salt, sugar and match taxation…6.2% 3. Railway Departments loss…7% 4. Postal and Telegraph Department's loss…7% 5. Total debts of Railway, Postal and Telegraph Departments to India..7% 6. Total debts to India…6.8% 7. Assistance to missionary activities under Defense Department…6.8% 8. Expenses incurred during census (according to population quota)…6.8% 9. Payment for coining to India…5% 10. Total retirement pay to India…6.6% 11. Defense expenditure…6.8% The total payment for that year was 2,382,000 rupees. One discovers here that the financial relationship between Shan and Burma even during those days was not that between the DONATOR and the DONATED, but in terms of liability to pay and to receive. It is unfortunate that after we have become Free, we have to use th4e word "subsidy", a discrimination even in terms of terminology. This is not yet all. The Post-Independence financial relationship between the two Governments, instead of being on a fair quota basis, has become decidedly disadvantageous for the Shans. The so-called subsidies from the Central Government are far less than the total per capita dues, as can be observed for the following statistics: Fiscal Total Revenue Total payment Net Revenue Subsidy Deficit Year due due (population basis) (population basis) 1951-52 33,128,960 19,883,360 13,245,600 10,277,780 2,967,820 1953-53 68,142,560 30,920,800 37,221,760 14,460,000 22,761,760 1954-55 59,729,440 29,109,040 30,822,400 14,460,000 16,362,400 The above statistics are calculated from the Government's Revenue. Now let us calculate from the Government's Expenditure. According to the 1952-53 Fiscal Year Budget statistics: Heading Mainland pop. 14,717,097 Shan pop. 1,617,000 Expense Expense Expense Expense Estimates per capita Estimates per capita Forestry 7,663,000 0.52 704,340 0.44 Local Ad 21,113,000 1.43 1,241,250 0.77 Justice 7,629,000 0.52 115,400 0.07 Police 66,974,000 4.55 931,000 0.58 Education 52,263,000 3.55 2,303,700 1.42 Medical 11,396,000 0.57 1,468,700 0.91 Pub Health 16,356,000 1.11 636,850 0.39 Agri 6,693,000 0.45 586,900 0.36 Veterinary 1,045,000 0.07 293,600 0.16 Indust&Tech 1,887,000 0.13 26,600 0.02 Civil Wks 32,789,000 2.23 3,871,200 2.39 Stationery &Printing 4,537,000 0.30 39.000 0.02 Total 230,345,000 15.63 12,218,540 7.55 (Translator's note: The population figures are from 1941 census) Due to the lack of a fair quota basis, the Shan annual budgets have been imbalanced, as can be seen here: 1956-57 Fiscal Year State Budget Statistics State State Revenue Subsidies Normal Expenditure From Central Shan 4,127,340 12,500,000 17,211,000 Kachin 3,904,230 7,500,000 12,069,000 Kayah 506,390 2,000,000 2,938,000 Karen 2,008,430 3,800,000 6,916,000 If the budgets that fail to cover even normal expenditures are to be continued, how can one be expected to work on the progress and prosperity of one's State? Considering the facts that I have presented: --The Shan people being deprived of the benefits from economic enterprises in their State; --The inequality between the Central and the State Governments on the allocation of national revenue; and --The failure of State budgets even to cover normal expenditure; I wish to suggest that the Shan state has the economic characteristics of a colonized country. CONCLUSION Mr. Chairman and all nationalities of common suffering, we have seen that Shanland bears that political and economic characteristic of colony, and that its plight is even worse than it was during the British colonial era. These grievances have caused the voices of discontent and the cries for secession to become louder and louder. Therefore, on behalf of the Shan people, I would like to request the nationalities, who share our suffering and the representatives of the oppressed Burmese people in this momentous meeting, to help consider how we can save luckless Shanland and work for its progress and prosperity. TOWARDS THE UNITY OF ALL NATIONAL GROUPS! END OF TEXT IMPORTANT DATES FOLLOWING THIS BOOKLET September 28, 1958 First military takeover April 24,1959 Princes forced to relinquish power February, 1960 Return to Parliamentary rule after General Elections February 24, 1961 "Equal Shanland in the Union", written by Htoon Myint Taunggyi, which formed a basis for the Constitutional Amendment Proposal, better known as the Shan Proposal. June, 8-16, 1961 The Inter-States Convention where the Amendment Proposal was read and approved. The Main points were: 1. To make Burma a state 2. To grant equal power to the two Houses of Parliament 3. All States should be allowed to send an equal number of representatives to the Upper House, ie.e, the Chamber of Nationalities 4. To reserve the following matters for the Central our Union Government and let the States have power in the remaining matters: Foreign Affairs Defense Finance Coinage and paper currency Post and Telegraph Rail ways, airways and waterways Union Judiciary (Federal Judiciary) Sea Customs duty 5. To distribute the revenue collected by the Federal or Union Government among all the States in fair proportion. March 1,1962 Multi-Nationalities Convention held at the Burma Broadcasting Service on Prome Road, Rangoon, to discuss the "Shan Proposal" March 2, 1962 Second takeover by the military which unilaterally declared the Constitution null and void. TURMOIL IN THE BLUE HILLS Lakes, woodlands and mountains blend in harmony That is where Shan State has lain from time of yore Renowned for its lovely dames and superb scenery But now the peace has left and misery flows. In every nook and corner uniforms spell danger Harsh orders mingle with the boom of guns Pushed and pulled around, the Shan people suffer Ever since Shan State and Burma became one. All sorts of tragedies reign upon the blue hills Endless tears stream down from desperate eyes Nothing else but cries, mourns, wails and shrills Could answer to the evil force that terrorizes. For Shan State there awaits a sinister destiny For her sons and daughters an eventual doom There is no solution to this unenviable calamity Save the mercy of the so-called socialist grooms. (Poo Loiban) in Tai Youth Magazine | ||||||||
| New government, old drug policy? Posted: 26 Jun 2016 07:39 PM PDT A new civilian government headed by the National League for Democracy's (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi and President Htin Kyaw, took office in March of this year, bringing to an end more than half a century of direct military rule. The NLD government, which doesn't control the crucial defense, border affairs and home affairs ministries, has indicated that it will prioritize several longstanding issues, namely national reconciliation, peace and the establishment of a "democratic federal union". [1]
Although much of Burma's drug production is exported to the rest of Asia, a large amount is destined for the country's domestic market, where the devastating results can clearly be seen. Northern Burma, in particular Shan and Kachin States, have for a number year been beset by a serious and widespread drug crisis fueled by an abundance of cheap and readily available heroin and amphetamines. Though hard data remains scarce and unreliable, anecdotal evidence suggests that large numbers of young people in northern Burma, particularly those from ethnic minorities, are dying every year due to drug overdoses and drug related illnesses such as Hepatitis C and HIV. Despite the urgency of the problem, existing treatment programs, particularly in ethnic areas, remain woefully inadequate. A result of years of government inaction and chronic underfunding of the country's health system. Furthermore the current legal regulations, in particular the 1993 Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substance Law which heavily penalize users for having small amounts of drugs, are widely considered to have undermined efforts to treat drug users. Leaving many users languishing in decrepit prisons serving long sentences, where drugs can be found in abundance. Opium and its refined form, heroin, have a long history in Burma and in Shan State, which by some estimates is thought to be currently producing 95% of South East Asia's opium supply. In 1999, the then ruling military regime declared a 15-year master plan to make Burma opium-free. As many regime critics predicted at the time, this ambitious plan was unsuccessful. Rather than going down over this period overall opium production is widely believed to have increased, perhaps by as much as 50%. According to estimates from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) between the years 2006 and 2013, Burma's share of the world market of illicit opium increased from 5 to 25 percent[1]. In October 2012, the government of then President Thein Sein, announced that it was extending the deadline to eradicate opium to 2019. Whether Aung San Suu Kyi's new government will continue to aim for this deadline, or ignore it altogether remains to be seen. The Burmese government's drug policy has for many years been shaped by the military which until very recently dominated the day to day running of the country. These policies have been described by one expert, Tom Kramer, of the Transnational Institute (TNI), an Amsterdam based NGO, as "repressive and outdated, with an ineffective focus on arresting drug users and eradicating poppy fields"[2] Those like Kramer, who advocate for a change in direction of Burma's policies, have emphasized that the government should prioritize policies aimed at providing more treatment for users and increase harm reduction methods such as needle exchanges that are aimed at reducing the spread of HIV and Hepatitis C amongst intravenous drug users. They have also called for a shift from the poppy eradication efforts to alternative forms of development that would lessen small scale farmers reliance on poppy production over time. Despite the fact that the government is now headed by a civilian government, any proposed change in the country's drug policy that the NLD may want to bring about will ultimately be heavily determined by the military, whose continued over the Ministry of Home Affairs and thus the police, is enshrined in the constitution. Further complicating matters, the military and many of its militia allies have been themselves repeatedly implicated in the drug trade. As British scholar Patrick Meehan recently wrote, in an essay published by the East Asia Forum, this has been particularly clear in Shan State. "Taxing farmers, traders and traffickers became a means through which army units stationed across Shan State financed themselves in accordance with demands from central command that they 'live off the land', rather than rely on the central supply system." The US State Department's International Narcotics Control Strategy Report signaled out the previous military regime in 2007 for its "failure to investigate and prosecute senior military officials for drug-related corruption." Today some nine years later there is little evidence that the government's appetite to probe these kinds of allegations has changed in any meaningful way. Opium growers call for change in policy:
"We grow crops because of financial need, most of us are poor and strive for survival, we are struggling against financial barriers and problems. We use opium as a medicine and it is part of our traditional livelihood. We believe it protects us from evil and brings good luck. We demand respect for our traditional lifestyle and are not criminals. We are now threatened with forced eradication which would cause us to fall into debt as we sell our crops before growing them. We require services that are currently lacking. Very few of us have so far benefited from AD programs [Alternative Development]. These should be designed with our help. We want the UNGASS [UN General Assembly Special Session] to result in an end to the treatment of farmers as criminals. Please improve development programs with our support and to support us". Dr Nang Pann Ei Kham's comments were well received by the co-chair of the session she was speaking on Peruvian President Humala who noted the similarities with his own country. "Just like coca in our country, opium is not used traditionally only for drugs but for many other purposes", Humala said in response to Dr Nang Pann Ei Kham's speech. The current drug situation in Shan state: - UN estimates Many in the international community rely on figures provided by the UNODC for opium poppy cultivation in Burma and the media often report on the UNODC's drug estimates figures, though there continues to be questions about how reliable and accurate these figures are. According to the UNODC Burma's opium crop in 2015 "remained stable for the third consecutive year". The UNODC estimates that Burma had 55,500 hectares of poppies under cultivation in 2015, most of this is said to be in Shan State. According to the UNODC in 2015 Shan State continued to be the main area for Burma's opium and heroin trade, being host to an estimated 91 per cent of the Golden Triangle's opium production[1]. UNODC obtains much of the information needed to make its estimates on opium production and other drug related data from the Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC), a practice that has its critics who question the reliability of the figures that UNODC cites. For example a 2010 report published by the Palaung Women's Organization (PWO) took the UNODC to task for its data collection methods. "PWO assessments have documented that the actual area of opium cultivation in Northern Shan State is much higher than the area given by the UNODC in their recent opium surveys. During the 2008-9 season, the acreage found by PWO for only two townships out of the total of 23 townships in Northern Shan State was nearly three times the total recorded by UNODC for all the 23 townships," reads the PWO report Poisoned Hills[1]. The UNODC's latest report also published figures provided by the Burmese government on the government's poppy eradication efforts and opium seizures, something it does every year. The government's figures claim that 13,450 hectares of poppies were destroyed in the 2015 season. But as UNODC acknowledged in its report the UN agency did "not monitor or validate the results of the eradication campaign or seizures carried out by GOUM [Government of the Union of Myanmar]". Leaving many questions about the reliability of the government's self reported figures. Recent Army raid in Shan State on treatment center:
According to a volunteer at the center which is located in Zerngtai village, more than 50 soldiers from the Burma Army's Division 88 were involved in the raid. Those arrested included Sai Chit Ngwe, head of the rehabilitation center who is also the headman of a nearby village known as Village 19. Another person detained at the center was Sai Sarm Bee, the headman of village tract No. 3 and Sai Ai Aung, the headman of Zerngtai village tract. "This center is a rehabilitation center. The people living here were brought to treat their illness", said a volunteer at the center. "We do not produce any drugs. We only make paper", he said: a reference to Ghost Money used in traditional Chinese funerals. Despite conflict in Shan State drugs readily available and cheap:
People in Shan state report that despite the onset of heavy fighting over the past year, heroin and amphetamines continue to be easily available in much of the state. The fighting between ethnic armed groups and government forces, and also between ethnic armed groups, has displaced thousands of refugees over the past year, and disrupted trade and other economic activities. Despite the upheaval in much of northern Shan State the price of drugs on the street does not appear to have changed significantly and in some areas has in fact decreased in price. Though prices and quality of drugs across the state vary significantly; low quality methamphetamine pills can be usually bought for as little as 1,500 Kyats ($ 1.27) with better quality pills available, at slightly higher prices of between 2,500 to 3,000 Kyats ($2.12- 2.55). Heroin is often easier to obtain in villages and towns than opium which has compelled many long term opium users to switch to heroin. Much of the heroin available in Shan State and northern Burma overall is far from pure and has been diluted by drug sellers with chemicals. Long time heroin users also say that heroin bought on the streets these days is far weaker than in the past, likely a result of dealers and distributors attempts to increase their profits. Download PDF file: Drug report for June 2016 |
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Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss public spaces in Yangon. Public spaces like gardens, sports grounds, streets and lakes used for firefighting purposes were grabbed through various methods under Yangon's previous government. We'll discuss how we can get those public spaces back and prevent similar land grabbing in the future. Yangon divisional lawmaker U Nay Myo Kyaw (aka) U Nay Phone Latt of Thingangyun constituency and Irrawaddy senior reporter Ko Kyaw Phyo Tha will join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.
