Thursday, April 4, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Six Rohingya Workers Killed in Army Helicopter Attack

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 08:03 AM PDT

YANGON—At least six Rohingya casual laborers in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township were killed and more than 10 were wounded in an attack by Army helicopters on Wednesday afternoon, according to a military spokesman and witnesses.

Ahmad Ramahi (name changed for his safety) from Kin Taung Rohingya village said three neighbors from Tha Pyu Chaung were shot to death and one wounded; two from Hpon Nyo Leik were killed and three wounded; one from his village was killed and three injured; while four from Hteik Tu Pauk village were wounded by in the helicopter attack. Others from different villages were also injured, he said.

He said most of Rohingya villagers rely on bamboo harvesting in the summer season as the main traditional small business in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships. They normally store the extra bamboo cuttings near the Saidin waterfall in order to make bamboo rafts, which are the only way to transport the bamboo to markets and urban areas.

As usual, the Saidin Waterfall area was crowded with several hundred Rohingya casual laborers on Wednesday, and the region was peaceful until noon. At about 2 p.m, a helicopter fired machine gun rounds and hellfire missiles into the crowds twice, witnesses said.

Ahmad Ramahi said, "There was no armed engagement with the Arakan Army [AA] before the Army attack helicopter flew over the Saidin River.”

Another Kin Taung villager, Abu Sayyaf, corroborated that there was no fighting between the AA and Army troops in the region. He claimed that several hundred Rohingya villagers were making a bamboo raft for floating down the river and some were carrying bamboo from the forest to the foot of waterfall, when the workers were abruptly fired upon by a helicopter for no apparent reason.

“The rest of the workers are Muslim,” Abu Sayyaf said.

A worker who was wounded by shrapnel and received medical treatment at Buthidaung Hospital said, "The helicopter shot at us for about half an hour.”

A village administrator from Hpon Nyo Leik told The Irrawaddy over the phone from downtown Buthidaung that a total of five bodies were transported to Buthidaung General Hospital on Thursday morning.

An Arakanese from Kyar Nyo Pyin village said that a helicopter flew from the direction of Myo Ma Chaung to the Saidin waterfall. Since last week, as several villages were attacked by military convoys, most of the villagers from that region fled to urban areas.

Regarding the deaths of civilians in Sai Din valley, Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun, a spokesman for the Office of the Commander-in-Chief, said that about 150 members of the AA reached the region on Wednesday and clashed with the Myanmar Army at noon. And then at about 7 p.m. the AA members attacked a military base situated near Hpon Nyo Leik.

When asked whether the rest of the dead civilians and patients in hospital were Rohingya Muslims, he said, "As Bengalis were together with the AA there, about six were killed and nine wounded. At the moment, we are providing them medical treatment at a Tatmadaw [Myanmar military] hospital.”

The term "Bengali" is widely used in Myanmar to refer to Rohingya.

In 2017, Myanmar military clearance operations in Rakhine State following a series of deadly attacks on security forces by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army caused about 700,000 Rohingya to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.

The post Six Rohingya Workers Killed in Army Helicopter Attack appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Media Outlets Threatened over Rakhine Coverage

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 05:20 AM PDT

YANGON—The Irrawaddy and several other independent media outlets in Myanmar have received anonymous threats since late last week over their coverage of the ongoing fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) and government troops.

Clashes between the AA, which seeks autonomy for Arakanese people in Rakhine State, and the Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) intensified early this year following the rebels' attacks on police outposts in northern Rakhine State on Jan. 4. The government announcedlast week that there had been 103 incidents of fighting between the Tatmadaw and the AA since January, resulting in the deaths of 12 civilians. The Myanmar Army admitted there had been casualties on both sides.

Since mid-March, the two sides have accused each other of opening fire on civilians. The Tatmadaw claims such incidents occur because AA troops try to mingle with local residents.

The civilian causalities have dominated the headlines of local publications.

Early this week, prominent local media including The Irrawaddy, Eleven, 7 Day, the Voice, Mizzima and others received threats, either verbally by phone or digitally via fake email accounts, over their coverage of the fighting in Rakhine.

On Tuesday, Yangon-based Eleven Media reported it had received more than one email on Monday threatening employees' safety regarding their coverage of the AA.

An email sent to Eleven reads: "AA is not a terrorist organization but fighting for the Rakhine fatherland. Media outlets have to stop [spreading] wrong information that could lead to misunderstandings between the AA and Rakhine, and other ethnic people. If it does not, news outlets will face damage. We can't guarantee the safety of media houses and their reporters. If there [appears] anything bad about AA despite our warnings, we will blast your organization."

Shortly before other media outlets received the threats, security staff at the The Irrawaddy office received a threat from an anonymous phone caller on Saturday night. According to the threat report submitted to the editorial team on Wednesday, a male voice on the other end of the line said sternly: "You guys have to watch out. We will send you bullets very soon. Wait and see." Then the line went dead.

The Irrawaddy has reported extensively on fighting between the AA and government troops since the outbreak of clashes in January, presenting views from both sides, as well as follow-ups on local people displaced by the fighting.

None of the threats claim to have originated with the AA, but their contents are clearly related to the organization.

In December, the AA sent warning letters, each accompanied by a bullet and the official AA stamp, warning the recipients—including a police station head, village administrator and a businessman—against disturbing those who are "implementing the Way of Rakhita"— a concept with self-determination at its core.

Last month, the head of Taung Nyo Police Station in Mrauk U Township was shot dead by an unknown gunman. The victim and another police officer at the same station were sent warning letters accompanied by a bullet from the Arakan Army (AA) on Jan. 6.

U Ye Ni, The Irrawaddy Burmese Edition's senior editor, said the threats were aimed not only at journalists, but at anyone seeking the truth.

"We won't be deterred by the threats. We will inform the Myanmar Press Council, Ministry of Information and President's Office as well as international journalists associations about it," he said.

Apart from national publications, the Rakhine-based Development Media Group has also received threats from an organization identifying itself as the Pro-Army Group or Patriotic Army Group, calling on the media outlet to stand with the Myanmar Army, otherwise the safety of its journalists couldn't be guaranteed.

Both the AA and Myanmar Army have denied making threats.

The threats were made shortly after the AA invited members of the media on a tour of the conflict areas on Friday.

Shawn Crispin, the Committee to Protect Journalists' Southeast Asia representative, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that CPJ calls on both the Myanmar government and Arakan Army to respect the right of journalists to cover the news without fear of reprisal.

"We are alarmed to hear of reports that anonymous actors have threatened news groups over their news reporting on the conflict. We call on these threats to stop immediately and unconditionally.”

The post Myanmar Media Outlets Threatened over Rakhine Coverage appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Australian Firm Seeks to Reassure Locals on Gas Drilling off Rakhine

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 05:11 AM PDT

YANGON—Australian energy giant Woodside is stepping into war-torn Rakhine State with a plan to begin drilling in two oil-and-gas blocks in the Bay of Bengal. This week the company sought to reassure residents in southern Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu that there was a need for the projects, citing the potential economic benefits and pledging to minimize the environmental impacts on the site, located about 52 miles offshore.

Kyaukphyu resident and Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) member U Tun Lwin told The Irrawaddy that Woodside held a meeting with local residents at the Hotel Kyaukphyu on Wednesday. He said Woodside and a Chinese company will jointly drill the two offshore projects, each holding a 50-percent stake.

Woodside is expected to begin drilling in two oil-and-gas blocks, AD 1 and AD 8, soon. The initial process will likely take at least 45 days. U Tun Lwin explained that company officials promised to carry out the drilling in such a way as to have the least harmful environmental impact possible on the ocean environment. It also vowed not to disrupt local fishing.

Woodside has already determined that gas exists in AD 1 and AD 8, but needs to drill to assess whether extraction would be commercially viable.

It was unclear whether the shareholding agreement covers only the capital investment in drilling activity or extends to profit sharing. Upper House lawmaker U Kyaw Than, who represents Kyaukphyu constituency for the Arakan National Party (ANP), attended the meeting. He said the company elaborated on the results of its Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)/Social Impact Assessment (SIA) report.

Locals requested copies of the EIA/SIA report from Woodside but company staff did not hand any out, saying it was only available in English. U Kyaw Than said locals would not be opposed if the project brings tangible positive results.

Although some local activists questioned the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) and Memorandum of Agreements (MOA) signed between the Myanmar government and Woodside, company staff avoided answering questions on this.

U Kyaw Than said Kyaukphyu residents had previously had a negative experience with the China National Petroleum Corp (CNPC)'s pipeline project, also known as the SHWE gas project, which cuts 480 miles across Myanmar and connects Kyaukphyu's Maday Island to China's Yunnan Province.

A crude oil tanker approaches Maday Island in Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu Township in 2017. / Thaung Tin / Facebook

During the pipeline's construction, thousands of plots of farmland were confiscated from locals, among other rights abuses. The project has earned billions of dollars for the Union government but locals have seen little benefit in terms of regional development, critics say.

All income from the SHWE gas project goes into the Union government's coffers, a source of irritation for regional ministers who say Rakhine State has not received a fair share of the annual budget allocation under the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government in recent years.

"We urge them to implement the project transparently. As a major Australian firm, they should act with dignity and not seek to take advantage of loopholes," U Kyaw Than said.

Company representatives' failure to provide precise information to meeting participants led some locals to criticize what they saw as a lack of transparency and to say they didn't trust the company. Some social activists expressed their dismay on Facebook, saying that once again a huge financial windfall from Rakhine State's resources will go the to the Union government, which will allocate a large amount of money to fund the Myanmar military's ongoing campaign against Arakan Army (AA) rebels in the north of Rakhine.

The Irrawaddy contacted a Woodside employee who traveled to Kyaukphyu along with a group of international experts, but he declined to comment as he is unauthorized to speak with the media. He referred questions to the company's Australian headquarters.

According to leaflets distributed by Woodside representatives at the Kyaukphyu meeting, the company entered Myanmar's oil-and-gas sector in 2015 and has implemented nine projects.

Its latest project, Shwe Ye Tun, is situated in Irrawaddy Division's territorial waters. The company has been drilling for gas there since last year. It is still assessing whether gas is present in commercially viable quantities.

According to U Tun Lwin, some meeting attendees raised questions about the stake to be held by the Union government as well as the investors, but the Woodside employees did not provide shareholding information. Nearly a dozen government officials from different departments in Kyaukphyu district, an ANP lawmaker and some civil society groups joined the meeting.

The post Australian Firm Seeks to Reassure Locals on Gas Drilling off Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Renaissance Man

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 04:57 AM PDT

YANGON—When it comes to art, his interests seem boundless. No one in Myanmar would dispute the fact that he succeeds at whatever he turns his hand to. At 85, U Win Pe is acclaimed mostly for his paintings, writing and the films he has directed. In short, he is the very definition of the "multi-talented artist".

But ask him which art form is his favorite and his answer may surprise you: "None".

"I never seem to get hooked on any of them," he adds.

This may sound like an absurdity from a man praised as a leader of the second generation of Myanmar's modern art movement, and whose paintings are heavily sought after by admirers at home and abroad. Readers who have been enchanted by his short stories, teeming with allegory and metaphor, are bound to give him quizzical looks. Moviegoers who have been thrilled by his unique imagery and scripts in the 1970s and early 1980s will be left scratching their heads.

But if you press him to define his talent, one of Myanmar's most celebrated living artists is likely to insist that he's just a storyteller.

"I love to tell stories in the way that I understand them. That's why I wrote and directed movies. You could say the same about painting in a way," he said.

"I'm a jack of all trades, master of none," he added.

Perhaps it's this ability to work in so many different media, however, that has made U Win Pe who he is today—a man of many talents.

U Win Pe at his home in Yangon in March 2019. / Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy

Culture Clashes

Born in 1936 in Mandalay and raised in a family passionate about the arts, young Win Pe was introduced to music and drawing by his father before he entered primary school. His father, Shwepyi U Ba Tin, a famous scholar on Myanmar art, history and culture, made sure that his five children were familiar with Maha Gita, Myanmar's traditional classical music. When he wasn't  singing songs or playing on a traditional xylophone, little Win Pe made his father proud by drawing anything that came to his mind on a slate.

For all his devotion to traditional classical music, however, he was attracted to Western music, especially jazz and blues, from the age of around 10 years old in the years immediately after World War II. He was mesmerized by the music of Louis Armstrong, Harry James, Ella Fitzgerald and others to whom he was exposed through American musical films. At home, he secretly tuned to Radio Ceylon from Sri Lanka for European classical music, lest his anti-colonial nationalist father should become aware of his new passion. Apart from playing traditional xylophone at home, he learned to play trumpet and saxophone without his father's knowledge.

"I have experienced 'culture clashes' since I was young, because I liked all of them," he said.

When he learned about his son's new musical tastes, Shwepyi U Ba Tin was shocked, at one point even asking him, "Do you really like it that much?" But he didn't protest. Instead, he took Win Pe to a lawyer who studied musicology as a supplementary subject when he was abroad. Years later he thanked his dad for expanding his musical horizons and helping him to develop a deeper understanding of music that helped him learn the value of traditional Myanmar music.

U Win Pe sits at the electric piano in his studio. / Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy

His love for music has lasted to this day. In his home in a suburb of Yangon, a Yamaha electric piano stands in a corner of his studio. A Myanmar traditional xylophone sits next to a Western stringed instrument, symbolizing in a way the "culture clash" he experienced in his younger days. When the mood strikes, he will play a Maha Gita piece on the piano. "Due to tuning problems, I mostly play keyboards now," he said.

Renaissance Man

On the art front, with his father's encouragement of course, U Win Pe studied under U Ba Thet, a successful pre-war painter especially popular among colonial administrators, and U Kin Maung, a banker-turned-painter said to be the first artist to bring modernism and abstract expressionism to Myanmar, along with fellow young artist Paw Oo Thet, who would later achieve praise as a second-generation leader, like U Win Pe, of Myanmar's modern art movement.

U Win Pe recalled that U Kin Maung's approach to modern art was conceptual; he explored why and how a work was made the way it was. According to "Myanmar's Second Line Leaders of Modern Art" by Ma Theingi, the old master enlightened young Win Pe and Paw Oo Thet to the fact that creative thought is the main body within art, with different "-isms" branching out in all directions. The author notes that the two began to appreciate the sense behind the distortions and imbalances, as well as the use of non-natural colors, all of which expressed an idea rather than a life-like depiction of a subject.

"Only with the understanding of the concept will there be a period of creation, as well as periods of thinking freely and honestly. This can make your [modernist] creation more complete. That's what I'm interested in," U Win Pe explained.

Despite its relative popularity in Myanmar today, the modern art movement didn't get off to a good start in the country. There was a huge gap between modernists and traditionalists in the early 1960s when U Win Pe and his fellow artists like Paw Oo Thet and Kin Maung Yin, another second-generation movement leader, devoted their time to modernism. In Socialist Myanmar at that time, any interest in Western culture was labeled "decadent" and modern art was denounced as "psychotic" art. But the trio were undeterred by such criticism. Rather than being insulted, U Win Pe said, they took it as if they had been "hit with flowers" and kept doing what they believed in to pave the way for, and inspire, generations of artists to come.

Win Pe, aged 25, at the Architect Incorporated studio in Yangon in 1961

One of those inspired by them is Shwechihto Sein Myint, a Mandalay painter known for his fusion of modernism with characters drawn from traditional Myanmar folklore, like Nats (spirits) and Zawgyi (a mythical alchemist). The 75-year-old admitted that as a young artist he used to silently watch with admiration while U Win Pe was painting.

"Later I found myself in the modern art movement they paved the way for," said the prominent third-generation artist.

In 1966, after a few years doing stints as a newspaper cartoonist and a gem dealer, U Win Pe was appointed principal of Mandalay's State School of Fine Art, Music and Dance, a position he held so dear he decided at the time he would stick to it for the rest of his life. He was just 31 years old. The school's nearly four dozen teaching staff were older than him, apart from an instructor in the traditional dance department.

But the young principal had visions of modernizing the playing of Maha Gita using standardized metering and rudiments like the counterpoint and syncopations found in Western music. He wanted to share modern concepts with art students while introducing modern ballet to choreography students.

However, it turned out to be a failed mission. As the promotion of art and culture had never been a big priority for the government—they were "disappointingly uninterested" as U Win Pe put it— there was little or no state funding for the school. Conservative and traditionalist teaching staff wondered aloud, "Is he destroying the school?" He left the position four years later.

"I had to leave the prestigious job early. I had a faint hope that some of [these goals] would be achieved during my absence, but nothing happened," he said.

U Win Pe (front row, center) poses with his teaching staff in 1971 during his stint as the principal of the Mandalay State School of Fine Art, Music and Dance.

After leaving the school, U Win Pe spent the next two decades as a film director, short story writer and video movie maker. For him, he said, making movies was a melting pot of art encompassing audio, video, literature, drama and any others you could name. "A guy like me can't resist that at all," he said. His first movie, 'Let Not the Sky Fall', came out in 1973 to great acclaim. In 1981, he won Myanmar's equivalent of the Academy Award for best director for another film.

"A film director has to be interested in many things, and you will become a very efficient story teller. I'm curious about everything but a master of none. That's why I became a director," he explained.

He was so happy with filming at the time—he directed more than 20 movies—that he barely did any painting, one of his old loves. He recalled that this annoyed his old friend Paw Oo Thet. His fellow artist finally challenged him: "Dude—have you given up painting for good?"

To his friend's dismay, U Win Pe replied, "Yes, I have!"

It should have been some consolation to Paw Oo Thet when their mutual friend U Kin Maung Yin intervened in the argument by saying, "Don't you know? He has been painting—with moving pictures." But Paw Oo Thet didn't seem very pleased, because U Kin Maung Yin was a movie buff and had directed a couple of movies himself.

An advertisement for 'Let Not the Sky Fall' (1973), the first film U Win Pe directed

U Win Pe's exclusive devotion to directing films was curtailed right after the military coup in late 1988, when the Myanmar movie industry faced a shortage of film stock, which was imported from abroad.

So, the Renaissance man found a new outlet, turning his attention to writing. His reason was simple: to put food on the table for his family, including his five children.

"We were out of work at the time, as there was no film. So I painted and sold the works to foreigners. But it didn't work. So I wrote," U Win Pe recalled.

His short stories, with their explorations of human nature, were well received, so he churned out four or five short stories per month. When his friends warned him that he was being too prolific, he replied that he had no choice as he had to make a living.

Some critics have taken U Win Pe task for what they see as a tendency to switch his interest to wherever he can make more money—for example in painting.

He feels no shame in admitting there is some truth in this. "If they say I stopped writing for painting to earn more, I have to admit, shamefully, yes!" he said.

"Some people say they eat not for survival but for art's sake. It sounds great, but for me, that was never the case. On the one hand, you have to appreciate yourself to be able to do art-related work for a living. I'm satisfied with what I'm doing," he said.

'Desert Tarot Sign' by U Win Pe

In 1993, three short stories by U Win Pe appeared in the PEN American Center's Freedom-to-Write Report, "Inked Over, Ripped Out". Anna J. Allot, a former lecturer in Burmese Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, who selected and translated seven Myanmar writers' work, remarked that U Win Pe is "generally agreed to be one of Burma's popular storytellers" and that his varied career has furnished him with a richness of experience that gives power and authenticity to his short stories: at the same time, she said, his artist's eye enables him to paint a scene vividly in just a few lines.

In the report, she discussed the way that U Win Pe's short stories may seem on first reading to be accounts of fairly unimportant events happening to ordinary folk. "The stories move rapidly, and often comically, at first; but the situation can change suddenly. What was simple becomes complicated, even violent, brutal, tragic, and above all unex­pected. By the end of the story the reader may find himself wondering if there wasn't perhaps a deeper meaning to the series of events described," she said.

As it turned out, his short stories brought about in a major turn in his life. In 1994 he became the first person from Myanmar to be invited to join the International Writing Program at the University of Iowa. While participating at the program, his outspokenness about freedom of expression didn't go unnoticed in Myanmar, and he was unable to return lest he was arrested. Staying in the U.S., he became involved in setting up Radio Free Asia's Myanmar Service—from selecting the signature tune and insert music to writing news articles and others things—when it was planning to expand its coverage on Myanmar in 1996. He worked there as a senior editor from 1996 to 2005.

Daw Tin Htar Swe, one of U Win Pe's RFA colleagues, remembers him as a humble man for all his fame as a painter, director and writer at the time. He used to complain, she said, about his weakness in news-related matters because he had no journalism background.

"But he did it. He was really good at political news analysis. If you asked him, it would be done in 20 minutes. The copy was very clean and precise," the one-time RFA senior editor said.

"Despite his seniority, he never behaved like a know-it-all. Very patient and a good co-worker," she added.

Man of Adaptability

U Win Pe left the U.S. for good in 2015 to settle back in Yangon. Now he lives in North Dagon with his family, spending most of his time painting. Ever the jazz music fan, he refers to his style of painting as "improvising in terms of colors and lines." After some finishing touches, a combination of bold lines and a harmoniously placed riot of colors, frequently with human figures with no mouths, they emerge as things of beauty. At 85, he no longer writes or directs; he complained about a urinary problem and other minor health issues. (His fellow second-generation modern art leaders Paw Oo Thet and Kin Maung Yin have both passed away). When visitors—acquaintances and admirers—show up, he drops his brushes to entertain (with a few touches of humor) and enlighten them, still in his paint-stained clothes, on topics ranging from art to politics to culture.

'Pot Sellers' by U Win Pe

Politically, U Win Pe was never a friend of the previous military governments, from the time they came to power in 1962. He openly criticized their mismanagement wherever he went, let alone with friends at teashops. While he was working as a cartoonist at the prominent left-wing Ludu Daily in Mandalay, the absurd brand of humor in his work attracted military scrutiny. He once drew a mermaid visiting a doctor, asking that her upper body be changed so that her full body was that of a fish. The men in uniform interpreted that to mean that, "People under the regime were suffering so much that they were tired of being humans." The then military chief in Mandalay warned the paper's editor, Ludu U Hla, not to publish cartoons with such "hidden meanings".

"Politics was not on my mind when I drew that, but it couldn't be helped that it turned out to have that kind of implication. I quit the job because if I kept drawing cartoons like that I would have been arrested," he recalled.

A cartoon by U Win Pe. The mermaid says: 'I want an operation to turn my whole body into a fish, Doc."

But old habits die hard. When he joined the International Writing Program at the University of Iowa in 1994, he shared his views on his country's dire situation outspokenly with his fellow participants from other countries. The then military government ordered his arrest upon his arrival back in Myanmar because, he later learned, he said bad things about Myanmar in the U.S.

"I just talked with [people there] as I would with friends in a teashop in Yangon. They [Military Intelligence] said it's OK in Myanmar, but not in the U.S.," he said. To avoid arrest, he had to stay in the U.S. until 2013.

He remarked that even today Myanmar is suffering from the consequences of military dictatorship in every sector of the country. He blamed the Ne Win regime's nationalization of private businesses after 1962 for the serious decline in the country's economy and for turning one of the most prosperous countries in Southeast Asia into the least developed one.

"Now we are still suffering the consequences of this ridiculous situation. Given my experience, even though there was fighting with insurgents in the 1950s, the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League government of the time managed to maintain a better economy," he said.

Of his accomplishments in his various endeavors—from painting, writing and directing to journalism—the man of many talents would say that on a 100-1,000 scale, where 100 is least successful, he would be around a 400 or 500, meaning he commits himself to whatever he is doing.

"My writing peers recognized me as someone who could write. It's the same in music, art, film and radio journalism. They said I'm not bad," he said.

So, what's the secret behind making everything he's interested in happen?

"If I'm interested in something, mostly in the arts, I think seriously about what it is, about why and how it's done. After learning the method, I just try it, but I'm not the master at what I am doing," said the multi-talented artist.

U Win Pe paints in his home studio in Yangon. / Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy

Despite his claim not to have a favorite art form, he argued that there is one important thing that keeps him going: adaptability. As a believer in Buddhism, the celebrated artist quoted Buddha's teaching that people need to be able to adapt to what they have, when and where they are. Otherwise, they will suffer.

"So, whatever art form I am working in is my favorite at that moment. Currently, I am in love with painting. I don't do anything else. It was the same when I did film and the others," he added.

For all his versatility and ability to work in many media—be it painting, writing, making movies, radio journalism or others—the one thing that remains at the center of his creations is storytelling. U Win Pe talks about things descriptively, as he sees them, whatever the medium. A good example that many people may be familiar with is his popular former weekly talk show on the BBC Burmese Service, "Win Pe's Shoulder Bag". The nearly six-minute-long show came about at the initiative of Daw Tin Htar Swe, then the Burmese Service head as well as a former RFA colleague of U Win Pe. From 2005 to 2014 he talked about his lifelong experience, politics, arts, culture—and even folk medicine for weeping eczema—in very engaging way and in a vivid narrative style that enchanted audiences from beginning to end. Each episode, by the time he signed off with "Good health to you folks. I'm Win Pe," most listeners had usually learned something they didn't know before.

Daw Tin Htar Swe said she was proud to have made the program happen, regarding it as one of her main accomplishments at the Burmese Service.

The veteran artist insists that storytelling is important in life because people are curious about things and need to be informed. To make that happen, he said, good storytellers are essential.

"We need someone who wants to tell people about something honestly in an explanatory way. Telling someone in such a way as to help them understand something is not easy—you basically need to be sincere and have a good intention—to let them know about something they don't know or want to know," he said.

So, is he a good storyteller?

U Win Pe offers a pragmatic answer. "If I wasn't, people wouldn't listen, or read my stories."

The post The Renaissance Man appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

AA Says Construction Company Employees it Abducted Were Military Spies

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 04:10 AM PDT

YANGON — The Arakan Army (AA) says eight construction company employees it abducted in southern Chin State are former members of the Myanmar military’s intelligence unit and were still working for the armed forces.

"Most of them worked for military intelligence for a long time. Some were in charge at the township level. Some are [former] corporals. And some transferred from military intelligence to the engineering battalion. They were also working for the military [at the time of arrest]," AA spokesman Khaing Thukha told The Irrawaddy.

On Saturday, the AA abducted 13 employees — 11 men and two women — of the Hsu Htoo San Construction Co., which is building a section of the Paletwa-Mizoram road in Paletwa Township. It later released the two women and three men.

Khaing Thukha accused the rest of collecting intelligence on the AA under cover to the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transportation Project, which aims to link western Myanmar and eastern India via multiple routes including the road.

"They were doing military things under cover of the Kaladan Project. We don't harm real construction workers," he told The Irrawaddy.

The company could not be reached for comment.

Retired Maj. Win Maung Maung, the former head of military intelligence in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State, said he had never heard of the names of the alleged spies.

"I don't think so. I don't think the area needs undercover operations. The area has always been white," he said.

White is the government’s color code for areas under its control, while brown refers to contested area and black denotes areas under the control of rebel groups.

"Civilians can travel in the area anytime. So, [spying] is quite unlikely," the former major said.

Brig. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, of the military’s True News Information Team, denied that the eight detainees had ties to the military, known as the Tatmadaw in Burmese.

"They are employees of the construction company. They are not even family members or relatives of the Tatmadaw. They are not even from [the Construction Ministry’s Department of] Public Works. They work for a building contractor," he told The Irrawaddy.

In a statement about the AA's abductions, the Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services said that, when completed, the section of road the company is building will improve transportation between Myanmar and India and help develop the border area.

"I think they are trying to hamper the project," Brig. Gen. Zaw Min Tun said.

Khaing Thukha denied the claim.

In a separate incident on March 16, the AA opened fire on a vessel carrying steel trusses to be used to build a bridge in Paletwa. The group burned down the vessel after taking the crew to shore.

According to the Khumi Affairs Coordination Council, building materials including trusses, paint and high-tension bolts worth $300,000 were destroyed in the attack.

The AA said it attacked the vessel because it was not informed of the shipment. Khaing Thukha said companies must send lists of workers and materials to be transported into its areas of operation in advance.

"If they say they don't inform us because they don't know where to inform us, we take that to mean they don't care about their safety. If they want to be safe, they have to inform the AA," said Khaing Thukha.

In a statement on Tuesday, the Khumi Affairs Coordination Council said the AA’s activities were hindering stability and development in Paletwa’s least developed areas and urged the group not to target development projects.

Hsu Htoo San Co. is based in Yangon's Botatung Township and has won contracts to establish the Kanyinchaung economic zone, urbanize Sittwe, dredge the Kaladan River and carry out other projects in Sittwe.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post AA Says Construction Company Employees it Abducted Were Military Spies appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ADB Forecasts Myanmar’s Economy to Resume Growth This Year

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 02:46 AM PDT

YANGON — The Asian Development Bank (ADB) expects Myanmar’s economy to resume growth this year and continue to expand in the next thanks to more foreign investment and a positive response to the government’s economic and policy reforms.

The Asian Development Outlook 2019 forecasts Myanmar's economy to grow by 6.6 percent in 2019 and by 6.8 percent in 2020. Last year, Myanmar's growth slowed to 6.2 percent, down from 6.8 percent in 2017.

The ADB said foreign direct investment (FDI) approvals in Myanmar nearly doubled from $823 million between October 2017 and January 2018 to about $1.5 million over the same period a year on. The growth came from Singapore and other Asian investors taking larger stakes in the country’s manufacturing and service sectors.

According to the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), Singapore became Myanmar’s top investor after committing more than $20 billion, surpassing China as of February. Last month the MIC announced that FDI flows into Myanmar increased for the first time since State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took office in early 2016.

"A recent policy measure to standardize FDI application and implementation procedures should further strengthen prospects for FDI inflows in the near term," the ADB said.

Its report said growth in the service sector was expected to reach 9 percent this year if tourism revives at the beginning of the dry season in October and that other sectors should also see some growth.

However, growth in agriculture was projected to slow from 2 percent during April–September 2018 to 0.5 percent this year “following floods in mid-2018 that likely affected harvests, especially of rice in November.”

The report said inflation was expected to ease to 6.8 percent this year as international oil prices soften. Last year, higher international oil prices and kyat depreciation against the U.S. dollar drove up inflation from 4 percent to 7.1 percent. However, inflation is expected to rise again in 2020 to 7.5 percent as Myanmar's economic growth gains momentum.

According to the report, the trade deficit is expected to widen this year and next as export earnings weaken and imports strengthen on the back of growing investment, particularly by the government. It said that even if net service receipts improve with a pickup in trade and tourism-related business, the current account deficit was forecast to widen to 4 percent this year and 5 percent the next.

"Fiscal and monetary policies will likely strive to remain supportive of growth while maintaining macroeconomic stability," the ADB said.

According to the report, external risk would increase if the European Union withdraws Myanmar's privileges under the Generalized System of Preferences, affecting 10 percent of exports from Myanmar. Domestic risks may include lackluster progress on economic reform and communal tensions flaring in conflict-affected areas.

The government has continued to reform since April 2016, announcing a number of strategic planning initiatives such as the Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan 2018–2030, National Education Strategic Plan 2016–2021 and Myanmar National Health Plan 2017–2021.

"Building on these initiatives, the country needs to accelerate reform which will contribute to inclusive development," the ADB said.

However, the ADB warned that "Reform to public financial management should aim for greater fiscal prudence, transparency, and efficiency. It should also include strengthened Treasury functions, more systematic public investment planning and implementation, and the adoption of appropriate accounting and auditing standards to make public spending more productive."

"Myanmar could become more competitive by further strengthening its legal and regulatory framework toward improving the business and investment climate, which would also spur integration into regional and global value chains," the report said.

The post ADB Forecasts Myanmar’s Economy to Resume Growth This Year appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Timeout

Posted: 04 Apr 2019 02:37 AM PDT

Exhibition and Book Signing: Girl Power in Myanmar

Girl Power in Myanmar is a children’s book celebrating the lives of 14 women rocking their communities. The team which created the book will exhibit artwork from the book at the gallery and signed books will be for sale at the event with chances to donate to worthy causes too. This is the first event Myanm/art will hold at their new gallery space in Urban Asia Centre.

April 4 | 4 p.m. to 8 p.m. | Myanm/art | G-42 48th Street, Urban Asia Centre, Botahtaung Township

IMCC Business Networking

The India-Myanmar Chamber of Commerce (IMCC), has organized a networking event for IMCC members (10,000 kyats per ticket) and non-members (20,000 kyats per ticket) to offer a chance to connect with like-minded peers and to catch up with business associates and friends. Tickets include a free flow of Indian starters and beer.

April 5 | 6 p.m. to 9 p.m. | Fire & Ice | G-61 Urban Asia Centre, 48th Street, Botahtaung Township

Beauty of World Heritage in Japan

This ongoing photo exhibition organized by The Japan Foundation features photos of Japan's 22 world heritage sites recognized by UNESCO including 18 cultural and 4 natural sites. The photographer Mizuno Katsuhiko is a well-known Japanese landscape photographer and gallery owner. The exhibition is open weekly from Tuesday to Saturday.

April 2 to 27 | 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. | The Japan Foundation Yangon | No.70 Nat Mauk Lane 1, Bahan Township

Tropical Night at The Penthouse

If you want to dance late into the night to tropical music, get to The Penthouse this Friday night. Enjoy tropical cocktails and a DJ spinning the best tunes to suit the tropical mood. Free entrance.

April 5 | The Penthouse | 8th Floor, Parkside One Building, 271-273 Bagayar Street, Sanchaung Township

 

International Social Circus Day

Joining in with International Social Circus Day events being held around the world, Social Circus Myanmar is bringing together children and youth from local groups across Yangon such as Scholarships for Street Kids, Mary Chapman School for the Deaf, Parami Monastery Achool and Nyein Chan Thar Yar Islamic School. The event will be held at The AERA Club where all children—local and international—can come and join in the circus fun and learn some circus skills.

April 6 | 12 p.m. to 3 p.m. | The AERA Club (The American Club) | No.27 Melikha Street, Parami Road, Mayangone Township

Success Stories of ၁၃၈၀

As part of the lineup of regular events organized by Zayat, an uptown co-working space, there will be end-of-year event looking back on successes and reflecting on the year that was, and giving inspiration to go on into the next year. The talks will be held in Burmese and English and speakers will include representatives from the hottest local startups including Flexible Pass, Pencell, Doh Eain, Save the Library, Clean Yangon, Career Assessment Studio and more.

April 6 | 6 p.m. | Zayat | No.76/A, South Okkalapa Industrial 1st Street, South Okkalapa Township

Yangon Zay Thingyan Edition

In preparation for the biggest festival of the year, Yangon Zay will have a Thingyan special weekend with extended market hours and special water activities. Yangon Zay is a regular event held over two days every second Saturday and Sunday and following a sustainable concept. Local brands and food feature alongside modern food and drinks concepts and there are plenty of activities for younger family members too.

 April 6 and 7 | 12 p.m. to 8 p.m. | The Tea Factory | Kanyeiktha Street, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Yankin Township

A Local Affair – Market at Sunset

A new edition to the local market scene, this is an evening event held in the idyllic setting of Sapphire Rooftop Bar and Lounge. Its mission is to inject fresh energy and socially aware discourse into the Yangon flea market space by promoting ethically sourced, locally produced, quality arts, crafts and culture with an emphasis on the backstory.

April 7 | 4 p.m. to 10 p.m. | Sapphire Lounge & Bar | Alfa Hotel Rooftop, No. 41 Nawaday Street, Dagon Township

Bass Kingdom Music Festival

This is a popular one-day music festival held in Yangon featuring famous local and international DJs playing everything from Dubstep to Jungle and Psytrance to House. Local artists include Da Leonz, Snake Race and Tronic Crew and international acts include Wiwek, Dolf, Yellow Claw and Moksi. Ticket prices are 30,000 kyats (general admission) and 65,000 kyats (VIP).

April 7 | 5:30 p.m. | The One Entertainment Park | Paw San Hmwe Street, Thuwunna Township

The ASEAN Digital Advantage for Homegrown Brands

This is a free-to-attend lecture by Prof. Willem Smit of the Asia School of Business and MIT Sloan School of Management who will talk about how the growth patterns by which firms internationalize have not only accelerated but have also radically changed, and explore what it takes for ASEAN brands to compete abroad and how this strengthens the status at home. This lecture will be followed by a panel discussion. Pre-registration recommended.

April 8 | 6 p.m. |The Keier Group, No.561-567 Merchant Street, Kyauktada Township

The post Yangon Timeout appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

World’s Biggest Water Fight Cancelled in Thai Tourist Haven for King’s Coronation

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 10:05 PM PDT

BANGKOK — The annual festival known as the world’s biggest water fight will be a little smaller this year, as one of Bangkok’s famed tourist districts called off its celebrations to avoid clashing with preparations to crown Thailand’s new king.

Thailand celebrates Songkran, its traditional new year, from April 13 to 15, during which revelers splash water on each other under the scorching sun.

The backpacker district of Khaosan Road in the Thai capital usually sees a free-for-all sponsored by businesses in the area that provide vats of water and high-powered water guns of every kind imaginable.

But with the coronation of King Maha Vajiralongkorn set for May 4 to 6, the sponsored Khaosan celebrations have been called off, a business group told Reuters on Wednesday.

“The authorities are preparing for the coronation and we are located right in the middle of areas involved, so if we organize the usual Songkran festival it could be chaotic,” said Piyabutr Jiwaramonaikun, chairman of the Khaosan Road Business Association.

Shops there will stay open as usual but they will not provide unlimited water refills and colored powder, as in most years, he added.

“Tourists and Thais can still conduct water fight in the area, but local businesses will not be organizing anything official,” he said.

Two local officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the area had been asked not to hold Songkran festivities.

Bangkok authorities have been sprucing up the area near Khaosan Road where many rituals related to the coronation will take place, repainting roads and buildings, rebuilding pavements and reorganizing electricity lines.

Preparations for the coronation, the first such event to be experienced by most Thais, will begin with the gathering of holy waters from around Thailand on Saturday, readying for three days of ceremonies in May.

The king will be crowned on May 4, with a celebration procession to follow the next day, before he meets the public and foreign dignitaries on May 6.

“There will be fewer people this year for Songkran, but the coronation is a major event for the Thai people and we all must make sacrifices,” Piyabutr said.

The post World’s Biggest Water Fight Cancelled in Thai Tourist Haven for King’s Coronation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pad Women — The All-Female Business Easing Period Poverty in Sri Lanka

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 09:45 PM PDT

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka—Every month, Fathima Rifka used to suffer the embarrassment of rinsing out the rags she used during her period at a public tap — the only source of running water available in the poor Sri Lankan neighborhood she grew up in.

“You have to stand in line, and then you also have to wash our utensils from the previous day. There is only one source of water and everyone is there,” said the 24-year-old.

“We hide it and dry it. But sometimes it doesn’t dry properly and the cloth is stiff.”

All that changed a year ago when Rifka got her first job making low-cost, organic sanitary towels — something she now teaches other women in her Colombo neighborhood of Kithulwatte to do.

The business was inspired by Arunachalam Muruganantham, an Indian inventor who developed a way of making cheap pads after watching his wife struggle with rags during her period — the subject of the 2018 Bollywood hit “Pad Man.”

At 60 Sri Lankan rupees (260 kyats) for a packet, demand for the product, which goes by the name Sinidu meaning soft, is growing.

Commercially produced towels typically sell for between 100 and 140 rupees, putting them out of reach of most Sri Lankan women. Imported brands can cost up to 500 rupees.

The women behind Sinidu first started manufacturing in Sri Lanka in January 2018 — the day of the “Pad Man” premiere and set up their first full-fledged factory a year later in Kithulwatte.

They import the wood pulp that Muruganantham developed to make the pads from India, using his design for the simple machines they manufacture on.

Rifka and her colleagues can take what they need and sell the rest, pocketing 15 rupees per packet.

The operation — a social enterprise, or business with a social as well as a commercial aim — was started by the SAARC Chamber Women Entrepreneurs Council (SCWEC), which works to help women in South Asia access business opportunities.

They have just introduced the machines in a prison, where female inmates will be able to make their own pads, and plan to expand the operation to other communities in Sri Lanka, and eventually to Nepal and Bangladesh.

Stigma

Period poverty has hit global headlines in recent years, with statistics showing that even in a wealthy Western country like Britain, one in 10 girls have been unable to afford sanitary products.

This year Meghan Markle became the first British royal to speak out on the once taboo issue, saying girls were missing school “because no one wants to talk about it or has what they need.”

In Sri Lanka, the problem is particularly acute because sanitary products are so heavily taxed — until last September, the levy on imported pads was more than 100 percent.

It has since been reduced to about 63 percent and Sri Lanka’s finance minister, Mangala Samaraweera, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation he was looking into how taxes on sanitary products could be reduced further.

“Access to affordable female hygiene products is certainly expected to have an important positive impact on girls’ school attendance and thus educational outcomes,” he said.

“It will also facilitate fuller participation of women in the economy.”

But Anuki Premachandra, head of research communication at The Advocata Institute, an independent policy think tank, said the issue still wasn’t being given the importance it deserved.

“People are enraged about the cost of carrots, but when it comes to taxes on sanitary napkins, they dismiss it as a women’s issue,” she said.

Last year New Delhi abolished the sales tax on sanitary products although other South Asian countries still tax them.

But for women in the region, the problems go beyond cost.

In parts of India and Nepal, cultural taboos mean menstruating women and girls are banished from their homes at night, putting them at risk. Several have died in Nepal in recent years.

One in three girls in South Asia miss school during their periods and in Sri Lanka, the figure is even higher.

A 2015 survey of adolescent Sri Lankan girls conducted by the United Nations children’s agency UNICEF and the government found more than half had to miss school when they had their period.

Another U.N. study found 60 percent of teachers in Sri Lanka thought menstrual blood was impure.

“Women complain about rashes when using the normal pads. Some have other illnesses related to periods, but there is a lot of stigma. So it’s a challenge and we don’t speak about it,” said Rifka, who sold 100 packets this month.

“I have already started selling these pads and there is a lot of demand. Many women come back to me and tell me how good it was. They all want to buy more.”

The post Pad Women — The All-Female Business Easing Period Poverty in Sri Lanka appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Reddit, Telegram Among Websites Blocked in India: Internet Groups

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 09:31 PM PDT

MUMBAI — Websites like Reddit and Telegram are being blocked in India by internet service providers, throwing into question the enforcement of net neutrality rules, advocacy groups said on Wednesday.

Restrictions on “torrent sites” that offer free movie and music downloads are routine in India to prevent copyright infringement. Pornography websites are also blocked by court orders seeking to protect children.

But in recent months, websites such as the discussion board Reddit, messaging service Telegram and comedy site College Humor have been blocked for intermittent periods, often for days and only in some regions, baffling internet users.

“It’s not making any sense, what’s happening,” said Apar Gupta, executive director at the non-profit Internet Freedom Foundation (IFF). “A lot of these blocks are also happening in such a way that no notices are displayed.”

Since January, there have been at least 250 reports of websites blocked on networks operated by Jio, a unit of Reliance Industries, Bharti Airtel and Hathway, the IFF said in a letter to the telecoms department.

Jio and Airtel are among India’s top telecom providers.

Some internet users have posted on social media screenshots of pages displaying messages saying a website was blocked to comply with government orders.

When Reuters tried to access CollegeHumor.com on Wednesday a message read: “Your requested URL has been blocked as per the directions received from Department of Telecommunications, Government of India.”

An official at the telecoms department, which last year approved rules on net neutrality — the concept that all websites and data on the Internet be treated equally — declined to comment when contacted by Reuters.

Complaints by Indian internet users have covered “most forms of net neutrality violations,” the IFF’s Gupta said.

Nearly 60 percent of the user reports compiled by the foundation since January involved Jio networks, the IFF’s data showed.

A Jio representative did not respond to an emailed request for comment. Hathway did not reply to phone and email requests for comment.

Bharti Airtel said in a statement it “supports an open internet” and does not block content unless directed by authorities. It did not say if it was currently blocking any websites.

Reddit did not respond to an emailed request for comment outside regular U.S. business hours.

Telegram, which has been blocked previously in Russia and Iran, did not immediately respond to a phone message seeking comment.

If websites are blocked based on government or court orders, or internet firms have legal grounds to restrict web pages, they might not violate net neutrality rules, said Gurshabad Grover, a researcher at the non-profit Centre for Internet and Society.

“But in this case we’re not entirely sure,” he said.

Other sites blocked this year include tax portal Taxscan and legal database Indian Kanoon.

After complaints from Jio’s internet users, Indian Kanoon founder Sushant Sharma said he had been told by Jio the portal was blocked for one day last week due to a government order.

“By evening, apparently, that order was taken back,” said Sharma, whose website has some 150,000 daily visitors.

The post Reddit, Telegram Among Websites Blocked in India: Internet Groups appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China’s Financial Hub Dream for Shanghai 2020 Still Distant — AmCham

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 09:21 PM PDT

SHANGHAI—China’s commercial capital of Shanghai is still far from its goal of becoming a global financial hub by 2020 due to hurdles such as capital controls and a lack of consistent rules, a report by a U.S. business lobby group said on Thursday.

The American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai said that for the city to become a financial center on par with London or New York, China should make its yuan currency fully convertible, improve transparency and lift internet restrictions in the city.

China’s State Council, or cabinet, announced plans a decade ago to build Shanghai into an international financial center by 2020.

The AmCham Shanghai report, titled “Shanghai 2020: A Financial Vision Unfulfilled,” drew conclusions from a recent survey with financial industry executives.

“In China, capital controls show little sign of being lifted. But unless they are, Shanghai’s international financial center status ambitions will come to naught,” said the report.

AmCham Shanghai urged China to make its currency fully convertible, arguing that otherwise, “it’s difficult to envisage Shanghai ever achieving its ambition.”

It also said Shanghai should make rules transparent and predictable in financial markets, while removing excessive regulation and creating a level playing field.

Shanghai officials could not immediately be reached for comment.

In January, eight Chinese regulators issued an action plan for the city to become a leading global financial market by next year, state media reported.

Most respondents to the AmCham survey said it was more difficult to obtain a license in Shanghai than in other financial centers, with several executives citing the absence of recognizable “standards” in the approval process as a fundamental weakness, the report said.

They also noted the practice in Shanghai of window guidance, or unofficial instructions from regulators. Foreign banks believe such communication is provided earlier to domestic banks than to their Western peers, putting foreign businesses at a disadvantage.

“One prerequisite for international financial center status is that all banks, domestic or foreign, be treated equally,” AmCham Shanghai said.

The recommendations also included one that asked Beijing to ease internet restrictions by lifting the so-called Great Firewall in Shanghai’s financial zone to give its citizens access to Google and other sources of information, touching on one of the most politically sensitive areas in China.

“China’s internet restrictions severely handicap Shanghai’s global financial center ambitions,” the report said.

The post China’s Financial Hub Dream for Shanghai 2020 Still Distant — AmCham appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Call for a Coup

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 06:43 PM PDT

YANGON—Sixty-five years ago today, the Yangon government tried a number of politicians for high treason for requesting that the military stage a coup.

During the civil war in late 1949, colonial-period minister and seasoned politician U Ba Bay along with some other politicians paid a visit to the military chief General Ne Win and attempted to persuade him to topple the government of U Nu's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League by staging a coup. He also promised to provide the funds and weapons for the coup.

Gen. Ne Win, however, did not accept U Ba Bay's proposal and instead he informed Prime Minister U Nu of the scheme. U Nu's government did not take action against U Ba Bay immediately. The decision was, however, brought up at a press conference given by U Nu in 1954, when a reporter named U Maung Maung Khin of the Myanma Alinn newspaper asked about the government's failure to take action against them on that occasion.

A few months later, on April 4, 1954, U Ba Bay, along with politicians Tharyarwady Maung Maung and U Lun, was tried for high treason and each given prison sentences. Regarding the case, Myanmar's historians, have remarked that paving the way for the military to intervene in the conflicts of politicians amounts to a hanging of democracy.

The military did later seize power from the government in 1958, 1962, and 1988, and until today it is still deeply involved in the country's politics.

The post A Call for a Coup appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wednesday, April 3, 2019

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Anti-Corruption Commission Sues Gold Mining Firm’s Staff for False Bribery Claim

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 08:27 AM PDT

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) on Wednesday opened cases against gold mine operators who allegedly fabricated a bribery case with the intention of defaming civil servants.

A complaint was filed at Naypyitaw's Zabuthiri Township Police Station against U Tun Aung Soe, the managing director of National Prosperity Gold Production Group Co. Ltd. under Article 59 (fabricating with false information) of the Anti Corruption Law, while two company employees, U Myo Aung and U Sonny, were the subjects of complaints under Article 59 and Article 63 (abetting).

Under a 2018 amendment to the law, those convicted under Article 59 face a maximum sentence of three years' imprisonment and a fine.

In a separate case, the company owner was charged last August with failing to pay taxes.

This is the first time the ACC has filed cases accusing suspects of a false bribery complaint. The commission has taken action against other government officials and civil servants for violating the ACC Law. On Monday, the managing director of the government's mining enterprise was charged with corruption, while a series of arrests, detentions and charges have ensnared a number of others including former Tanintharyi Chief Minister Daw Lei Lei Maw.

U Tun Aung Soe, the managing director of National Prosperity Gold Production Group Co. Ltd, is seen at a press conference in Naypyitaw on Jan. 5. / Moe Moe / The Irrawaddy

The ACC investigated complaints raised by U Tun Aung Soe that mining officials and police took bribes from eight companies and illegal gold miners at a restricted gold mine in the Moehti Moemi area of Yamaethin Township in Mandalay Region. The company made complaints alleging that illegal gold mining in the mine's main Adit (1) caused losses to the company. It also held a press conference announcing its allegation in Naypyitaw in early January. Based on witnesses' testimony, the commission found the company's complaints to be false, said U Kyaw Soe, the spokesman of the commission.

He said the gold mining company "intended to harm the serving mining officers." But he did not reveal the names of the companies or the witnesses involved in the investigations.

The ACC said the company's managing director and two staff were found to have fabricated the bribery case with the intention of harming police and Mining Ministry officials.

According to a statement issued by the commission on Wednesday afternoon, on Jan. 16, U Tun Aung Soe sent his two employees to Yamaethin Prison to meet U Aye Ko and nine other detainees who were charged under Article 6(1) of Public Properties Protection Act after being arrested at a locked mine entrance.

U Kyaw Soe said company staff convinced U Aye Ko and others to lie about the bribery by saying that the gold miners paid the mining officials and police to be able to mine there. The two staff also promised U Aye Ko and accompanies that they would help them with their cases.

The director of the commission, U Kaung Zaw Thant, acted as plaintiff and the police accepted the cases.

So far only the company's managing director is in custody, according to a police lieutenant at Zabuthiri Police Station.

Moe Moe contributed to this report from Naypyitaw. 

The post Anti-Corruption Commission Sues Gold Mining Firm's Staff for False Bribery Claim appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Lieutenant Shot Dead by Junior Officer in Northern Rakhine

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 06:33 AM PDT

YANGON — A police lieutenant in northern Rakhine State's Kyauktaw Township was shot to death on Tuesday by a junior officer who also wounded a sergeant.

A constable at the Kyauktaw police station said the shooting occurred inside the compound of the Kan Sauk police regiment, which sits in a rural area far from the township’s urban center, and that the lieutenant’s body was taken to Kyauktaw General Hospital on Wednesday morning. He declined to comment further and directed additional questions to the Apauk Wa police station.

Kyauktaw resident and activist Ko Zaw Win said he went to see the body at the hospital and identified the victim as Maung Maung Lay, who was recently transferred from Tin Ma Village to the Kan Sauk police regiment.

"The police officer was shot with about six bullets and died on the spot. Another sergeant was shot twice but he is now receiving medical treatment at Sittwe Hospital," he said.

Rakhine State police chief Col. Kyi Lin and Kyauktaw Township police chief Saw Aye Lwin declined to comment.

Rakhine State lawmaker U Maung Than Sein, of the Arakan National Party (ANP), said he spoke with a village administrator who lives near the Kan Sauk police regiment compound who confirmed the shooting but did not know why it occurred.

The cause of the shooting remains unclear.

A police officer with the Kyauktaw police told The Irrawaddy’s Sittwe correspondence under condition of anonymity that some police officers had had a dispute on Tuesday and that a corporal shot two of his superiors at about 4 p.m. The officer identified the shooter as Kyaw Aye Sein and said he was taken into custody by Kyauktaw police.

The Myanmar army’s Light Infantry Battalion 539 and an artillery unit are currently stationed at the foot of the Kan Sauk mountain range along with the police regiment.

The post Police Lieutenant Shot Dead by Junior Officer in Northern Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Needs Hotels’ Consent to Raise Lease Rates, Mandalay Mayor Says

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 06:23 AM PDT

MANDALAY — Mandalay Mayor U Ye Lwin told local lawmakers on Wednesday that the government could not raise lease rates on hotels that cut sweetheart deals with the previous administration without the hotels’ consent.

At a session of the Mandalay Region Parliament, lawmakers raised questions about three hotels — Mandalay City Hotel, Hotel Mandalay and Minthargyi Hotels —leasing land at very low rates, following an auditor report that revealed what they were paying.

Responding to the lawmakers, U Ye Lwin said the municipal department responsible for leasing the land was in negotiations with the hotels.

"Since 2017 we have been working under instructions from the President’s Office to negotiate with hotels that have contracts with unreasonable prices to amend the contracts,” the mayor said.

"However, there are laws that we cannot amend on our own. We should not break the law while we are still negotiating with the hotels," he added.

U Ye Lwin said the government did convince Minthargyi Hotel to up its annual lease rate from 5 million kyats to 30 million kyats during negotiations last month.

"Agreements with Mandalay City Hotel and Hotel Mandalay have not been reached yet and we cannot do it [raise rates] without agreement from their side," he said.

The 2017-2018 fiscal year audit stated that monthly income from leasing land to Mandalay City Hotel, Minthargyi Hotel and Hotel Mandalay was 800,000 kyats, 630,000 kyats and 500,000 kyats, respectively.

Although the contract terms range from 20 years to 70 years, lawmakers said the deals were nonetheless out of synch with local market rates, which start at 2 million kyats for 100 square feet.

Mandalay City Hotel is leasing 1.327 acres in the heart of the city, while Hotel Mandalay sits on 1.69 acres and Minthargyi Hotel on 6.25 acres.

Mandalay City Hotel has a contract for 20 years, Mandalay Hotel for 30 years and Minthargyi Hotel for 70 years.

Minthargyi Hotel’s contract was renewed on March 29, 2016, two days before a new national government administration took office.

Lawmakers said they have been raised the issue in Parliament since April 2017 and that a committee to tackle it led by the deputy mayor has since been formed. But the audit report showed no signs of change.

After Wednesday’s session, lawmaker U Myint Aung Moe, to raised the issue, said he still had many questions.

"We are not blaming the government for the slow progress, but we want to end the unreasonable contracts while we are in power. There are still questions about whether the previous government signed those contracts accordingly to the law and why they did so just before stepping down," he said.

The Irrawaddy’s Myat Pyae Phyo contributed to this story.

The post Govt Needs Hotels’ Consent to Raise Lease Rates, Mandalay Mayor Says appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wariness Over BRI as State Counselor Prepares for Beijing Forum

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 06:17 AM PDT

YANGON—Nearly three dozen national leaders will land in Beijing late this month to attend the 2nd Belt and Road Forum. Among them will be Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is expected to negotiate agreements on at least six projects as part of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor.

Upon signing the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) in September last year, the Myanmar government officially became a partner in China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China has proposed 30 projects as part of the BRI.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's signature foreign policy, the BRI is a grand vision to revive the historic Silk Road trade route and create a "21st-Century Maritime Silk Road". These would create a network of trade routes from China to Europe passing through Central Asia, the Middle East and Russia. Unveiled in 2013, the BRI will ultimately encompass nearly 70 countries and two-thirds of the world's population.

However, for the past two years the BRI has faced resistance from a number of countries. Some have decided that while participation could help their development, they want to seek a renegotiation of the terms.

Some key countries lying on Beijing's signature routes, whose involvement is needed to build highly ambitious infrastructure projects, have declared they will reconsider all the agreements to ensure there is no risk of a "debt trap" and that all terms and conditions are fair.

Concerns in SE Asia

Last year was a rocky one for the BRI after Malaysia elected a new government led by Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who canceled US$18 billion (more than 27 trillion kyats) worth of BRI projects comprising a rail link and two gas pipelines being constructed by a Chinese company, a move he said was necessary in order to avoid a huge debt trap. He also called for the renegotiation or cancellation of "unfair" deals with Beijing authorized by his predecessor, Najib Razak, who now faces prosecution involving a massive financial scandal.

Pakistan's government led by Prime Minister Imran Khan decided to review and revise all the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects due to their perceived unfairness to Pakistani companies. In the Maldives, President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, who beat a pro-China president in the country's recent election, is renegotiating BRI project-related debt. And the West African country of Sierra Leone recently canceled a $400-million, Chinese-funded project to build a new airport outside the capital Freetown to avoid a heavy debt burden.

As a precautionary measure before joining the forum, the leaders of Indonesia and Malaysia recently publicized the terms and conditions for Chinese investors aiming to secure BRI agreements. Indonesia has announced that Chinese investors must abide by the four conditions: to use only environmentally friendly technologies; to maximize the use of local labor; to transfer technical knowledge to local partners through training programs; and to ensure that the projects create added value for Indonesian industries to reduce the country’s dependence on extractive industries such as mining and to benefit the country's economy in the long term.

Last month, when asked by the South China Morning Post for his views on the BRI before joining the forum, the Malaysian prime minister warned other countries to make sure that the money flowing into their country is not borrowed from China. He emphasized that countries that do become mired in "debt traps" must accept some responsibility for their predicament. He explained this was why Malaysia preferred direct investment over projects funded by Chinese loans. He said he welcomed Chinese investment and economic resources, but was not receptive to its control or influence.

Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks during a briefing on the final day of the Belt and Road Forum  at the Yanqi Lake International Conference Center north of Beijing on May 15, 2017. / REUTERS

Myanmar—Easy Prey?

In Myanmar, the CMEC will stretch for 1,700 km, starting in China's Yunnan Province and going through Myanmar's major economic cities—Mandalay in central Myanmar and the commercial capital of Yangon—and reaching the coast at the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rakhine State. The proposal includes upgrades to three major roads through Mandalay and Muse on the Myanmar side of the border with China, and some other roads in Shan State.

Mandalay Region Finance and Planning Minister U Myat Thu, a member of a joint committee on the BRI, told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar has agreed to speed up the progress of nine major projects among the 30 proposed by China. However, the minister didn't identify the nine projects.

The government hasn't officially announced the list of CMEC projects yet except for construction plans for three economic cooperation zones along the Myanmar-China border in Shan and Kachin states.

However, under the CMEC, Myanmar has also signed an MoU for the Kyaukphyu deep-sea port, a potential hub for China that would give it direct access to the Indian Ocean and allow its oil imports to bypass the Strait of Malacca. It also serves Beijing's goal of developing China's landlocked Yunnan province.

In Yangon, the multi-billion-dollar New Yangon City project is a part of the CMEC plan. A framework agreement was recently signed for the project, which is envisioned as a complex of new towns, industrial parks and urban development projects.

Despite warnings from critics that the project could burden Myanmar with unsustainable debt and provoke more armed conflict in the project areas, in October two state-owned companies—China Railway Eryuan Engineering Group (China Railway Group Ltd) (CREEG) and Myanmar Railways—signed an MoU to conduct a feasibility study on the Muse-Mandalay high-speed railway.

A project that will link two economic centers in Myanmar with Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province in southwestern China, the project is part of Beijing's grand infrastructure plan for the region. The Muse-Mandalay railway is also the initial stage in a strategic railway link that Beijing plans to build, with a parallel expressway, from Ruili in Yunnan province to Kyaukphyu in Rakhine, along with a separate road running through northern Myanmar, India's northeastern states, and Bangladesh.

However, Myanmar's leaders have been silent on their plans and policies for BRI projects amid rising resentment toward China due to its efforts to revive the controversial Myitsone Dam on the country's lifeline river, the Irrawaddy. On the other hand, experts, including from the World Bank, have pointed out that Myanmar's growth will largely depend on major BRI infrastructure projects that get underway this year.

The Irrawaddy has learned that the Myanmar government is drafting a master plan relating to the CMEC. This includes some significant conditions, including that identified projects are to be selected through a public tender process, and that Myanmar should be allowed to borrow from multiple sources if debt financing is required. However, the content of the master plan is very broad in terms of debt policy, the public tender process and labor rights. Experts have pointed out that it is difficult to obtain loans from other countries for China-related projects. In terms of the open tender process, critics say that even if there are a few competitors, it is highly unlikely that a non-Chinese company would win a BRI project.

Deputy Planning and Finance Minister U Set Aung said the projects under the CEMC must be in line with the Myanmar Sustainable Development Plan (MSDP) drawn up by the current government to achieve "genuine, inclusive and transformational" economic growth.

The head of the China desk at the Institute of Strategy and Policy (ISP)-Myanmar, Daw Khin Khin Kyaw Kyee, told The Irrawaddy that while there is nothing wrong with the strategies outlined in the MSDP, the government has still not disclosed how it plans to implement them on the ground.

"The government doesn't have the necessary mechanisms to implement the MSDP with regard to the CMEC," Daw Khin Khin Kyaw Kyee said.

The MSDP obliges the government to listen to the public's voices and wishes when it comes to implementing or making decisions related to the projects. She pointed out that the public has received little information about the CMEC projects since the government signed the agreement.

"When the public is not given general information about the agreement, how can we say there is transparency?" she asked of the government's lack of effort to publicize information on the projects.

Experts have suggested that as a developing country, half of whose existing foreign debt is held by China, Myanmar should implement individual rules and regulations relating to BRI projects, such as requiring counter-project proposals; inviting experts to review mega-projects; and adopting international standards for environmental issues and debt policies.

In March 2018, a report by the Washington-based Center for Global Development said China was putting many countries under the BRI at financial risk through a series of aid activities and huge amounts of lending.

"Myanmar can learn from other countries that became highly indebted from BRI projects," Thitinan Pongsudhirak, an associate professor at the Institute of Security and International Studies in the Faculty of Political Science at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, told The Irrawaddy.

"Myanmar can set up a debt law, which puts a ceiling on how much [in] foreign loans the country can take out and be sustainable based on macroeconomic conditions, such as international reserves, export growth, and GDP expansion," he said.

China and Myanmar sign an MOU to jointly build the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor on Sept. 9, 2018. / Photo provided by NDRC

Cooperation, Not Confrontation 

Led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's BRI steering committee comprises 25 members including 18 Union ministers (from ministries ranging from Home Affairs to Hotels and Tourism); five chief ministers (from Kachin, Mandalay, Rakhine, Yangon and Shan); the foreign affairs permanent secretary; and the chairman of the Naypyitaw Council.

According to U Aung Naing Oo, the director general of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, projects under the BRI must be reviewed by the BRI steering committee and cleared by the Myanmar Investment Commission.

Daw Khin Khin Kyaw Kyee said, "They should invite experts who can negotiate at the table with China's representatives."

The government only considers CMEC projects based on China's proposals, when in fact it should propose counter projects based on what will benefit the country and meet the people's needs, she said. For example, while China has proposed BRI projects, the Indonesian government has proposed nearly 30 projects worth US$91.1 billion based on the country's own strategic plans.

"Whenever we discuss China's irresponsible manner of investment practices, they tell me that we follow the Myanmar government's rule and regulations. That shows we don't have enough rules and regulations in line with international standards," she said.

She pointed out that the updated version of Myanmar's investment law fails to expressly require maximum use of local workers in foreign investment projects.

Despite public wariness surrounding Chinese investment in the country, the humanitarian crisis in Rakhine has pushed Myanmar back into the hands of the Chinese.

At the country's first investment forum in late January, while talking about infrastructure challenges, U Thaung Tun said he wants to take advantage of Myanmar's strategic location at the intersection of two of the world's most important emerging markets, China and India.

He emphasized that Myanmar is central to the BRI, saying that "If you look at the BRI you will find that Myanmar is in the middle of all of it. Because the Maritime Silk Road must pass through Myanmar."

The minister stressed to the audience that the rise of China should not be seen as an obstacle, as he believes all countries can benefit from BRI projects.

"We can do cooperation rather than confrontation. It will help development not just in the region but also the world," he said, adding that Myanmar could be a transport hub for Asia under the BRI.

As China continues its global infrastructure financing push across the developing world, allegations of debt diplomacy keep arising. According to media reports, when the BRI was first announced, China's foreign currency reserves stood at around US$4 trillion. During the past five years, the reserves have fallen to US$3 trillion as Beijing seeks to offload pressure on the yuan and provide contracts for Chinese companies that take an interest in spending some of those reserves overseas.

According to the American Chamber of Commerce, Chinese companies are under pressure from U.S. tariffs, and factory activity in China has been steadily contracting, with export orders falling at rates not seen since the financial crisis a decade ago. As a result, experts speculate that Chinese companies will be saddled with debt and find it difficult to run foreign projects like those under the BRI in the near future.

According to the media reports, more than 270 out of 1,814 BRI projects undertaken since 2013 in the Indo-Pacific region have been halted due to concerns over practicality or financial viability.

Daw Khin Khin Kyaw Kyee said, "Both sides should negotiate and implement [projects] in a manner that is fair, transparent, and to the benefit of the host country, not just the investor."

"Before we make further agreements with China, we should have a certain master plan or rules and regulations that can assure benefits for the people of Myanmar," she said.

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‘Journalism is Threatened by Populist Governments, the Corporate World’

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 05:44 AM PDT

SEOUL, South Korea— More than 70 journalists from 50 countries attended the World Journalists Conference 2019 in South Korea, held in the last week of March, with the theme of "The Role of Journalists in Ensuring Peace on the Korean Peninsula." At this annual international conference hosted by the Journalists Association of Korea, journalists, editors, and media workers from across the globe contributed to discussions about the most pressing challenges and threats journalists are facing globally and regionally, as well as the future of journalism.

The Irrawaddy spoke with two senior executive committee members of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), a global organization of journalists representing 187 unions and associations in more than 140 countries, who attended the conference, on the current status of press freedom, freedom of speech and the safety and protection of journalists worldwide.

Sabina Inderjit, elected vice-president of the IFJ

We are here at the World Journalists Conference. Journalists and different media outlets are discussing and sharing their thoughts on the role of media and the challenges and threats posed to their work. What do you think of the current situation of press freedom around the world?

Journalism has changed over a period of time. Earlier there was print journalism. It changed to electronic. Now it changed to digital. And journalism as a public service, unfortunately, has been impacted because with competition, with the growth of the media, the corporate world has gotten involved in the ownership of the media across the world. It can be different from [country to country] but it has got involved. Now journalism has changed its role from a public service to a business model. Its role as the fourth estate or as journalists building public opinion gets diminished because business interests take over. Now what we are seeing is with this competition and with this growth of the media what happened is journalistic ethical standards have had a blow. Newspapers are competing with television. The television is competing with digital media. Everybody is in a rush, so the quality of the journalism has gone down. More importantly, maybe it should be the first [point] is that press freedom has been impacted. Let's say countries like the United States and India, the largest democracies in the world—they both would claim they have press freedom.  In reality, that's not the case today. There are pressures on the media. Government control is not there at the front but it is [acting] from behind the scenes.

And the third thing, which again is frightening, is that journalists are being targeted. Journalists across the world are being killed for their reporting. When there is an attack on the journalist, it is not only an individual, we see it as an attack on freedom of speech and expression.

The other thing that concerns us today is social media, fake news. Social media can play havoc in countries or in cities [and it] can lead to protests. Wrong news can evoke emotions. We have seen in [India] something on social media can create a lot of problems. I don't understand why we call it social media. We can't call it "media." We shouldn't call it media because it is not media. It does not verify the facts. It is not giving the facts.

On these concerns and challenges including on fake news and business models in journalism that you mentioned, how do you see the future of journalism in a decade?

Well, it has to be corrected. I still do have faith that we will complete a full circle. I don't know whether you find this in your country, but in my country and amongst my journalist friends, we are having this feeling of dissatisfaction. We are getting frustrated in our profession because there is the clampdown. And it's not spoken out. I think together we have to fight. It is easier said than done, but you have to stick your job to ensure that you can write and speak whatever you want to. But, it must change. I am optimistic. Maybe in a decade to come, there will be a change.

Fake news is also bothering—not just journalists—but it is bothering people. At some stages it is even bothering governments. I think there will be a solution.

There are many controversial laws used to arrest journalists for their reporting. Most governments don't appreciate the role of journalists. They only care when the election is near. What you would like to say to the governments which keep those repressive laws?

I think the message to the government is very clear: the press is not your enemy; media is not your enemy; media is your go-between [connecting] you and the people so you have to allow the media to have a free run because media is going to inform you of your functioning. It is going to tell you what the priority areas you should have are. Media should be allowed to function freely and responsibly. Laws which clamp down on media are [not good]. They must refrain from [using them] because if they genuinely want to serve the people, they must allow the media to speak for the people.

And we also have a responsibility. I am not blaming the government alone. There is private media and channels which are now taking sides. We also have problems with the credibility of media. I do still remember when I said I am a journalist 30 years ago my friends would say, "Wow, you are a journalist. Such a great profession." But today when you say you are a journalist there is a big question mark. I mean they are not impressed by you. You have 20 channels and the same incidents are reported with different content, so people really don't know who to believe. The credibility of the media also is a big issue. We have to go back to good standards, to ethical journalism. Not this cut-throat competition. We are not selling jeans—we are disseminating news. So this cut-throat competition is impacting our reputation even as journalists.

There are now many women journalists working in the field as well as in the war zones. What you would like to say in regards to their rights?

Women journalist are [emerging] in various countries. We have seen there is the movement of women journalists in the profession. But we do find survey [results] suggesting that the women journalists find it difficult to reach the top posts in their newsroom. It is very difficult. The second thing we are facing is the sexual harassment of women journalists by their seniors. It wasn't spoken about before, but with the #MeToo movement happening, now even the IFJ has a campaign on against violence towards women. It doesn't happen in my country but a large number of countries pay women less than a male colleague for the same work she does. So gender equality is a concept which IFJ is fully involved in.

I only have one regret. Women have joined the profession of journalism, but very few join trade unions. What they say is they have [difficult] meeting times. Some of the men are drinking while we have to look after our family and home. But you have to join the trade unions because the more women in the trade unions, the more women-related issues the union will pick up. We have to be part of it. We have to make our place there. And it is not that difficult. I have done it.

Paul Murphy, adviser to the IFJ

How do you see the current situation of press freedom?

I think there are many threats to press freedom around the world. The situation has become more dangerous for journalists in recent years because we have seen the growth of governments around the world don't value journalists, don't respect journalists and journalist organizations. That, I think, has been made worse since the election of Donald Trump in the United States. Because the United States was always seen as a champion of free press, free speech, liberal democracy. His attacks on the media and his attacks on journalists, I think, encourage other governments around the world to do the same. That's seen many journalists imprisoned. Many journalists facing threats. Unfortunately, many journalists being killed all around the world, including in Asia-Pacific.

With journalists facing greater threats and dangers, how does this affect the right to information and democracy internationally?

I think we have seen democracy go backwards in a lot of countries in the West and in the Asia-Pacific since the rise of politicians that are very populist. They have populist right-wing agendas and they seek a way to get power by dividing the country, by turning one part of the population against another. When journalists and organizations call them to account, and call out what they are doing, [journalists] find themselves in the firing line from attacks by governments, from attacks by police and security forces.

What can the IFJ do to improve that situation?

The IFJ works very closely with all their affiliates to provide practical support to journalists facing threats, to lobby governments around the world for the protection of journalists. We've also just launched the campaign for a new United Nations convention on the safety of journalists and media professionals because we are concerned that the current UN conventions don't recognize the situation we are in. At the moment, the UN conventions in warzones provide the same sort of protection to journalists as it provides to citizens. That doesn't recognize the fact that increasingly journalists are becoming a target for violence. Combatants in war zones are targeting the journalists. We believe that there needs to be a stronger UN convention to put requirements on governments to provide greater protection to journalists and media workers.

The IFJ is proposing the establishment of an Asia-Pacific federation of journalists. Do you see any differences or a worsening of press freedom in the region?

The Asia-Pacific region has some of the most dangerous places in the world for journalists. In Afghanistan, the situation remains very bad. Pakistan's situation is very bad. Obviously, we've got concerns about the position of journalists in Myanmar. At the moment Philippine President Duterte seems to have no respect for the role of journalists and democratic forces. We think a more active federation of journalists in the Asia-Pacific can play an important role in supporting journalists and protecting their safety.

What would be your message to the governments of the Asia-Pacific region regarding journalism and press freedom?

Journalism is a fundamental part of a democratic system. It's almost impossible to have a proper, functioning democracy without the free press and without the journalists who report fearlessly to bring to light corruption and mistreatment to their fellow citizens. Journalists have to be respected in their role and there has to be respect for truth. That's something the governments, all governments, should recognize and protect.

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Two Boys (8) Killed at Monastery in Pa-O Self-Administered Zone

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 02:43 AM PDT

Two eight-year-old ethnic Pa-O boys were killed on Sunday in Si Sai Township, southern Shan State when a member of the local militia force, the Pa-O National Army (PNA), shot them allegedly on mistaken identity.

Phra Khun Sein, village leader of Lon Pho Village where the incident took place, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that a member of the PNA shot the boys and that the organization had already paid compensation to their families.

"He drank alcohol first. Then he went to the monastery when he was drunk. He went crazy. He says he [thought he] saw his enemies coming so he shot two boys who were asleep in their room," said Phra Khun Sein.

A Buddhist monk from the monastery tried to stop the gunman, telling him that there are no enemies in the monastery, he added.

The two boys were studying at the monastery, and both were shot on the head. The funeral is being held on Wednesday, according to Phra Khun Sein.

Si Sai Township is located in the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone in southern Shan State and the PNA control the area which is under the command of the Myanmar military.

Khun Si Thu, a rights activist from Taunggyi, the capital of Shan State, said that his organization, Kaung Yaw Youth, plan to issue a statement condemning the killing.

The abbot of the monastery where they killings took place had previously declared a village-wide ban on drinking alcohol. However, the gunman got drunk and he went to make a problem for the abbot, according to Khun Si Thu.

The PNA paid a total of 16 million kyats in compensation to the victims' families, according to Khun Si Thu and confirmed by Phra Khun Sein.

The incident has been officially declared an accident but the compensation agreement documents have been widely shared on social media by groups condemning the murders, including by Pa'O Youths Voice, an online media group which focuses on news from the Pa-O community.

On the group's Facebook page, they questioned how it could have been an accident if the killer came to the monastery to kill the boys.

When The Irrawaddy called Col. Khun Zaw Pyan, an information officer for the PNA, for his comments on the incident, he did not answer the phone. The PNA previously served as the armed wing of the Pa-O National Organization (PNO), but since the armed group agreed to a ceasefire with the Myanmar military regime in 1991, they have been serving as a local militia acting as a security force in the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone. The PNA is led by U Aung Kham Hti, the patron and former chairman of the PNO.

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‘May I Help You?’ The Police and National Reconciliation

Posted: 03 Apr 2019 12:43 AM PDT

The four main responsibilities of the Myanmar Police Force (MPF) are to ensure domestic security and regional tranquility, to uphold the rule of law, to prevent and tackle the narcotics trade, and to serve the public interest. The phrase "May I Help You?" appears on the Myanmar Police Force (MPF) website, and in every police booth in the country, catching the eye of every passer-by. However, given the MPF's history of abusing its power and using violence both to suppress public protest and in its daily policing tasks, "May I Help You", which on the surface suggests a spontaneous offer of assistance to anyone in need, conveys an extreme ambiguity, even notoriety, among the general public.

Yet, the MPF's notoriety comes as no surprise if one looks at the organization's history. The police force has never enjoyed public support. During both the British and Japanese colonial eras, police were viewed by the general public with disdain as corrupt law-enforcing servants of the ruling administrations, which the public resented. Public perceptions of the police have yet to improve. Ironically, the oppressed minorities and the dominant Bamar ethnic group, which often hold contradictory political views, stand united in their perceptions of the police in Myanmar; and this shared perception stems from their shared experience of the police's indiscriminate brutality and violence against civilians across the country. This shared perception suggests the existence of a certain pattern concerning policing.

Not so long ago, the Saffron Revolution of 2007, which was predominantly led by the Bamar ethnic group in Yangon, saw police brutality against students, monks, nuns, passers-by and demonstrators. While soldiers played the major role in the ruthless crackdown on the peaceful demonstrators, the police—especially the Lon Htein, or riot police—abused their power to violently wield batons against the crowd, beating and detaining non-resisting demonstrators. Even one of my friends who was a passer-by received his share of violent baton punishment from the police. Many other innocent individuals and peaceful demonstrators had excruciatingly painful atrocities inflicted upon them during their detention and imprisonment.

In 2012, during a protest in the Letpadaung mining area, 10 Buddhist monks were burned when a grenade containing highly flammable white phosphorus was allegedly thrown at them, and two of them sustained severe injuries. And in December 2014, another civilian, Daw Khin Win, was shot and killed on the spot, and two others were injured, by police during a demonstration against the Letpadaung copper mine operated by the Chinese government-backed Wanbao company.

In Kachin State's Hpakant, where many state-owned and Chinese government-backed companies excessively mine jade, killings of civilians by security guards are not uncommon. Myanmar police armed with guns usually serve as security for those companies. To cite a few examples, jadestone picker Ko Zaw Wai was shot and killed in the presence of six policemen led by Sergeant Myo Min Oo at the Wakyae Jade mine in Hpakant in early June of 2017 (as reported by RFA on June 26, 2017). In November 2018, Ko Aye Than from Rakhine State was killed by security personnel from the Jade Leaf Mining Company (Irrawaddy, Nov. 20, 2018). Again in 2019, U Kyaw Zin Phyo was shot in the back of the head and killed at the San Hkar Mine in Hpakant (Myanmar Peace Monitor, Feb. 6, 2019). While it is surprising to learn that Myanmar police hire out their services as a security force to Chinese government-backed mega mining companies, from whose operations Myanmar citizens almost never benefit, it is also appalling that civilians are killed almost at will and with impunity. Leaked videos showing police involvement in capturing, interrogating and torturing members of the Rohingya minority during military clearance operations following ARSA terrorist attacks also reveal the degree of police involvement in atrocities, brutality and violence against civilians with impunity.

During a police crackdown on peaceful ethnic Karenni demonstrators who were protesting the controversial placement of a statue of General Aung San in Loikaw, 21 youths sustained injuries from rubber bullets used by police. Many were shocked and disturbed to see images of a Karenni youth with a bloody rubber-bullet wound to his face. Yet, the perpetrators have not been brought to justice.

In September 2016, a video showing Police Lieutenant Soe Zaw Zaw wildly pointing his pistol at and threatening participants at a meeting in Hpakant went viral online (Irrawaddy, Sept. 9, 2016). Yet details of the legal action taken against the officer for his outright power abuse and misconduct remain largely unknown to the public. Although the officer may be explained away as just a "one bad apple in the barrel", the other above-mentioned incidents are too numerous to dismiss as isolated occurrences; instead they portray a consistent pattern of police brutality and violence, of committing crimes with impunity across the state.

With recent attacks on police in Rakhine State claiming several lives, it may be time for the MPF to reevaluate its four main responsibilities. In the aftermath of the Yoetayote Police Station attack on March 9, police chief Kyi Lin commented in an interview with The Irrawaddy that "the general public is also responsible for the attack in some respect… the public has become weak in information sharing." While it may not be deemed wise or responsible of the police chief to blame—even to the slightest degree—the general public, whose trust the police have yet to earn, it is worth noting the importance of collaboration between the police and the general public in response to issues that disrupt social order and challenge domestic stability and regional tranquility. Yet, police chief Kyi Lin's comment clearly demonstrates the public's distrust of and reluctance to collaborate with the police force.

Given the incidents discussed above and the comment in the aftermath of the Yoetayote Police Station attack, one does not need a highly sophisticated knowledge to see the breadth  of police brutality committed with impunity, and the resulting lack of trust in the police—and the lack of will to collaborate with police—among the general public. The perpetrators of these acts must be prosecuted at the individual level, but the incidents also demonstrate the need to address the long-existing practice of police brutality against citizens. This would allow the MPF to redirect its energies to truly serve the interests of the public and gain its trust.

In order for the police to establish a positive image and secure positive collaboration from the public, the initiative must come from the police force itself. In addition to formulating mechanisms to prosecute individual perpetrators of police killings and violence, the MPF also needs to question the state of the "barrel"—the system itself—that has consistently been riddled with so many bad apples. And this proactive move may be the best way to gain public support given all the suffering inflicted upon the general public.

The continuation of police abuse of power, brutality, violence and killings will only lead ethnic minority groups to show greater support for their respective armed or civil forces; this could in turn escalate armed clashes between the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) and ethnic armed organizations. Moreover, the police could become easy targets for ethnic armed groups, which would gain greater support from their respective ethnic groups. Attacking police may also be viewed as easily justified in the minds of the armed groups by giving to them the tag of being "traitor(s) to the public".

Such a vicious circle would further hinder domestic security and the reconciliation process. The rise of Rakhine nationalism serves as the one of most recent living testimonies to the consequences of police brutality, violence and killings. However, the desirable results of the re-evaluation of police misconduct and mistreatment of civilians would be three-fold: the achievement of the police's objectives; reducing the vulnerability of the police in armed conflict zones; and a significant contribution to domestic security and national reconciliation.

Kyaw Htut Aung is a pseudonym for a Kachin analyst doing his master's degree in education abroad.

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U.S. Says it Will Not Send High-Level Officials to China’s Silk Road Summit

Posted: 02 Apr 2019 10:06 PM PDT

WASHINGTON — The United States will not send high-level officials to attend China’s second Belt and Road summit in Beijing this month, a spokesperson for the U.S. State Department said on Tuesday, citing concerns about financing practices for the project.

China’s top diplomat, Yang Jiechi, said on Saturday that almost 40 foreign leaders would take part in the summit due to be held in Beijing in late April. He rejected criticisms of the project as “prejudiced.”

The first summit for the project, which envisions rebuilding the old Silk Road to connect China with Asia, Europe and beyond with massive infrastructure spending, was held in 2017 and was attended by Matt Pottinger, the senior White House official for Asia.

There are no such plans this year.

“We will not send high-level officials from the United States,” a spokesperson for the U.S. State Department said in answer to a question from Reuters.

“We will continue to raise concerns about opaque financing practices, poor governance, and disregard for internationally accepted norms and standards, which undermine many of the standards and principles that we rely upon to promote sustainable, inclusive development, and to maintain stability and a rules-based order.

“We have repeatedly called on China to address these concerns,” the official added.

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative has proven controversial in many Western capitals, particularly Washington, which views it as a means to spread Chinese influence abroad and saddle countries with unsustainable debt through non-transparent projects.

On Saturday, Yang called such criticisms “prejudiced,” saying China has never forced debt upon participants and the project was to promote joint development.

On Saturday, he did not name the 40 leaders he said would attend, but some of China’s closest allies have already confirmed they will be there, including Russian President Vladimir Putin, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan, Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen.

The United States has been particularly critical of Italy’s decision to sign up to the plan this month, during a visit by Xi to Rome, the first for a G7 nation.

Washington sees China as a major strategic rival and the Trump administration has engaged Beijing in a tit-for-tat tariff war.

The world’s two biggest economies have levied tariffs on hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of bilateral trade since July 2018, raising costs, disrupting supply chains and roiling global markets.

White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow on Tuesday said the countries “expect to make more headway” in trade talks this week, while the top U.S. business lobbying group said differences over an enforcement mechanism and the removal of U.S. tariffs were still obstacles to a deal.

The post U.S. Says it Will Not Send High-Level Officials to China’s Silk Road Summit appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Facebook, Twitter Sucked Into India-Pakistan Information War

Posted: 02 Apr 2019 09:49 PM PDT

ISLAMABAD/NEW DELHI — Pakistani social media campaigner Hanzala Tayyab leads about 300 ultra-nationalist cyber warriors fighting an internet war with arch-foe India, in a battle that is increasingly sucking in global tech giants such as Twitter and Facebook.

Tayyab, 24, spends his days on Facebook and encrypted WhatsApp chatrooms organizing members of his Pakistan Cyber Force group to promote anti-India content and make it go viral, including on Twitter, where he has more than 50,000 followers.

That ranges from highlighting alleged Indian human rights abuses to lionizing insurgents battling Indian security forces in Kashmir, a disputed Himalayan region at the heart of historic tensions between Pakistan and India.

Tayyab’s job became harder on Monday when the Pakistan Cyber Force’s Facebook account was taken down, one of 103 Pakistani accounts the social media giant said it had deleted because of “inauthentic behavior” and spamming. Some Indian nationalist accounts have also been suspended in recent weeks.

Portraying himself as an online combatant defending Pakistan from India’s attempts to destabilize his country, Tayyab plans to continue playing his role in the broader information war being fought between the nuclear-armed foes.

“We are countering the Indian narrative through social media, we are countering the enemies of Pakistan,” Tayyab told Reuters in the capital, Islamabad.

With a combined population of 1.5 billion, India and Pakistan are hot growth markets for Facebook and Twitter, say analysts.

But with many rival ultra-nationalist and extremist groups in the region using Facebook and Twitter platforms to advance their political agenda, both companies face accusations of bias whenever they suspend accounts.

Facebook has been buffeted by controversies across the globe in recent years, including for not stopping the use of fake accounts to try to sway public opinion in the 2016 U.S. presidential election and Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, and for not acting to stamp out hate speech on its platform that was fuelling ethnic violence in Myanmar.

Four Facebook and more than 20 Twitter accounts belonging to members of the Pakistan Cyber Force have been shuttered in the past two months, according to Tayyab, who is still angry at Twitter for shutting down his previous personal account in 2016.

A Twitter spokeswoman said: “We believe in impartiality and do not take any actions based on political viewpoints.”

A Facebook spokesperson told Reuters the company did not remove the Pakistani accounts because of Indian government pressure, but because people behind them coordinated with one another and used fake accounts to misrepresent themselves.

“When we disrupt these networks for coordinated inauthentic behavior, it’s because of their deceptive behavior and not because of the content they’re sharing, or the ideology or political leanings of the people behind them,” Facebook said.

Flare-up

Pakistan and India flirted with war in February, when they carried out aerial bombing missions against each other’s territory for the first time since the 1971 war and fought a brief dogfight over the Kashmir skies.

That flare-up was accompanied by a fierce propaganda war on social media.

This online battle of political and ideological narratives is one that Pakistan’s military believes it must win at all costs, analysts say. Military spokesmen often warn unconventional “fifth generation warfare” is being waged against Pakistan.

Facebook said on Monday the 103 accounts removed were part of a network linked to employees of the Pakistani military’s public relations arm.

Tayyab denies the Pakistan Cyber Force is linked to Pakistan’s military, saying the group is made up of volunteers.

But analysts say such cyber armies work directly either for Pakistan’s military or civilian state organizations, acting as de facto proxies or militias in the online battlefields.

“These groups who are being resourced and organized are actually a kind of a line of defense for this fifth generation warfare,” said Shahzad Ahmed, from Pakistani digital rights group Bytes for All.

Pakistan’s military did not respond to a Reuters request for comment.

“Case of treason”

In India, similar nationalist groups are popping up and pushing to purge and punish those who they perceive to be critical of India — or supportive of Pakistan — on social media.

One such group, Clean the Nation, says its actions have resulted in more than 50 people who had posted what it called anti-India comments and remarks critical of India’s armed forces being arrested or suspended from work or education.

“This is our motherland and if someone is abusing people who are protecting our motherland, actually fighting on the ground, I don’t believe they should be allowed to work here or allowed to live here,” Rahul Kaushik, one of the co-founders of the group, told Reuters. “This is a clear case of treason, in our view.”

Kaushik said Clean the Nation had no formal links with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), though one BJP leader praised the group when it was founded in late February, following an attack by a Pakistan militant group in Indian-controlled Kashmir that killed 40 paramilitary police.

Two of Clean the Nation’s founders, Siddharth Kapoor and Ashutosh Vashishtha, are followed on Twitter by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Others including Kaushik have posted pictures on social media of meetings with Modi and other members of his cabinet.

Amit Malviya, the BJP’s head of social media, did not respond to a request for comment.

Clean the Nation said some of its accounts had been banned or suspended by Facebook last month. That action was unconnected with the 549 accounts and 138 pages linked to India’s opposition Congress Party that Facebook said on Monday had been taken down.

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Thailand Prepares Masks for ASEAN Meeting Due to Air Pollution

Posted: 02 Apr 2019 09:46 PM PDT

BANGKOK — Thailand is preparing face masks for an upcoming regional finance minister and central bank summit after pollution shot air quality to alarming levels, an official said on Tuesday.

The air quality index (AQI) in Chiang Rai, where Thailand will host the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors meeting this week, reached levels considered unhealthy at 240 to 250, government data shows.

Masks have been prepared, Nadhavudh Dhamasiri, a senior Finance Ministry official, told Reuters.

Some 300 officials are expected for the meeting, with some already arriving. There are no plans to change the meeting venue or schedules, officials said.

“The dust situation is improving and has not affected the meeting schedules,” Nadhavudh added.

Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha traveled north to inspect the situation and said after a meeting on the pollution that he had ordered agencies to alleviate the problem within seven days, starting with 1,900 spots across nine provinces, including Chiang Rai.

The government has already given out nearly 2 million masks to residents in the area, Prayuth said.

“The smog problem in nine northern provinces is due to agriculture burning in forests, which happens every year,” Sate Sampattagul, Head of the Climate Change Data Center at Chiang Mai University, told Reuters.

The smog is worse this year because of a drought and more illegal burning, he added.

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Mandalay Came Under Heavy Attack from the Air 77 Years Ago Today

Posted: 02 Apr 2019 07:05 PM PDT

On this day 77 years ago, around 80 Japanese aircraft bombed and strafed sites housing British troops in Mandalay. The aerial assault, which followed a smaller attack, targeted residential areas and killed dozens of civilians.

At the time, many people who had fled the Japanese bombing of Yangon and other towns were taking shelter in Mandalay. Hundreds of people died of cholera during the month-long aerial campaign.

Japanese forces finally seized control of Mandalay on May 1, 1942, and many facilities including hospitals, schools, markets, residential wards, pagodas and temples, railway stations and power plants were reduced to ash. Japanese forces then marched into towns in northern Myanmar. Japan ruled Mandalay from 1942 to 1945.

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