Thursday, September 19, 2013

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Kanbawza Bank is country’s highest taxpayer, says Finance Ministry

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:57 AM PDT

The Kanbawza Bank has been declared the highest payer of income tax in Burma for the 2012-13 fiscal year, according to a list of the top 500 taxpayers in the country released by the Ministry of Finance and Revenue.

Chaired by Aung Ko Win, Kanbawza Bank's has more than 2,000 employees and its main source of revenue is from its transfer and loan services.

Myanmar Brewery Ltd was the highest contributor to the country's coffers in terms of commercial tax, according to the report.

Min Htut, director-general of the Ministry of Finance and Revenue, said Kanbawza Bank earned over 10 billion kyat (US$10 million) last fiscal year with tax levied at 25 percent on net profits.

He noted that, according to regulations laid down by the Internal Revenue Department, private companies should pay 25 percent of their total net profits in tax; however private firms netting over 30 million kyat profit are liable to pay 30 percent tax.

The department previously announced a list of the top 100 tax payers for 2011-12. Min Htut said the increase in the listing of various firms' tax responsibilities would allow for greater transparency and facilitate smoother international cooperation.

"Announcing the top taxpayers signifies greater transparency – it allows international business groups to look up the credentials and the amount of tax paid by the companies they are interested in making joint-ventures with," said Min Htut. "And it will encourage domestic companies to follow tax regulations."

He said the ministry is also looking to review the current tax laws with assistance from international banking experts.

The top 10 companies on the list were (in order): Kanbawza Bank; Myanmar Brewery Co Ltd; Int'l Beverages Trading Company Ltd; Myanmar CP Livestock Company Ltd; Shwetaung Development Co Ltd; Cooperative Bank Ltd; Max Myanmar Construction Group; Dagon Beverages Co Ltd; Black Gold Co Ltd; and Asia World Co Ltd.

On 28 August, Kanbawza announced the opening of its 120th branch, located at Naung Cho in Shan state. It has been awarded the "Best Commercial Bank in Myanmar" and "Best Banking Group in Myanmar" awards for year 2013.

However, comparing Kanbawsa's net profits to many international banks puts matters into perspective; while Kanbawza declared US$10 million in total net profits, UK-based Barclay's Bank declared US$1.65 billion and JPMorgan Chase Bank in the USA declared US$857 million in net income.

Japan's largest bank, Bank of Tokyo Mitsubishi UFJ, which in January announced a partnership with Burma's Cooperative Bank, announced last year a net income of some US$10 billion. However, it was this year fined US$250,000 million by the state of New York for illicit laundering transactions with countries under sanctions, including Burma.

Australia to deport over 100 Rohingya asylum-seekers

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:55 AM PDT

Australia is set to deport over 100 Rohingya asylum-seekers to detention centres in Papua New Guinea (PNG) and Nauru in the coming weeks, in spite of accusations that the move would breach international human rights law.

It follows a decision by the former government in July to redirect all asylum-seekers to its poorer Pacific neighbours in an effort to stem the influx of boat people to Australia – which the newly elected Conservative prime minister has vowed to uphold.

All new arrivals – of which 1,585 were recorded in August – will be sent onwards to Nauru or Manus Island in PNG where they will be resettled if successful, despite allegations of mistreatment and abuse at local detention facilities.

According to a local campaign group, at least 100 Rohingyas fleeing conflict and persecution in Burma's western Arakan state are among those to arrive in Australia since the government announced its new policy.

A spokesperson for the Department of Immigration confirmed to DVB on Wednesday that 72 Burmese nationals and 284 stateless individuals – which is likely to include some Rohingyas – were set for removal.

Although he would not lay out a concrete time frame, he said that "regular transfers" of asylum seekers had taken place since July, with exceptions only being made for those with urgent medical needs.

"Everyone who's arrived since 19 July is subject to transfer – initially to processing on Christmas Island and then onwards to either PNG or Nauru," said the spokesperson.

Meanwhile Prime Minister Tony Abbott, who was sworn into office on Wednesday, has moved to implement an even more draconian immigration policy by authorising the navy to intercept and physically drag boats back to their country of origin, usually Indonesia.

“It’s so important that we send a message to the people-smugglers that from today their business model is coming to an end,” Abbott said at his inaugural ceremony.

Part of the AUS$440 million (US$397 million) scheme includes buying old fishing boats from Indonesia in a bid to prevent traffickers from using them, which activists say raises serious safety concerns for Rohingya refugees fleeing Burma.

Chris Lewa from the campaign group, the Arakan Project, described the plan as "totally ridiculous", adding that it will only punish the victims and not the traffickers.

"It's definitely not going to stop [the boats] that's for sure," Lewa told DVB on Thursday. "Here I'm asking [Rohingya] people in Malaysia if they are still planning to go to Australia, and they say ‘yes’."

More than 300 Burmese nationals have arrived in Australia this year, along with nearly 2,000 stateless people – who are all counted as one group but include Rohingyas, Kurds, Palestinians and others.

Earlier this week a group of Australian lawyers vowed to challenge their government at the current UN Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva, after criticising Abbott's policy as tantamount to "cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment".

It follows reports that G4S, the security firm responsible for running the detention facility on Manus Island – under a scheme that will cost Australian taxpayers up to AUS$1 billion (US$950 million) – has been implicated in serious abuses against inmates, including rape and torture.

A recent investigation by The Guardian exposed "serious" gaps in the government's oversight mechanisms for the company's management of the Manus Island facility. But Australia has already laid out expansion plans for the centre, including cramming 10,000 more tents onto the island.

The UN Refugee Agency has accused Australia of subjecting asylum-seekers to "arbitrary detention that is inconsistent with international human rights law" and identified "significant shortcomings" in PNG's protection mechanisms for processing refugees. Under the 1951 Refugee Convention, Australia is obligated to assist victims of political oppression.

But a spokesperson for the Refugee Council of Australia (RCA) told DVB that the government – from both sides of the political spectrum – has actively "pursued policies to deflect responsibility for people seeking protection from persecution" over the past year.

"This not only contravenes Australia's international human rights obligations, it undermines efforts to improve refugee protections in the Asia-Pacific region," said Andrew Williams, Communications Manager at RCA.

"The treatment of Rohingya, who are often treated as ‘illegal’ or unwanted in their country of birth and in other places they seek asylum, highlights the need for much better answers and greater sharing or responsibility for refugee protection."

It is unclear whether Rohingya refugees who are accepted in Nauru will ever be able to obtain citizenship status, while the Christian-majority PNG is considering adopting a bill that would prevent other religions from being openly practiced.

Tens of thousands of Rohingya Muslims, who are denied citizenship in Burma, have fled the country since two bouts of communal clashes with Buddhists last year, which left nearly 140,000 displaced and 200 dead.

Brothers in alms

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 12:27 AM PDT

More than 100 Buddhist monks joined local Rangoon residents to commemorate the sixth anniversary of the 2007 Saffron Revolution on Wednesday.

Six years ago the military cracked down on anti-government protestors, many of whom were monks, killing dozens and arresting thousands.

At Sardu monastery in Rangoon, the monks called for the Burmese government to apologise for the violent suppression.

“For the future of the country, so that we can build our country peacefully, we want the government to apologize to us,” said former political prisoner and Buddhist monk, Sandar Siri.

Since the crackdown, many monks have refused donations of alms from the military and stopped providing religious services for them.

The monks at Sardyu monastery said they would not end the alms boycott until they receive an official apology.

Since President Thein Sein‘s nominally civilian government took over in 2011, political, economic and social reforms have swept the country.

Many activists say the Saffron Revolution helped bring about those changes.

“Because of the Saffron Revolution, our country was able to reform quickly. Although we’re not satisfied with the present situation, we have freedom of speech and so we can set up a meeting like this today. This is because of the 2007 Saffron movement,” said 88 Student Generation leader Min Ko Naing.

Peaceful anti-government protesters led by Buddhist monks launched demonstrations on 18 September 2007 in response to a 500% overnight increase in fuel prices. The demonstrations escalated in the following days and weeks until hundreds of thousands of protesters had taken to the streets all over the country.

The anniversary marks only the second year that the public can officially commemorate the Saffron Revolution following government reforms.

 

Thai, Burmese military chiefs conclude talks in Bangkok

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 11:53 PM PDT

A senior-level meeting between Thai and Burmese military chiefs concluded on Wednesday at the Dusit Thani Hotel in Bangkok.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing led a delegation of some 20 military officers from Burma while his counterpart Gen Thanasak Patimaprakorn headed a team of 40 officers from the Thai defence forces.

According to a Thai official at the meeting, who spoke to DVB anonymously, the two-day meeting included negotiations on sea and land demarcations; security; narcotics; human trafficking; arms smuggling and illegal migrants. He said they also discussed administrative duties for the continuation of bilateral talks at a senior military level.

The official said that no specific issue was disputed or forced a change in policy, but that the delegations agreed to hold another round of talks in the near future in Rangoon.

Formerly, Thai-Burma military coordination committees existed only at town, regional and liaison levels. The senior-level committee was only formed six months ago.

On Tuesday, Min Aung Hlaing was quoted in the Thai press as saying that relations between Thailand and Burma are at their most cordial in the two countries' history when he met Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra at Government House in Bangkok.

According to a Thai government spokesperson, the Burmese commander-in-chief said that Burma welcomed Thai businesses to invest in the country and issued an assurance that his country was politically stable.

With regard to the Dawei deep-sea port project, the spokesman said that Min Aung Hlaing assured the Thai premier that President Thein Sein recognises the importance of the project and wanted to cooperate with Thailand in ensuring its success.

Yingluck reportedly agreed that the Dawei scheme is a massive infrastructure project and that the two countries would need to cooperate closely to complete it successfully.

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Historic Women’s Forum to Be Held in Burma

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:43 AM PDT

Tin Tin Nyo, general secretary of the Women's League of Burma, speaks at an event in Chiang Mai, Thailand. (Photo: Facebook / Women's League of Burma)

Tin Tin Nyo, general secretary of the Women's League of Burma, speaks at an event in Chiang Mai, Thailand. (Photo: Facebook / Women's League of Burma)

An exile women's rights group will for the first time co-host an event in Burma when the Women's Forum (Burma/Myanmar) kicks off in Rangoon on Friday.

The Women's League of Burma (WLB), based in Thailand, and the Rangoon-based Women Organizations Network, are jointly organizing the forum. Female parliamentarians, peace activists and ethnic leaders, along with other prominent women from Burma's political, social and health spheres, are expected to attend the event.

"We hope to build trust among each other and to work together for peace in our country from this first-time gathering," said Tin Tin Nyo, the general secretary of the WLB.

"With women's unity, we will work toward building a peaceful and developed society by ending armed conflicts in Burma," she added.

The forum aims to bring women's perspectives together with an emphasis on equality and facilitating genuine reform in Burma. The female activists plan to hold a similar forum in November of next year, with the two events to serve as stepping stones to a larger gathering in 2015.

"This is the first step for the upcoming Women's Conference to be held in two years, in 2015," Tin Tin Nyo said.

Forum organizers have also invited leaders of the Myanmar Women's Affairs Federation to the historic gathering, but attendance by representatives of the government-backed federation has not yet been confirmed, Tin Tin Nyo said.

"But we are open to any women's groups to work together for women's empowerment and genuine peace," she added.

The forum will also celebrate International Peace Day, which will be commemorated on Saturday. The WLB general secretary said, "we will keep up our work to pressure the government and the relevant stakeholders to listen to women's voices and to allow women's participation in peacemaking in the country."

The three-day forum will discuss a range of topics, including the current peace process between ethnic armed rebel groups and the central government, law and legal protection, gender issues, and women's role in politics. The organizers will hold a press conference following the forum's conclusion on Sunday.

WLB, an umbrella organization of 13 ethnic women's groups, was formed nearly 14 years ago in December 1999. WLB held a meeting with the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) last year, when it called for all-inclusive participation in the peace process.

WON is a network of 27 organizations set up in 2008 to work toward a "new society where there is equality, peace and development for all women and men."

The post Historic Women's Forum to Be Held in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Banks Wait for Central Bank to Give Go-Ahead to International Cards

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:26 AM PDT

Private banks in Burma are working with United States-based VISA and Mastercard to issue bank cards that can be used overseas. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Private banks in Burma are working with United States-based VISA and Mastercard to issue bank cards that can be used overseas. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Two of Burma's leading private banks want to begin issuing debit cards that can be used all over the world, but are waiting for the green light to do so from Central Bank, bankers said.

Both the Cooperative Bank (CB Bank) and the Asian Green Development (AGD) Bank have teamed up with United States-based bank card companies so that account holders in Burma will be able to withdraw their money elsewhere for the first time.

CB Bank—which is expected to be first to issue internationally accepted cards—is working with Mastercard on an "Easy Travel" prepaid card, which has already been tested at banks in Thailand, Singapore, China and the UK, according to Managing Director Pe Myint.

"We're ready to distribute these cards, but the Central Bank has still not given us the green light to issue them," he said.

"We're waiting for that. I can say we can issue them as soon as possible after green light by the Central bank."

The cards will be available to people holding an account at any CB Bank branch in Burma. "The account in Burma must be opened with Kyat," he said.

CB Bank—which is owned by presidential advisor Khin Maung Aye—has also agreed to work with VISA, and will begin developing another new bank card when the Mastercard version is allowed to launch, Pe Myint said.

Ye Min Oo, managing director of AGD Bank, said the bank has a similar plan to issue internationally accepted bank cards, but was also waiting for the Central Bank's approval.

"First we have to wait the permission by the Central Bank. We at AGD bank have also agreed with Mastercard to issue a kind of debit card, like an 'AGD-Mastercard' or 'AGD-VISA.' But we will wait and see," he said.

It is unclear why the Central Bank, which is hesitant to discuss its activities, is delaying the issuing. Industry sources suggested the delay may be related to the appointment of a new board at the Central Bank in August, which saw former bank governor Kyaw Kyaw Maung reappointed to the role.

The international cards are a separate project to the Myanmar Payment Union (MPU), a grouping of 14 of Burma's 19 private banks that allows the banks to issue mutually accepted debit cards. Those cards do not work overseas, frustrating migrant workers and travelers.

Mastercard and VISA began dealing with Burma's banks last year as the United States lifted some sanctions, but some MPU-member banks are still subject to economic sanctions due to their links to the Burma's military.

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Burma Military Chief Discusses Dawei Project with Thai PM

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:18 AM PDT

A meeting between Burma's military chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, and Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in Bangkok on Tuesday. (Photo: Facebook / Yingluck Shinawatra)

A meeting between Burma's military chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, and Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in Bangkok on Tuesday. (Photo: Facebook / Yingluck Shinawatra)

RANGOON — Burma's military chief met with Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra earlier this week in Bangkok, where they reportedly discussed border narcotics issues as well as investment projects, including the multi-million dollar Dawei deep-sea port project.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of Burma's armed forces, also attended a meeting in the Thai capital with high-ranking Thai military officials. He was accompanied by Burmese military officials including Gen Hla Htay Win, chief of the general staff of Burma's armed forces.

In the meeting with Yingluck on Tuesday, Min Aung Hlaing said he was "grateful to Thailand for taking part in the development of democracy in his country," according to the Bangkok Post, quoting Thai government spokesman Teerat Ratanasevi.

The Bangkok-based newspaper reported that Min Aung Hlaing said he welcomed Thai investment and offered assurances that his country was politically stable. He also reportedly told the Thai prime minister that Burma wanted to work with Thailand on the Dawei deep-sea port project as well as efforts to combat drug trafficking.

Many Thai businesspeople are looking to invest in Burma but have concerns about fraudulent business practices and political instability.

Min Aung Hlaing is believed to have close ties with former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck's eldest brother. During a visit to Burma in April last year, Thaksin met with the Burmese military chief in Maymyo, also known as Pyin Oo Lwin, in Mandalay Division.

A photograph posted on Facebook showed Thaksin sprinkling water on Min Aung Hlaing in a traditional Buddhist New Year gesture of blessing and respect.

The Shinawatra family is believed to hold property in Dawei, the southernmost town in Tenasserim Division, where a special economic zone is planned and the multi-million dollar Dawei deep-sea port project is under construction.

In July, an audio clip was posted online that was believed to capture a conversation between Thaksin and Thai Deputy Defense Minister Yuthasak Sasiprapa about how to make use of Min Aung Hlaing to gain privileged business opportunities in Burma. The two men in the recording said building close ties with the Burmese military chief would help them obtain trade opportunities.

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Major US Companies Slow to Report Burma Investments

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:11 AM PDT

A factory worker inspects packages of Coca-Cola bottles on a conveyer belt at a new Coca-Cola plant in Rangoon in June. Coca-Cola is among big name American brands moving into Burma, but the company has not yet filed an investment report to the US Embassy. (Photo: Sean Havey / The Irrawaddy)

A factory worker inspects packages of Coca-Cola bottles on a conveyer belt at a new Coca-Cola plant in Rangoon in June. Coca-Cola is among big name American brands moving into Burma, but the company has not yet filed an investment report to the US Embassy. (Photo: Sean Havey / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — More than two months after the United States published the first reports by American companies investing in Burma, big name brands such as Cisco, Coca-Cola, PepsiCo and Visa remain absent from the filings, which are posted on the website of the US Embassy in Burma.

American companies putting US$500,000 or more into Burma or investing in the gas and oil sectors are required to file reports outlining steps taken toward "responsible investment," including details such as what human rights and worker rights policies have been implemented in the course of the investment and what due diligence has been undertaken on local partners. Among other requirements, reports must outline any communication with the Burma Army and detail payments exceeding $10,000 made to Burma government bodies.

As of this week, the published list features the same five company reports that were first posted in early July, when the report publishing process kicked off. Those reports, of varying detail, were by Capital Guardian Emerging Markets Equity DC Master Fund, Emerging Markets Growth Fund, Crowley Marine Services, Hercules Offshore, and Capital Guardian Emerging Markets Restricted Equity Fund for Tax-Exempt Trusts.

American companies were first banned from investing in Burma in 1997, but the ban was lifted in the middle of last year as part of a wider relaxation or removal of most US sanctions, as Burma reforms politically and opens its economy to Western and Japanese investment. The changes come after years of relative isolation, during which most investment—largely based on natural resource extraction—came from neighbors such as China and Thailand. In several cases these investment projects were tainted by human rights abuses such as forced displacement or were tied to Burma's military

The reporting requirements are an effort to assuage concerns that the ending of sanctions allows American businesses to cut deals with companies complicit in rights abuses in Burma—amid ongoing bans on deals with the Burma Army, the Ministry of Defense and prominent "crony" businessmen who remain on a US blacklist. "The United States remains concerned about the protection of human rights, corruption, and the role of the military in the Burmese economy," says the "Doing Business in Burma" section of the US Embassy website.

Of 15 American companies doing business in Burma and contacted by The Irrawaddy, 10 had responded to questions about the reporting requirements at the time of writing. Of those 10, only General Electric (GE)—thought to be the first American company to invest in Burma after the ban was lifted last year—said it had filed a responsible investment report to the US government.

Of the others to respond, all but one declined to confirm whether a report had been filed or will be filed. A MasterCard spokesperson told The Irrawaddy that "the current nature of MasterCard's business in Myanmar does not fall under the US government's 'Burma Responsible Investment Reporting Requirements'."

Prior to publication, reports are reviewed by the US government, which retains one version of each company's report, while another version is posted on the US Embassy website. Trade secrets or commercial or financial information deemed by the company as "privileged or confidential" can be withheld from the public report.

For 2013, the first year of the reporting requirements, there is a rolling submission deadline of 180 days from when the company reaches the half-million dollar investment threshold. From 2014, all reports will be submitted on July 1 and published afterward.

Trade between and investment involving the two countries is negligible. As of Aug. 31, of over $43 billion worth of foreign investment into Burma since 1988, just over $243 million was of American origin, according to the Myanmar Investment Commission, a Burma government body that vets would-be foreign investors.

According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, "in the first four months of 2013, US exports were $92.6 million, dominated by US exports of aircraft parts and vehicle exports. During the same span, US imports from the country were $3.6 million, including fish products and furniture with wooden frames."

There are moves to boost bilateral commerce, however. Coinciding with the visit by Burma President Thein Sein to the United States in May, the one-time enemies signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, following last year's overturning of a ban on most imports to the United States from Burma. The US-Asean Business Council, which helps American companies do business in Southeast Asia, brought a large delegation of prospective American investors to Burma in July, while earlier this year the US Chamber of Commerce visited Burma with a similarly high-profile group of well-known American companies.

Anthony Nelson, spokesman for the US-Asean Business Council, told The Irrawaddy that the reporting requirements were not holding up major investments and could in fact prove an asset to American companies trying to access Burma. "Our reputation as responsible investors who perform valuable CSR is a major piece of our competitive advantage," he said.

However, the Council believes the requirements, as currently laid out, are a hurdle for small- and medium-sized businesses thinking of setting up shop in Burma, and could be allowing rivals from other Western countries, as well as Japan, which is backing major infrastructure projects in Burma, to steal a march on American companies.

"So far, companies have had a difficult time getting answers on what constitutes an investment for the purposes of the requirement, and are reluctant to expand small, representative operations to the point where they will qualify for the reporting requirements when their legal teams don't feel they have a firm grasp on them," Nelson said.

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Ministry of Commerce Opens Consumer Affairs Department

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 04:04 AM PDT

A Buddhist monk walks inside a mobile phone shop in Rangoon on Feb. 4, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

A Buddhist monk walks inside a mobile phone shop in Rangoon on Feb. 4, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

RANGOON—The Ministry of Commerce has set up a consumer affairs department that will open local offices in Rangoon and Mandalay this week, an official said, adding that a Consumer Protection Bill is due for discussion in Parliament soon.

A local NGO welcomed the move, saying that currently Burmese consumers have no recourse if their rights are violated.

A senior Commerce Ministry official said the new consumer affairs department plans to open local offices in Burma's 14 states and divisions, including two branches in Rangoon and Mandalay. The latter two offices, he added, were scheduled to open on Thursday.

The official, who declined to be named as he was not authorized to speak to the media, said the department was set up ahead of the approval of a Consumer Protection Bill, which was sent to Parliament in July.

The official said the department would try to educate consumers, producers and civil society groups about consumer rights and complaint resolution. "We will arrange workshops to collaborate with consumers and producers associations, and non-governmental organizations working on consumer protection," he said.

Ba Oak Khine, chairman of the Consumer Protection Association, said the organization would work with the new government department on these issues.

"We will need to collaborate with the consumer affairs department," he said, adding that the NGO would try to help "deal with complaints about car importing companies, or some other companies, that intend to cheat consumers."

The association's secretary Soe Kalar Htike said Burma needs a Consumer Protection Law and a consumer affairs department in order to raise awareness over consumer protection among both producers and the public.

"Most of our citizens think that it's worth forgiving [sellers] even if certain practices break consumers' rights. I want to remind them that they have a duty to prevent those things from happening again to others," she said.

Thuzar, a female resident of Rangoon's Sanchaung Township, said she welcomed the plans to better protect Burmese consumers' rights.

"I have often experienced buying some below-standard product, like when I buy food that is not fresh or already expired. But I don't know how to complaint about that," Thuzar said, adding that she hoped that the consumer affairs department would set up phone lines where the public can lodge complaints.

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Mon at Burmese-Thai Border Mark Historic Arrival of Buddhist Scriptures

Posted: 19 Sep 2013 03:28 AM PDT

Mon people gather on Thursday morning in front of a bamboo ship, which stands in front of a pagoda in Sangkhlaburi, in Thailand's Kanchanaburi province. (Photo: Awe Mon)

Mon people gather on Thursday morning in front of a bamboo ship, which stands in front of a pagoda in Sangkhlaburi, in Thailand's Kanchanaburi province. (Photo: Awe Mon)

RANGOON — Mon people on Thursday gave offerings and prayed in a festival to celebrate the story of a voyage by monks to Sri Lanka, which brought three Buddhist scriptures to southern Burma almost 1,000 years ago.

The Mon hold celebrations on the night of September's full moon each year. In Sangkhlaburi, in Thailand's Kanchanaburi province, ethnic Mon prayed in the early hours of Thursday to a large bamboo ship packed full offerings of food.

In Rangoon, about 100 Mon people also laid offerings and prayed at a bamboo ship to mark the celebration.

At the border, the people woke up early and went to a Buddhist monastery at about 4 a.m., carrying colorful banners with different patterns and flowers. Villagers wearing traditional red and white Mon dress offered plates with candles, noodles and rice, different fruits and sweets, before the boat was floated on a river.

The event, known as a yadaya chay, or "a superstitious ritual," is thought to influence the next monsoon season. If the bamboo ship is left untouched by rain—as happened yesterday—the monsoon will be dryer and crops will suffer.

The ritual, lasting about 2 hours, is known in the Mon language as Bor Kamot-Kaban, or "worshipping with food at the bamboo ship."

The celebration, which is unique to the Mon, has been held for at least 500 years.

The ritual recalls a tale from 1019 to 1020 A.D., during the rule of Mon King Dhamma Zedi. The king of the already Buddhist Mon people sent off monks on two ships, named Seittara Duta and Rama Duta, from his kingdom in southern Burma to Sri Lanka in order to study Buddhism.

Just one of the ships, the Seittara Duta returned carrying three scriptures in the Pali language, bearing teachings of the Buddha.

King Dhamma Zedi then had a ship built from bamboo and paper and loaded with a thousand offerings. This ritual, the story goes, helped Rama Duta return to port safely.

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Burma’s Former Generals Retain Grip Over State Govts

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 11:36 PM PDT

Ethnic MPs attend a regular session of Burma's Union Parliament on April 23, 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Ethnic MPs attend a regular session of Burma's Union Parliament on April 23, 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's former military regime allowed state and divisional governments to form shortly before ceding power to a quasi-civilian government, but two years into reformist President Thein Sein's term, decentralization remains a major challenge, state lawmakers and officials say.

The country's state and divisional governing bodies, which were created under the 2008 Constitution, have opened up the political sphere in Burma, which was ruled by military dictators for nearly five decades before Thein Sein came to power in 2011. But despite a number of political and economic reforms, lawmakers and officials in states and divisions say they face significant challenges.

"Because of the Constitution, the central government has all the power," said Aung Naing Oo, a lawmaker in the Mon State Parliament.

Earlier this month The Asia Foundation detailed some of the challenges of decentralization in an extensive report about Burma's state and divisional governments. The 98-page report—a joint project with the Myanmar Development Resource Institute, an independent research institute—followed nine months of interviews and group discussions at the state and divisional levels with ministers and officials, lawmakers, political party leaders, civil society organizations, educational institutions and private sector actors.

The study found that "the 2008 Constitution and related instruments only partially devolve a limited set of decision-making powers and administrative functions" to lower level governments, "while retaining heavy elements of central and military control and oversight."

"The executive at state and region [divisional] level is dominated by a top-down appointment process, and ministers have little control over the administrative apparatus, limiting the effectiveness of the new governments," the researchers wrote, adding that partially elected state legislatures faced capacity constraints while state and divisional budgets remained small.

According to the 2008 Constitution, the chief executive of a state or division—known as the chief minister—is chosen by the president from members of state and divisional legislatures.

In each state and division, the legislature includes two elected members from each township, a limited number of lawmakers representing ethnic minorities, and military-appointed representatives who are reserved 25 percent of seats, the same proportion of seats guaranteed to them in the national Parliament.

The chief minister selects his cabinet members from among the legislature, and these ministers are assigned portfolios by the president, according to the report. Administrative offices in states and divisions are also formed by the General Administration Department (GAD) under the Ministry of Home Affairs in Naypyidaw.

"The formation of state and region governments is a major development. However, a centralized executive appointment process limits the political autonomy of these new governments," the report said. "Chief Ministers participate in the state/region hluttaw [legislature], but they are accountable ultimately to the President, not to their assemblies."

Before becoming president, Thein Sein was a high-ranking general and prime minister under the former junta, though he has since become known as a reformer after releasing several hundred political prisoners, easing media censorship, opening the economy to foreign investment and allowing opposition parties to enter Parliament.

Burma has seven states and seven divisions, with six self-administered zones or divisions and one territory containing the capital, Naypyidaw. States and divisions are comprised of districts, whose administrations are headed by a senior GAD official. Districts are made up of townships—generally the lowest level of government—which are also headed by a GAD official.

Meanwhile, state and divisional legislatures have been hampered by a limited scope of authority and consequently remain relatively inactive, The Asia Foundation said in the report.

According to the Constitution, these legislatures—along with state and divisional governments—do not have authority over important areas including education policy, health care, oversight of development projects and the management of mining concessions, an especially contentious issue in resource-rich border regions, where ethnic conflicts have played out for decades.

"Education, health care and development projects are not in control of state governments," Arakan State lawmaker Aung Mya Kyaw of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) told The Irrawaddy this week. "Managing natural resources—the state-division level cannot do that. It's all centralized control by the national government."

"State and division parliaments have no authority," he added. "They just draw minor laws—they can draw laws to manage the roads better, for example."

Aung Naing Oo, the Mon State lawmaker, agreed. "Two and a half years have passed, but we have not really been able to draft our own state laws yet," he said, giving the example of a forestry law. "The state government does not have authority to make decisions about growing and cutting down trees—the central government has the authority to decide."

He called for more control at the state level over development projects. "We have a local development project department, but the central government has a similar department, the Border Areas Development Ministry, and it controls the building of roads and bridges for border area development," he said.

The 2008 Constitution was drafted by the former junta and passed in a referendum that was widely regarded as fraudulent. While the regime promoted the document as a step toward democracy, critics have described it as a continuation of military control.

In July, Burma's national Parliament established a 109-member committee to review the Constitution and consider changes that might give states and divisions more power. Ethnic minorities are pushing for a federal system, after decades of fighting against the national government for greater autonomy. Calls for federalism have also recently gained backing from Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, a powerful figure who was once the third-ranking general in the former junta.

Last month the national Parliament also passed a new law governing state and division parliaments. The Region or State Hluttaw Law replaced a 2010 law and introduced potentially significant changes, The Asia Foundation report said, including permitting state legislature offices that are not necessarily GAD-controlled, allowing for public attendance at legislature sessions, and proposing that representatives should have constituency funds and independent representative offices.

Additional reporting by Lawi Weng.

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Life Picks Up as Filipino Troops Corner Rebels

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 11:25 PM PDT

Residents displaced during fighting between government soldiers and Muslim rebels of Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) cheer up after an aid worker, front, announces the arrival of relief goods at an evacuation center in Zamboanga city in southern Philippines on Sept. 18, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Erik De Castro)

Residents displaced during fighting between government soldiers and Muslim rebels of Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) cheer up after an aid worker, front, announces the arrival of relief goods at an evacuation center in Zamboanga city in southern Philippines on Sept. 18, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Erik De Castro)

ZAMBOANGA, Philippines — Life in a southern Philippine city at the center of a hostage crisis is slowly returning to normal, as troops went house-to-house Wednesday searching for the remaining Muslim rebels and their hostages in a 10-day standoff that displaced more than 100,000 people.

As the worst fighting in years between Muslim rebels and government troops eased, the military warned the rebel holdouts that they faced two choices: surrender unconditionally, or "suffer the consequences and feel the weight of the suffering of so many innocent people in your hands," said military spokesman Lt-Col Ramon Zagala.

The standoff began Sept. 9 when Moro National Liberation Front rebels tried to take control of Zamboanga, a major port city of nearly 1 million people. They were foiled by troops but still managed to take scores of people hostage.

The military pressure has resulted in the release of 178 hostages so far. The fighting has killed 14 soldiers and police and seven civilians, while 86 rebels have died and 93 others have been captured.

About 30 to 40 rebels, led by Habier Malik, remained hiding with 21 hostages in two communities, authorities said Wednesday. Troops, ordnance teams and bomb-sniffing dogs were scouring 70 percent of the coastal areas previously occupied by the insurgents.

"It looks like it's nearing the end. The government is doing its best to put the situation under control," said Rogelio de Sosa, plant manager of the Zamboanga Universal Fishing Corp. Fishing and canning industries are the city's lifeline, and factories were forced to cut production because of fighting, a naval blockade and the closure of the city's airport and seaport.

Zamboanga Mayor Isabelle Climaco-Salazar called on residents to remain steadfast. "Let not devastation creep in our hearts," she said, holding back tears. "We shall fight for justice, we shall rebuild this city, we shall come out stronger after all this."

Regional prosecutor Peter Medalle said the captured rebels and their commanders would likely be charged with rebellion, as well as violating international humanitarian laws that forbid taking people hostage and using them as human shields and occupying civilian communities.

The Civil Aviation Authority of the Philippines said flights would resume Thursday. Stores and banks have already reopened in the city center.

De Sosa said his company faced a shutdown unless the city's bustling port reopened soon. "We will not have any raw materials to use. We also cannot ship out our finished products. So it is futile to keep on producing," he said.

The MNLF faction, overshadowed by a rival and bigger rebel group in negotiations with the government to expand an autonomous Muslim region in the predominantly Roman Catholic nation's south, barged into the city several weeks after declaring independence in Muslim-dominated southern provinces.

Led by Nur Misuari, the group signed a peace deal in 1996, but the guerrillas did not lay down their arms and later accused the government of reneging on a promise to develop long-neglected Muslim regions. The government says the rebels, with several hundred armed fighters, refused to take part in the ongoing talks with their rivals—the 11,000-strong Moro Islamic Liberation Front—because they insisted they are the sole representatives of minority Muslims.

De Sosa said his cannery cannot operate 24 hours a day because of a curfew that remains in effect.

"Our workers are affected," he said, adding that many employees' houses were burned down.

"Some of them are able to go to work because they moved in with relatives," he said. "Some have only the clothes on their backs. So we are contributing used clothes and things so they can continue to work."

He said the factory, which normally produces 1 million cans a day, was down to half capacity, with a 50 percent workforce.

Associated Press writers Jim Gomez, Teresa Cerojano and Hrvoje Hranjski in Manila contributed to this report.

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Punished At the Polls, Cambodia’s Long-Serving PM Is Smiling Again

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 11:19 PM PDT

Prime Minister Hun Sen smiles during a meeting with opposition leader Sam Rainsy at the National assembly in Phnom Penh on Tuesday. (Photo: Pring Samrang / Reuters)

Prime Minister Hun Sen smiles during a meeting with opposition leader Sam Rainsy at the National assembly in Phnom Penh on Tuesday. (Photo: Pring Samrang / Reuters)

PHNOM PENH—His party is reeling from its worst-ever election result. His political opponents have grown bold and vocal. His people are protesting on the streets. So why is Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen smiling?

The long-ruling autocrat emerged beaming from lengthy closed-door meetings this week with his old political foe, Sam Rainsy, who says Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) cheated its way to a narrow victory in a July 28 general election.

He has reason to be cheerful. Although lawmakers from Sam Rainsy’s Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) are threatening to boycott the new session of parliament, due to begin on Monday, until an independent inquiry is held into electoral fraud, the recent political violence has left Hun Sen mostly unscathed.

Thousands of CNRP supporters dispersed on Tuesday after a three-day rally in a park in the capital, Phnom Penh, where one man was killed and several injured when police opened fire on stone-throwing protesters on Sunday night.

Hun Sen’s composure after this week’s meetings suggests his renewed confidence in breaking the political deadlock and extending his nearly three decades of rule by another five years, say analysts.

His smiling photo-ops, however, could also hint at changes ahead for Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge soldier who has stamped his authority on every walk of life in Cambodia.

After millions of Cambodian voters deserted the CPP in an election widely regarded as tainted, Hun Sen appears intent on softening his remote and fearsome image.

From a humble farming background, Hun Sen was just 33 when he took power in 1985, and is now in the unenviable company of enduring dictators such as Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe and Kazakhstan’s Nursultan Nazarbayev.

Servants of the People?

The CPP’s shock election result could force him to change both his party and leadership style.

His party officially won the election with 68 seats to the CNRP’s 55, a greatly reduced majority that signaled widespread disenchantment with Hun Sen’s iron-fisted rule despite rapid economic growth of more than 7 percent a year.

"Hun Sen and his party must change drastically and fast to be able to remain a relevant political force," said Lao Mong Hay, a prominent Cambodian academic. "They need to work as servants of the people, not their masters."

China quickly offered its congratulations to Hun Sen on his election "victory", but the United States and European Union have withheld theirs. Strong economic and political ties with Beijing have allowed Hun Sen to largely ignore criticism from the West and enjoy waves of Chinese investment.

In return, Cambodia has emerged as an important Southeast Asian ally for China, defying its neighbors and backing China in tense diplomatic talks over the South China Sea where overlapping sovereignty claims have led to standoffs with Vietnam and the Philippines.

Hun Sen claims credit for leading Cambodia from the chaos and poverty following the 1975-1979 "Killing Fields" regime of the Khmer Rouge in which an estimated 1.7 million people – about one third of the population – died. Now 61, Hun Sen has vowed to rule Cambodia into his seventies.

But Cambodia’s youthful population – about 70 percent of its 14 million people are under 30 – is focused on more immediate concerns, including land grabbing, labour disputes, joblessness and rampant corruption.

Hun Sen’s cordial talks with the opposition come as a surprise considering his past ruthlessness with political opponents and his history of antagonism with Sam Rainsy.

A former minister of finance, Sam Rainsy has twice fled into exile to evade criminal charges that U.S.-based Human Rights Watch said were politically motivated.

In 2010, he was sentenced in absentia to 12 years in jail for destroying property and spreading disinformation in relation to a new border agreed by Cambodia and Vietnam. He returned to Phnom Penh in July after a royal pardon to lead the CNRP, formed after two parties merged last year.

"Where Is my Vote?"

Sam Rainsy says the CNRP was robbed of 2.3 million votes that would have handed it victory in July. But Hun Sen rejects his demand for an independent inquiry into election fraud.

"If Hun Sen agreed to an outside investigation at this stage that would be tantamount to conceding the elections were rigged," said Carlyle A. Thayer, a Cambodia expert at the University of New South Wales in Canberra, Australia.

On Tuesday, CNRP supporters at Phnom Penh’s Freedom Park waved placards reading "Where is my vote?" and chanted "Change! Change!"

With hopes of an inquiry fading, Sam Rainsy must now convince them to get behind a longer-term campaign to fix the electoral system. "(The CNRP) will have to reconcile themselves to the fact that they are the opposition party for the next five years," said Thayer.

Assuming the CNRP takes its place in the 123-seat National Assembly, or lower house, the party’s effectiveness there depends on what concessions its leaders can wring from Hun Sen this week.

The CNRP wants reforms to the National Election Committee, the body stuffed with former CPP officials, as well as its own television station to break Hun Sen’s stranglehold on the country’s media, which has largely avoided covering the protests.

The CNRP is also angling for the presidency or deputy presidency of the National Assembly, as well as positions on parliamentary committees long dominated by Hun Sen loyalists, say analysts.

"Without these concessions, the CNRP will not be able to achieve very much," said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights.

Hun Sen must also reform his own aging and corruption-riddled party. "Internally, the CPP is one big mess – from nepotism and family ties through marriage, to economic deals that favour close allies," Ou Virak said.

A CPP spokesman could not be reached for comment.

But while Hun Sen might add some new faces to his cabinet, he will not risk destabilizing the party by removing its most powerful figures, said Ou Virak.

"The party will remain out of touch with the young and ambitious Cambodian population as a result," he said.

That he is talking to the opposition at all suggests Hun Sen is changing too, said social analyst Kem Ley.

"He has been quiet, which means he is listening more now," he said. "And he is smiling— that’s already a positive sign."

Even so, autocrats aren’t exactly famous for makeovers. "Power shouldn’t be centered on one man," said Kem Ley. "He must have faith in other people. In his system, he doesn’t trust anyone except for himself."

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The Struggle to Control the Peace Process

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 11:06 PM PDT

Burmese government delegation leader Aung Min, left, chats with KNU Gen Mutu Say Poe during peace talks in Pa-an earlier this year. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Burmese government delegation leader Aung Min, left, chats with KNU Gen Mutu Say Poe during peace talks in Pa-an earlier this year. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Soon after taking office in March 2011, President U TheinSein announced his intention to end Myanmar's decades of conflict in border areas through a peace process that would persuade most of the country's ethnic militias to lay down their arms. Since then, 13 ethnic armed groups have reached ceasefire agreements with the government. Despite this seeming success, however, the process has yet to achieve a lasting peace, and appears to be increasingly in danger of unraveling.

On the ethnic side of the negotia-tions, there are growing divisions over how to proceed with the talks with the government, resulting in a split into "hardline" and "pragmatic" factions. In late July, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 11 ethnic groups, held a major conference in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai that was also attended by non-member groups such as the Arakan League for Democracy and the Zomi Congress for Democracy, as well as opposition politicians and representatives of civil society organizations. Even the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Myanmar's largest ethnic armed group, and its much smaller allies, the Kokang and Mongla militias, officially took part for the first time.

But this show of solidarity belies the power struggle playing out in the background for control over the talks with the government. Shortly before the conference in Chiang Mai, the UNFC pulled out of the Working Group for Ethnic Coordination (WGEC), a group  formed in June 2012 and funded by the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office (EBO), founded by Sao HarnYawnghwe.

Observers say that the WGEC, which still includes some UNFC members, such as the Chin National Front and a faction of the Karen National Union (KNU), favors a more "pragmatic" approach that includes direct cooperation with government-affiliated organizations, while the UNFC's leaders prefer to remain independent and are wary of working with any group controlled by Naypyitaw.

According to sources, some in the UNFC came to believe that the WGEC had been formed primarily to counterbalance the "hardliners" in the UNFC, which received funding from the EBO until June. Some say that the UNFC withdrew from the WGEC over funding issues, while others note that the UNFC also receives support from the Japan-based Nippon Foundation and so could afford to go its own way.

The dispute has been especially damaging to the KNU, which continues to suffer deepening disunity within its ranks over the peace process, with some leaders, such as Chairman Saw Mutu Say Poe, siding with the WGEC's approach, while others, including Vice Chairman NawZipporahSein, remain more skeptical of the government's intentions.

Meanwhile, on the government side, there also signs of tension over who is in charge of the peace process. Diplomatic and NGO sources say that the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), a high-level government body that includes the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, has begun taking a more active role in the process, which until recently was almost entirely in the hands of a negotiating team led by President's Office Minister U Aung Min and the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), a government-affiliated group formed last year to facilitate ongoing talks. According to these sources, the MPC's international funding is now channeled through the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development. Ethnic sources say that U Aung Min has reportedly asked to resign from his role as chief negotiator, as he no longer feels he has a mandate to reach agreements with the ethnic armed groups.

There has also been a concerted push by Lower House Speaker U Shwe Mann to involve lawmakers in the peace process—something that some well-informed sources said amounts to an effort to further sideline U Aung Min and the MPC. In early July, U Shwe Mann suggested that the negotiations with the ethnic armed groups are too important to leave to presidential appointees.

"During the peace process negative consequences could arise if we try to achieve peace agreements that are not in accordance with the law. It could affect the safety of citizens and cause the government to fail in its protection of citizens," he said in Parliament on July 2.

The more prominent role of the NDSC and Parliament in the peace process was evident in early August, when both sent representatives to attend peace talks with the All Burma Students' Democratic Front that led to a union-level ceasefire agreement.

But it isn't just U Aung Min and the MPC that are being pushed aside. According to well-informed sources, President U TheinSein also appears to be steadily losing his grip over the peace process as he comes under increasing pressure to yield control. Despite this, however, the sources said the president seems intent on keeping the talks on track.

Less than two weeks after U Shwe Mann openly challenged U TheinSein's authority over the peace process, the president was in London telling his hosts that Myanmar could achieve a nationwide ceasefire within a matter of weeks. However, ethnic observers say that goal is likely to remain elusive, as the government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) are no closer to a deal that will restore a ceasefire agreement that collapsed in June 2011.

Other, smaller groups are also reluctant to participate in the peace process, which many see as a government propaganda campaign aimed at the international community. In late July, for instance, the Taaung National Liberation Army, based in Shan State, met with members of the government peace negotiation team but rejected calls to sign a ceasefire agreement.

Indeed, many wonder how enduring the current ceasefires with other groups will prove to be. Bawmwang La Raw, a veteran Kachin politician who heads the UNFC's foreign affairs department, said that U Aung Min often emphasized that the deals that have been reached to date were intended only to ease tensions, not resolve longstanding issues or achieve a permanent political settlement.

Despite ethnic leaders' doubts about the prospects for a nationwide ceasefire, the MPC insists that the government is sincere about its efforts to achieve real peace. U AungNaingOo, a former exiled dissident who now works with the MPC, said that every reconciliation process must contend with distrust and disagreements, but that they can be overcome if all stakeholders negotiate to find a solution.

"I believe a nationwide ceasefire accord will strengthen the current ceasefires. It is something that we haven't been able to achieve in over 60 years, so it's very important for the country," he said, adding that a framework for political dialogue would follow after the nationwide ceasefire accord is reached.

But some observers say that the government's approach to stabilizing border areas is fundamentally flawed, as it relies heavily on promoting economic development through business deals and NGO pilot projects while failing to address core demands for greater ethnic autonomy. They also say that the Myanmar military's firm position on maintaining the "one nation, one army" policy enshrined in the 2008 Constitution means that the government will be in no position to meet those demands.

Even international donors who have enthusiastically embraced the government's change of tack since the transition to quasi-civilian rule in 2011 are reportedly beginning to have misgivings about how the government is going about achieving peace in ethnic regions. Some projects run by the Norwegian government-funded Myanmar Peace Support Initiative, for instance, have been slow to get off the ground or have been halted because of a lack of local support.

"We don't engage in armed struggle because we're starving," said Nai Hong Sa, the general secretary of the UNFC, criticizing the priorities of the government and donors. "I have told U Aung Min that if we don't put a political solution in place first, but prioritize business, it is pushing in the wrong direction."

He also hinted that increasing prosperity in ethnic regions could have the opposite of the desired effect, fueling conflict instead of easing it. "If we do succeed in business, we can then buy more weapons and recruit more troops. And the civil wars will spread even wider and longer. This is also something to keep in mind," he said.

It's already clear that whatever agreements they reach with the government, the ethnic militias are not about to abandon their arms anytime soon. They are too distrustful of Myanmar's armed forces, and rather than letting down their guard, most have been actively strengthening their arsenals and their ties to each other.

This was most dramatically demonstrated by reports that the UWSA had procured helicopters amid growing tensions over the government's refusal to accept its demand for an autonomous Wa state within Shan State. Although the UWSA and China, which supplied the helicopters, have denied that the transaction ever took place, an inside source confirmed that he saw two helicopters at a UWSA base during a recent visit. He added, however, that the helicopters would be used chiefly for transportation between the main Wa territory near the Chinese border and the group's southern territory opposite Thailand, rather than for military purposes. The Wa are also believed to have a ground-to-air defense system.

Even more alarming for the Myanmar government, however, may be reports from ethnic Kayin sources that the UWSA recently gave the KNU 20 million Thai baht (US$640,000) for military and business purposes. This unprecedented move may signal the start of a new phase in relations between the Myanmar government and ethnic armed groups—one in which the former can no longer be assumed to possess greater unity, and the latter can begin to negotiate from a position of relative strength.

This story first appeared in the September 2013 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Wednesday, September 18, 2013

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Youth Groups Plan Marches, Concerts to Mark International Day of Peace.

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 07:42 AM PDT

Activists, including Generation Wave President Moe Thway, rally to mark the International Day of Peace last year. (Photo: Moe Thway / Facebook)

RANGOON — An umbrella organization for youth-led civil society groups across Rangoon is planning a march from City Hall to the People's Park on Saturday, the International Day of Peace.

Saturday's all-day event will also involve readings, games, traditional dance, music and celebrity performances—centered on the theme of peace and national reconciliation, at the park. More events tied to the International Day of Peace, including a rock concert, are planned by different groups for Sunday and Monday.

Peace Loving People, a collection of over 50 groups whose work targets everything from gay rights to democracy capacity building and ethnic women's issues, will use this year's event to call for a national reconciliation convention.

Lead organizer Moe Thway said it is hoped Saturday's events will build on the momentum and push for a national convention, one of the main goals to come out of August's Silver Jubilee Memorial of the 8-8-88 Democracy uprising.

Speaking after a recent plenary meeting, Moe Thway said that the country's youth are frustrated by the prolonged fighting in the country.

"We have everything," he said, citing Burma's plentiful natural and human resources. "But we spend our time, our lives, our money and our resources on this f—ing crazy civil war. We kill each other, and no one gets anything. If we cannot stop this civil war in our age, the civil war will stop everything [in] our future."

Moe Thway is also the President and co-founder of Generation Wave, a youth activist group known for using music, graffiti and other forms of activism to demonstrate against Burma's government.

Last year, as many as 2,000 people joined an event in Rangoon to mark the International Day of Peace. The event ended with criminal charges against several of the organizers for violating section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, which requires official permission for public gatherings.

Moe Thway has now appeared in court 130 times and still faces 10 charges from last year's events.

This year, authorities have encouraged the organizers to apply for permits, promising them that if they apply officially, they will receive permission, Moe Thway said. Organizers have received positive feedback about the event from as high up as the President's Office, but are still negotiating for the actual permits.

"We just want to organize a public movement for peace," he says. "We don't want to break the law."

However, if permits do not come through, Moe Thway insists the planned events will go ahead.

The people will act like a mirror to the government, he says. "If they smile, we will smile."

Moe Thway, himself a rock musician, has even written and released a song titled "The Whole Nation Reconcile," the official slogan of Saturday's events.

"Everybody who loves peace can join us," says Moe Thway.

The events at People's Park will start at 9 a.m. and will last until 6 p.m.  People who want to participate in the march will start gathering at City Hall at 11 a.m., and the march will begin at noon.

Also marking the International Day of Peace this weekend, another group of youth peace advocates and musicians will hold a rally Sunday and a concert Monday featuring well-known rock singers Zaw Win Htut and Mee Mee Khel, and Reggae musician Saw Phoe Khwar.

Fanny Rockman, a Karen singer who is an organizer for the upcoming peace concert said the events were not political.

"We are not doing politics. We are doing it for peace," she said. "We can individually initiate the peace with feeling from our hearts. This is our dream. We can make our dream come true."

She said that young peace advocates will march Sunday and deliver stickers with peace logos to the public and paint messages of peace onsigns. The peace concert will be held at the National Theater on Monday evening.

"Our country is starved of peace," said Saw Phoe Khwar. "The country is not peaceful, not because of war alone, but also national and religious-based conflicts. Peace will prevail if we all have peace in our hearts."

The peace advocates will donate the proceeds of the concert to the war-affected people in the countryside, including in Kachin State. They plan to travel to Kachin State—where fighting between the government and ethnic Kachin fighters have recently clashed—to share their music with government troops and provide them with guitars.

"We also want to show how much the youth get involved in the peace process. What can make hearts melt is music. That's why we initiated the peace concert," said Lin Htet, another organizer.

The post Youth Groups Plan Marches, Concerts to Mark International Day of Peace. appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Authorized Apple Sellers Must Compete With Black Market Counterparts

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 07:29 AM PDT

A family sits in front of a computer store in Rangoon in May, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON—New stores selling Apple computer products are hoping to tap into Rangoon's nascent consumer class, but these authorized distributers say they face competition from so-called black market competitors offering lower prices.

An authorized reseller of Apple's laptop and desktop computers, mDrive—part of conglomerate Make It Happen International—is set to launch on Sept. 28 at downtown's Junction Maw Tin shopping center.

Myat Htoo, president and CEO of Make It Happen International, told The Irrawaddy he is hopeful that the store will be a success.

"Actually, we expect people queuing in front of the shop," he said, adding that he was certain wealthier Burmese would take to Apple computers, whose popularity elsewhere has made US-based Apple Corp. the world's second most valuable company.

"I think there is a market for Apple [in Burma]."

Myat Htoo expects to open one more store in Rangoon soon, before expanding to Mandalay and Naypyidaw. He also hopes to get permission to sell Apple's tablets and smartphones in Burma in the near future.

But Apple computers are already available in Rangoon. They are sold in numerous stores without authorized reseller status, alongside products from most other world-renowned electronic brands, often at prices well below the prices in neighboring countries.

According to Myat Htoo, the only way these retailers are able to sell them at such prices is by "smuggling" them into Burma. Goods are brought in, undeclared at customs, from low-tax regimes like in Hong Kong, he said.

"There's no commercial tax that they pay, there is no import tax that they pay, and there is no VAT that they pay as well. So with these three taxes, if you miss it, if you can go around it, it will be very cheap," he said.

Authorized retailers like mDrive, however, have to pay all applicable taxes, which can amount to between 10 and 12 percent of the cost of the product and importing costs combined, he said.

Although he said prices in the store were not yet set, Myat Htoo said mDrive's prices would not be more than 1 or 2 percent higher than buying authorized Apple goods in Bangkok or Singapore, and said paying more for the products than at unauthorized dealers would be worthwhile for customers.

"I think people will find it more expensive, about $10 more expensive than what we call the black market. The problem is, if you go and buy from the black market, there's no warranty. They don't do warranty service for you, but we will do warranty service," he said.

Myat Htoo says his store will be the first authorized reseller, but One Futureworld Myanmar, a store based in Sakura Tower that bears the brand Futureworld—a regional Apple retailer—has been open since February.

The store sells laptops, desktop computers and iPod MP3 players and carries an "Authorized Reseller" Apple sign. Assistant store manager Cherry Aung said the store had been officially authorized by Apple last month.

"The middle class and high class are interested in Apple," she said.

She also said that the store had to charge higher prices that other shops in Rangoon, since they pay all relevant taxes on products brought into the country.

However, she said, "Most of the people want to buy at the authorized reseller because they want the warranty."

The cheapest model of the Macbook Pro laptop sells for US$1,749 at Futureworld, but Macbook Pros can be found for less than $1,300 elsewhere in Rangoon.

The man behind mDrive, Myat Htoo, said it was likely smuggling would mean cheaper Apple products will be available in Burma for another year or two. However, he said, the government, aware that it is losing out on tax revenue, had set up teams at customs checkpoints to tackle the problem.

"Now, [the authorities] have a new group to go and check. They are trying to fix the leak of the smuggling into Myanmar," he said.

"Let's say, in the past, if you carry 10 iPads into the country, the customs wouldn't say much to you. Now, these guys go to chase them at customs, so they start to tighten it up."

The post Authorized Apple Sellers Must Compete With Black Market Counterparts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Promote a Professional Military

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 07:10 AM PDT

Burma's army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing inspects troops during a parade to mark the 67th anniversary of Armed Forces Day in Naypyidaw on March 27, 2012. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

RANGOON — Burma marks an important anniversary on Wednesday that can be called Black September 18, as the country's streets were stained with blood exactly 25 years ago following a brutal military coup d'état.

The military staged two coups over decades of dictatorship—in 1962 and 1988—which traumatized the Burmese people and obliterated the country's political, social and economic systems. Today, two years into President Thein Sein's term, no-one can guarantee that Burma will not face another military overthrow in the future. But to guard against a repeat of such a terrible experience, the country can take a concrete step: It can reform the military, known as the Tatmadaw, into a professional force.

This would not be an easy task, but it is possible—and crucial. Only then can the military leave its current place in Parliament and the ministries, returning to where it belongs—the barracks.

Burma's military has never been fit to govern, but consecutive military leaders since the 1962 coup have strongly opposed any exit from the political arena. Indeed, for 53 years the country has been ruled by generals—Gen Ne Win led a caretaker government from 1958 until 1960, and after seizing power in 1962 his Revolutionary Council ran a socialist state until 1988. After the coup that year, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) took control, changing its name later to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Even after the regime stepped aside for the current quasi-civilian government in 2011, with ex-general Thein Sein now in power, former generals continue to run the government while former high-ranking military officials dominate Parliament.

Since the formation in 1941 of the Burma Independence Army—the country's first national army, which played a crucial role in the struggle against British colonialism—the military has been extremely influential in Burma. After achieving independence, people respected the armed forces founded by Bogyoke Aung San, the father of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. It was only after the 1962 coup that the military's reputation dropped, going from bad to worse in 1988.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Despite nationwide demand for change, it seems unlikely that the military will return to the barracks in the near future, even after the 2015 elections. The 2008 Constitution guarantees a solid position for the military above the democratic system—reserving 25 percent of seats in Parliament for unelected military representatives—and the generals will not let go easily of that entitlement.

Change will take time, but in the short term we can encourage military leaders to promote a more professional force. The military's sole responsibility should be to protect the country, not to govern it from Naypyidaw.

In recent months, Thein Sein's government has indicated a desire to resume military ties with Western countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia. During Thein Sein's trip to London in mid-July, Britain agreed to focus on human rights and accountability in its relations with Burma's military.

"Reforming the Burmese military and pursing a sustainable peace process will be key to Burma's stability and prosperity," British Defense Secretary Philip Hammond said in a statement. "The focus of our defense engagement will be on developing democratic accountability in a modern armed forces, and we have offered training for the Burmese military to this end."

This month US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel also met Lt-Gen Wai Lwin of Burma's armed forces on the sidelines of a regional conference in Brunei—the first bilateral meeting between the two countries. The Obama administration seems to believe that military-to-military ties will help Burma work toward justice and improve relations between civilians and the armed forces.

Of course, as critics have said, Western governments should be careful in collaborations with the Burmese military, which has committed grave human rights violations in the past and continues to face allegations of widespread rights abuses. Hopefully Western militaries will keep their objectives clear and maintain their promise to offer nonlethal training only.

In that case, military-to-military relations could help Burma's armed forces become more professional. But real success in this regard will depend completely on how Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of Burma's military, envisions the future. He and his generals certainly will not make any quick decisions to withdraw their officers from the political arena. Indeed, a basic principle of the Constitution's first chapter says the country's consistent objectives include enabling defense services to participate in national political leadership.

As long as the military continues to do what it shouldn't, Burma will likely face political problems, as it has for more than half a century.

It is high time to seriously reform the armed forces—current military leaders, including Min Aung Hlaing, should examine just how low they have fallen in the eyes of the nation and the international community over the past five decades. If those leaders can turn their troops into a professional force, they can regain the respect that the military once earned under Gen Aung San.

Eventually, when the military returns to the barracks, Burma will return to genuine normalcy, and its government will truly move toward democracy—with no military leaders in disguise.

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Monks Urge Burmese Govt to Apologize as Saffron Revolution Turns 6

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 06:14 AM PDT

Monks listen to remarks by democracy activist Ko Ko Gyi in Rangoon on Sept. 18, 2013, at an event commemorating the Saffron Revolution. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Buddhist monks urged the Burmese government to apologize for its actions six years ago as they commemorated the Saffron Revolution on Wednesday in Rangoon, where street protests in September 2007 were led by the revered religious leaders and brutally crushed by the ruling military junta.

"For the sake of the citizens of the country, we are thinking of lifting the boycott on offerings and [performance of] Buddhist rituals for government officials. For this, the government must officially apologize for what they did," said U Pyinnya Tayza, a Saffron Revolution participant, in a statement at a ceremony marking the pro-democracy protests.

The boycott by monks, who have refused to perform Buddhist rituals for government officials, military officers and their families, as well as rejecting any offerings from them, has been in place since Sept. 18, 2007.

"Lifting the boycott, however, must be decided by all the monks, depending on the reaction of the government," the statement said.

At the same time, the monks urged the government to continue to work toward building back the trust of the people, saying it should prioritize national reconciliation, the freeing of all political prisoners, and full access to human rights and democracy for all of Burma's citizens. The monks also urged the government to make an official overture to Burmese exiles, welcoming their return to the country.

"The current situation of our country, it can't be said that we are on the path to democracy. Although the so-called new government has ruled for about 30 months, we can't distinguish changes in the country yet," said U Sandar Thiri, another monk who participated in the Saffron Revolution, explaining why Wednesday's ceremony was held.

"Since trust between the government and its peoples has been broken for a long time, the government needs to work with a strong commitment to peace with the ethnic armed groups, as well as for national reconciliation and genuine democracy and improvements in the country," he added.

The monks also urged the Burmese people to avoid further communal violence, referring to clashes over the last 15 months that have largely pitted the nation's majority Buddhists against minority Muslims.

"Our country is just seeing the path to democracy so it is important to prevent the violence, because it may destroy our path to democracy," U Sandar Thiri said.

Galone Ni Sayadaw, a well-known Buddhist monk from Mandalay, said some of the monks who participated in the Saffron Revolution were being stigmatized by people fearful of being associated with the monks' pro-democracy reputation.

"There shouldn't be these kinds of incidents facing the monks who participated in Saffron if we say the country is changing," he said. "We can forgive but I want to see that justice is done for those who were responsible for the brutal crackdown."

The ceremony was attended by monks from Rangoon, Mandalay and Pakokku, including famous Buddhist monks who led the peaceful marches six years ago. National League for Democracy (NLD) member and veteran journalist Win Tin, and members of other political parties were seen at the ceremony. Leaders of the 88 Generation Students' group such as Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi were also present and gave remarks.

"The movements of the monks are very valuable for the country's history," Min Ko Naing said. "During that time, we were under interrogation and felt we were forgotten, but the movement of the monks encouraged us a lot. We can't deny that the movements of the monks played a part in the changes we see today."

Public dissatisfaction had started growing one month before the monks took to the streets en mass in 2007. A government reduction of fuel subsidies on Aug. 15, 2007, caused a rapid rise in commodity prices. During small demonstrations against the decision, 13 prominent activists including Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Min Zeya and Ko Jimmy were arrested.

Monks in Pakokku, in Magwe Division of central Burma, kicked off what would be dubbed the Saffron Revolution when they marched through the streets and urged the government to reduce commodity prices and release the activists. Three monks involved in the Pakokku protest march were tied up and beaten by soldiers and government-backed thugs.

Word of the beatings spread among Burma's approximately 400,000 monks and the Sangha demanded an official government apology by Sept. 17.

When the deadline passed without an apology, the monks began their boycott. At the same time, thousands of monks took to the streets in Rangoon, Mandalay and other cities and towns across Burma. The movement grew in the following days and laymen walked behind them in support.

But on Sept. 26, a crackdown on the demonstrations began and the army opened fire on the unarmed protesters. Many protesters, including monks, were beaten and arrested, while several monasteries were raided and forced to shut down.

Dozens of people are believed to have died in the crackdown, although there are no confirmed figures. The government put the death toll at 13, the UN human rights envoy on Burma at the time said 31 people had died, while Democratic Voice of Burma reported that 138 people had been killed.

Sanay Linn contributed to this story.

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Military Coup, 25 Years Ago, Heralded Brutal Reign of SLORC

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 05:25 AM PDT

A soldier orders the pro-democracy protesters to disperse in downtown Rangoon in 1988. Click on the box below to see more 1988 photos from the book

A soldier orders the pro-democracy protesters to disperse in downtown Rangoon in 1988. Click on the box below to see more 1988 photos from the book "Burma's Revolution of The Spirit." (Photo: Alain Evrard / Impact Photos)

RANGOON—A short statement announced on the radio 25 years ago today signaled the start of another dark chapter of despotic rule in Burma.

At 4 pm Sept 18, 1988, a male announcer on the state-run Burma Broadcasting Service proclaimed that, "in order to bring a timely halt to the deteriorating conditions on all sides all over the country … in the interests of the people, the defense forces have assumed all power in the state, effective from today."

The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), comprising senior generals, had taken full government control through a coup, a power that the military would not relinquish for another two decades.

Following the takeover, the military stepped up its bloody crackdown to end the pro-democracy 8888 Uprising.

The popular protests had raged for months in 1988, as Burma's citizens tried to topple the old strongman Ne Win. With the takeover by the SLORC, the dictator's influence quickly began to wane.

The coup and its immediate aftermath prompted a fresh outburst of street protests that were met with state-sponsored violence, which resulted in hundreds of mostly peaceful, unarmed demonstrators being killed and wounded, and thousands of people being arrested and tortured.

Estimates later put the total death of toll of the numerous 1988 protests between 3,000 and 10,000.

During the coup, Gen Saw Maung repealed the 1974 Constitution and the 19-member SLORC became the sole ruling body of Burma. It was chaired by Gen Saw Maung, Maj Gen Khin Nyunt, the head of Burma's secret intelligence agency became Secretary-1, and Gen Than Shwe assumed the position of vice-chairman.

Now, 25 years on, only one of these three men, the 80-year-old, retired Gen Than Shwe is still considered influential. Saw Maung's grip on power slipped several years after the coup, and he died of a heart attack in 1997.

Khin Nyunt, a protégé of Ne Win, led the powerful, feared Military Intelligence unit until he was purged in 2004. After seven years under house arrest he was released. These days, Khin Nyunt mostly attracts media attention for his apparent change from feared spy chief to patron of the arts, after he opened up his own Rangoon art gallery.

After the 1988 coup, the English-speaking general held several press conferences to denounce the protestors, and Khin Nyunt is believed to have staged numerous crackdowns on political dissidents during his years in power. The 73-year-old has denied these claims in interviews in recent years, saying, "I didn't torture people, or put people in prison, but in the military we have to follow orders."

Gen Than Shwe, who is thought to have orchestrated the bloody crackdown on the monk-led Saffron Revolution in 2007, was Commander-in-Chief of Burma's armed forces for 19 years, before officially resigning from his position with the dissolution of the SLORC in 2011.

He handpicked Thein Sein, a former general, to become president of a nominally-civilian government that same year, as part a military-planned seven-step roadmap to democracy. Burma's Parliament was re-opened in January 2011, with lawmakers assembling for the first time since September 1988.

Since his retirement, Than Shwe has rarely been seen in public and he spends most his time "reading," according to Kyaw Hsan, the ex-information minister. Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) vice-chairman Htay Oo has said the reclusive former leader "lives peacefully" at home although still remains "interested in politics."

With a cabinet dominated by former officers, a Parliament where the majority of seats is held by former military men in the ruling USDP, and a quarter of all Parliament seats reserved for army officers, the military still retains a strong hold on political power in Burma.

The military-drafted 2008 Constitution serves to provide immunity for the SLORC's past crimes, while it ensures parliamentary veto powers for the army.

Win Tin, a co-founder of Burma's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, said that a quarter of a century after the 1988 coup, Burma has yet to rid itself of military control on government.

"They have constitutional immunity and Parliament is toothless to kick them out," he said. "We can find no other way [to remove the military], until they are willingly to get out from politics through their own conscience."

Additional reporting by Htet Naing Zaw.

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Thai-Burma Road Link Blocked by Dawei Protesters

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 04:55 AM PDT

Protesting villagers in Burma are seen laying a blockade of the road that links Dawei to Thailand. (Photo: Facebook / CSLD)

The main road link from Kanchanaburi in Thailand to Burma's Dawei special economic zone has been blocked by local villagers protesting Italian-Thai Development, a Thai construction firm that they accuse of failing to pay compensation for lands confiscated to build the road.

The blockade, in the Dawei district village of Thabyu Chaung, has been ongoing since Sept. 9, according to the Dawei Development Association (DDA). Thant Zin, who is the coordinator for the DDA, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the villagers have threatened to continue blocking the road and would begin farming the land by the end of the month if the company fails to pay compensation.

"In the meantime, they [protesting locals] only allow vehicles transporting medical patients and senior officials from ITD who are traveling to the seaport. They do not allow vehicles transporting workers from the project or materials for construction," Thant Zin said.

The road link spans 132 kilometers across Kanchanaburi Province in Thailand to Dawei, in Burma's Tenasserim Division. The route passes through seven villages where local residents claim that they have not yet received compensation for land confiscated in order to build the road.

The civic group Community Sustainable Livelihood and Development (CSLD) represented the local villagers at a press conference in Dawei on Tuesday.

"The group asked the company to set an exact future date for when they would pay compensation if the company cannot pay right now."

The DDA reported that local villagers first asked the company for compensation in July, but received no response from Italian-Thai. The Sept. 9 blockade marked an escalation of tactics in the complainants' second attempt at redress.

A statement accompanying Tuesday's press conference stated that CSLD committee members would hold a meeting with the two local political parties, local authorities and Italian-Thai company representatives on Sept. 28 in Dawei Township to discuss the compensation concerns. Leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU), the ethnic armed group that controls the territory in which the seven villages lie, are also expected to attend the meeting.

If the end of the month gathering does not resolve their grievances, the villagers have threatened to reclaim their former lands.

"They say they will put up fences on their own land and grow trees again to block the road if the company does not pay compensation," Thant Zin said.

About 80 families from the villages of Mitta, Kalit Gyi, Kha Tuang Ni, Pyinthataw, Thapyu Chaung, Yepoe and Titkatoe are awaiting compensation, according to DDA. The villagers say the road's construction destroyed land on which they grew betel nut, rubber, and cashew nuts, providing the main source of income for local communities. The road was built in 2010.

Italian-Thai has so far paid compensation to 111 families since 2010, according to DDA. The company has acknowledged but failed to address the recompense demands of 34 other families whose farmlands were destroyed by construction of the road.

"We found there are 34 families on the list from the company that they have to pay compensation, but they have not paid the victims yet. More than 40 other families were not on their compensation list," said Thant Zin.

Italian-Thai has been granted a 75-year concession to develop the special economic zone (SEZ) and deep-sea port in Dawei. Local right groups have long claimed that the project has led to land rights abuses, including forced evictions.

Thailand plans to turn the Dawei deep-sea port into a massive industrial complex that will provide Burma's more economically advanced neighbor with imported energy and a new conduit for its exports. The area will be administered as an SEZ under an agreement reached between Burma and Thailand in 2008.

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Rangoon Govt Puts Cap on Rising Property Prices

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 04:41 AM PDT

Rangoon's landmark Shwedagon Pagoda can be seen in the distance from a Yadanar Myaing construction site on the Kandawgyi ring road. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Skyrocketing land values in Rangoon will be capped by the government starting next month, Rangoon Division officials announced this week.

The division's Committee for Properties said this week that it set caps for land values in Burma's commercial capital and surrounding townships that would go into effect on Oct. 1.

The land values—calculated per square foot as assessment rates—will be set street by street, rather than township by township, as they were set in the past.

Thirty-eight townships in the division will be covered, including 33 townships under the jurisdiction of the Rangoon municipal administration.

The new assessment rates will be used to determine property taxes.

According to the tax system, which was revised last year, property buyers pay a tax equivalent to 37 percent of the assessment rate, while property sellers pays a tax equivalent to 7 percent.

The highest land values are in Bahan Township, known locally as the Golden Valley, where many Burmese tycoons own homes. Land values will be capped at 325,000 kyats (US$350) per square foot in the township, with a minimum rate of 35,000 kyats ($40) per square foot.

Other expensive townships are Dagon, Mayangone, Kamaryut, Hlaing and Sanchaung, with a land value cap of 275,000 kyats per square foot. The six downtown townships—Latha, Lanmadaw, Pabedan, Kyauktada, Pazuntaung and Botahtaung—come next, with a cap of 240,000 kyats per square foot.

Land on main roads is valued higher than land on small streets.

The government also announced caps for condominium values. Condominiums on main roads in commercial areas will be valued at 90,000 kyats to 100,000 kyats per square foot, with a cap of 150,000 kyats per square foot. Condominiums on smaller streets will be valued at 75,000 kyats to 85,000 kyats, with a cap of 140,000 kyats.

In residential areas, condominiums on main roads will be valued at 65,000 kyats to 75,000 kyats, while condominiums on small roads will be valued at 50,000 kyats to 65,000 kyats.

Land prices in Rangoon have soared since 2007, when another revision to the country's tax system saw property taxes significantly reduced from 50 percent to 15 percent. After assuming office in 2011, President Thein Sein's government began introducing a raft of economic reforms aimed at attracting foreign investment, spurring a further rise in Rangoon's land prices.

In some areas, market rate land prices are now more than 10 times higher than before the 2007 tax system change. The city's main commercial area—Kyauktada Township—has seen prices skyrocket to about 1.5 million kyats per square foot over the past five years.

Land in residential areas such as Bahan Township and along Pyay Road was valued at market rates between 500,000 kyats and 800,000 kyats, according to real estate reports. That compares to the government's new assessment rate cap of 350,000 kyats along Pyay Road.

"This is the first time the government has announced fixed prices for taxes street by street," Than Oo, a Rangoon-based real estate expert, told The Irrawaddy. "The government fixed prices township by township in the past, but now it's attempting to control the prices by collecting tax."

Demand for property in Rangoon—which was rising quickly over the past couple years—has become stagnant since the government announced it would fix land prices in the division, real estate industry sources say.

Kyaw Thu, a Rangoon-based real estate agent, said he expects property prices to drop over the next couple years, as developers continue to build, but he is skeptical that the government will be able to control the market for land.

"I expect that apartment prices will be down in 2015—some more construction projects will be finished at that time," he said. "But land cannot be imported from abroad, so land prices will be as usual.

The Rangoon Division Committee for Properties set the new land value caps with the Rangoon municipal administration, the Internal Revenue Department, the General Administration Department under the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Myanmar Police Force, the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development, and the Department of Land Records under the Ministry of Finance and Revenue.

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Investors in Burma Telecom Sector Face ‘Corrupt, Crony Practices’: Report

Posted: 18 Sep 2013 04:22 AM PDT

A man talks on his mobile phone by the street side of Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters)

A tangled web of cronyism and corruption awaits foreign telecom companies investing in the development of Burma's mobile telephone network, an international business risks report warns.

The state-controlled Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT), which will oversee the development, "appears to have preferential arrangements" with a clutch of Burmese businesses linked either to current influential politicians or the former military regime, said Maplecroft, a UK-based research and strategic forecasting company.

It named Burmese firms Red Link Communications, owned by the two sons of Shwe Mann, speaker of the Union Parliament; Forever Group, whose chief executive Winn Maw is an adviser to the Information Ministry; and SkyNet, owned by Shwe Than Lwin Company, which had strong links with the former military regime and also has partnerships with the Information Ministry, notably in a broadcasting venture.

Red Link is a phone networking services business. SkyNet operates satellite television services, especially international football matches.

"Such vested interests preclude the existence of a level playing field, and, as a result, investors are forced to partner with local businesses heavily engaged in corrupt business practices," said Maplecroft's report "Risks Await Entrants into Myanmar's Telecoms Market," seen by The Irrawaddy this week.

It described the MPT as "one of the most corrupt institutions in Myanmar."

The main licenses to develop Burma's mobile telephone infrastructure were awarded in June to Ooredoo of Qatar and Norway's Telenor from a bidding list of 11 shortlisted companies. Telenor is majority-owned by the Norwegian government.

They have been set a target date of 2016 to expand Burma's mobile telephone network to reach 80 percent of the estimated 55 million population. At present only 5 percent of Burmese have access to a phone, mobile or fixed, MPT has said.

However, official figures do not include a "sizeable black market in SIM cards and internet services," said the report.

"Investors working with business conglomerates owned or backed by the military in [Burma] are at particularly severe risk of association with illegal or unethical practices," says the report.

"Companies may find that their vendors or sub-contractors in [Burma] are controlled by the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) or the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL). Both conglomerates are notorious for corruption, unethical business practices, use of forced labour and other human rights abuses."

"A parallel cause for concern is the announcement in late July 2013 that MPT would award a telecom license to MEC. The entry of MEC is likely to skew the telecoms market, given that [it] could benefit unduly in terms of access to infrastructure and speedy government approvals," said Maplecroft.

Telenor Myanmar began an employee recruitment program in August, with some reports saying the company could provide jobs for up to 3,000 Burmese. However, two thirds of jobs would be for service and sales vendors who "will be employed by partner companies," the firm said.

"Telenor Myanmar is adopting a multi-phased approach that is aligned with its business plan and that will enable the company to recruit resources in a way that matches its business milestones," a company statement said in August.

The first phase of recruitment running until the end of September will "focus on the company's immediate need for experienced, management-level candidates to build up a strong leadership team that will be responsible for developing strategies and managing the company's commercial launch and roll-out".

Many of the senior management now with Telenor Myanmar in Rangoon have been sent from the Norwegian firm's subsidiary, DTAC, Thailand's second-biggest mobile phone network provider based in Bangkok.

They include Prathet Tankuranun, appointed chief technology officer for Telenor Myanmar; Sharad Mehrotra appointed chief marketing officer; and Tipayarat Kaewsringarm as head of personnel, Bangkok's The Nation newspaper reported.

Ooredoo said in mid-August it was still assembling a senior management team in Burma.

Both Telenor and MPT have signed equipment supply agreements with a controversial Chinese electronic equipment maker, Huawei Technologies.

"Huawei has repeatedly come under fire in Western countries over suspicions of links to the Chinese government and being involved in espionage," the International Business Times reported in August.

"Last fall, the US House Intelligence Committee issued an extensive report discouraging American companies from buying Huawei equipment. Last year, Australia banned the Chinese company from bidding for its national broadband fiber network because of security concerns."

There is no direct evidence of Huawei being controlled by the Chinese government, but it has periodically been given state financial support and has expanded enormously to become the world's biggest telecommunications equipment maker after overtaking Ericsson of Sweden in 2012 in terms of turnover and production.

Huawei describes itself as a collective owned by its workforce of 140,000 worldwide.

There have been reports, though not confirmed, that Ooredoo is negotiating with Huawei.

Senior management at Telenor Myanmar and Ooredoo could not be reached to comment on the Maplecroft risks report.

In August, Ooredoo's senior manager in Burma, Ross Cormack, said his company intended to work to demonstrate a "strong commitment to corporate responsibility.

"We will work hard to make a difference in all of the communities across [Burma] and to care for the wellbeing of our customers," Cormack said.

Ooredoo has pledged US$60 million in "corporate responsible investment" in Burma over the next ten years in education and health care.

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Burma’s State-Backed Telcos Seek Backing to Take on New Rivals

Posted: 17 Sep 2013 10:41 PM PDT

A staff member talks on the phone at the reception desk at the Yatanarpon Teleport (YTP) office in Rangoon on Sept. 17, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's two state-backed telecommunications operators are seeking investors to put in more than US$1 billion as they prepare to compete with foreign newcomers, Norway's Telenor and Qatar's Ooredoo.

Telenor and Ooredoo won the bidding for two new licenses in June to provide telecoms services in the country but are still waiting for final approval, expected this month, so they can start building their networks.

Meanwhile two state-backed firms—Yatanarpon Teleport (YTP) and Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT)—already hold active licenses. YTP functions primarily as an Internet service provider while MPT, a department of the Communications Ministry, acts as both a regulator and operator.

But Burma has the lowest mobile market penetration rate in the world and of its population of about 60 million, 9 percent at most have a mobile phone.

Tin Win, chief executive of YTP, said the formerly state-owned enterprise had recently been privatized, with the government's stake limited to 5 percent. He did not give details about the privatization process and declined to say who now owns the rest of YTP.

He said he was waiting for the government to announce new licensing and radio spectrum fees before determining the exact amount of capital the company will need to develop its operations.

“We estimate the investment is going to be a minimum $1 billion,” he told Reuters. He declined to say how the company planned to raise the capital.

MPT, which operates the only existing telecoms network, said it was looking for investment but declined to say how much.

The government plans to hive off the regulatory side of MPT and privatize the operator division within two years, with the new company called Myanmar Telecommunications Corporation.

The state will own 12 percent of the new company, said a senior MPT official who requested anonymity as he was not authorized to speak to the media.

Test Case

He said MPT was discussing partnerships with companies from France, Japan, Singapore and Thailand.

The winners of June auction were selected from a shortlist of 11 bidders, whittled down from more than 90 companies and consortia that had expressed interest.

A partnership between Japan's Marubeni Corp and France's Orange was chosen as the runner-up in June's auction, ready to step in if Telenor or Ooredoo fell at the last hurdle.

Japan's KDDI and Singapore Telecommunications were among the companies shortlisted.

Tom Wright, a spokesman for Orange, said it had signed an agreement with MPT to connect its customers to Orange's roaming hub, which covers 150 countries. A spokeswoman for Singtel said the company "continues to seek opportunities in Burma."

The country's first telecoms auction had been seen as a test case for economic and political change initiated by the quasi-civilian government that came to power in 2011 after 49 years of military rule.

The huge investment needed and the uncertain returns caused at least one contender, the shortlisted partnership between China Mobile and Vodafone, to pull out.

Telenor told Reuters it was finalizing plans to share the cost of rolling out a network shared with other companies, which it declined to name until deals were signed.

Andreas Hipp, CEO of global communications company Epsilon, said he was surprised when shown a map of Burma's fiber optic network. "That kind of infrastructure a little village has in the south of England," he said.

Epsilon has signed a deal with YTP that Hipp said would give international companies higher quality connectivity to Burma. As YTP expands its network throughout Burma, offering faster Internet speeds, Epsilon will help it to connect businesses with the rest of the world, he said.

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Philippine Police Officer Freed, Rebels Surrender

Posted: 17 Sep 2013 10:56 PM PDT

Residents taken as hostages and used as human shields by Muslim rebels are escorted by a soldier after being released in Zamboanga city, in the southern Philippines, on Sept. 17, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Erik De Castro)

ZAMBOANGA, Philippines — A Philippine police chief who was reported abducted Tuesday by Muslim rebels has emerged free hours later after convincing his captors to surrender in a twist to a nine-day hostage standoff in the south of the country, officials said.

Interior Secretary Mar Roxas and police officials told a news conference that Senior Superintendent Jose Chiquito Malayo and three of his men were taken at gunpoint while trying to persuade some Moro National Liberation Front rebels to surrender in fighting near Zamboanga city.

"While trying to convince them, he was taken into custody or held hostage but he kept on convincing them until he succeeded," Roxas told reporters.

The rebels said they had come from a nearby island to join a peaceful protest by their group in Zamboanga but withdrew after firefights erupted between government troops and their comrades, Roxas said, adding police would investigate their claims.

"The important thing here is he [Malayo] was able to enact the surrender," military spokesman Lt-Col Ramon Zagala said.

The surrender of about 20 rebels comes as government troops intensify an offensive to end the standoff that began Sept. 9 when the troops foiled a suspected plan by a larger group of rebels to take control of Zamboanga, a major port of nearly 1 million people about 860 kilometers (540 miles) south of Manila.

The military says it has recaptured 70 percent of the coastal areas occupied by the rebels and rescued more than 100 hostages.

About 64 hostages were freed or escaped during military operations early Tuesday, followed by another 14 who walked to freedom in separate batches. That brought to 116 the number of those rescued in the last 18 hours, Zagala said.

He said more than 100 Moro National Liberation Front rebels were still holding hostages in the remaining pockets they control in five coastal villages in Zamboanga.

Nearly 82,000 residents have fled the fighting into several emergency shelters, including the city's main sports complex.

President Benigno Aquino III has been in Zamboanga since Friday to oversee the handling of the worst security crisis his administration has faced since he came to power in 2010.

The Moro insurgents, led by Nur Misuari, signed a peace deal in 1996, but the guerrillas did not lay down their arms and later accused the government of reneging on a promise to develop long-neglected Muslim regions in the south of the predominantly Roman Catholic nation.

The rebels have become increasingly restive in recent months as they've been overshadowed by a rival rebel group that engaged Aquino's government in peace talks brokered by Malaysia. Thiae talks have steadily progressed toward a new and potentially larger autonomy deal for minority Muslims in the south.

Associated Press writers Jim Gomez, Teresa Cerojano and Hrvoje Hranjski in Manila contributed to this report.

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UN Investigators: North Korean Inmates Described ‘Unspeakable Atrocities’

Posted: 17 Sep 2013 10:33 PM PDT

Inmates in North Korea's prison camps suffered starvation and torture and described "unspeakable atrocities" comparable with Nazi abuses uncovered after the Second World War, UN investigators said on Tuesday.

GENEVA — Inmates in North Korea's prison camps suffered starvation and torture and described "unspeakable atrocities" comparable with Nazi abuses uncovered after the Second World War, UN investigators said on Tuesday.

Evidence in their report, swiftly rejected by Pyongyang, showed a disturbing pattern of human rights violations, said Michael Kirby, who chairs the independent inquiry.

The UN set up the inquiry into reports of abuses in March, following pressure by Japan, South Korea and Western powers to begin building a case for possible criminal prosecution.

Kirby said the preliminary findings were based on testimony from dozens of North Korean exiles, including former political prison camps inmates, given at public hearings in Seoul and Tokyo last month.

They were also backed up by satellite imagery of labor camps, he added. The team did not get permission to visit the country despite repeated requests.

"I believe you will be very disturbed and distressed by it and that you will have reaction similar to those of [US] General Eisenhower and the others who came upon the camps in post-war Europe," Kirby told reporters.

The situations in North Korea and Nazi Germany were not "exactly analogous," he said. But "an image flashed across my mind of the arrival of Allied soldiers at the end of the Second World War and the discovery of prison camps … in the countries that had been occupied by the Nazi forces."

The independent inquiry would seek to determine which North Korean institutions and officials were responsible, he added.

"The commission listened to political prison camp survivors who suffered through childhoods of starvation and unspeakable atrocities," he told the UN Human Rights Council earlier.

Some were being punished for alleged crimes committed by relatives from past generations under a policy of "guilt by association" he said.

The report did not say what kind of prosecution might be considered. North Korea is not a member of the International Criminal Court, but the UN Security Council can ask the Hague-based court to investigate alleged abuses by non-signatories.

North Korean diplomat Kim Yong-ho dismissed the inquiry as a "political plot" to force regime change in North Korea. It had been politicized by the European Union and Japan, "in alliance with the US hostile policy," Kim told the Geneva forum.

"We will continue to oppose any attempt of regime change and pressure under pretext of 'human rights protection,'" he said.

North Korea's main ally China, joined by Belarus and Syria, were among countries defending it during the 90-minute debate.

"Politicized accusations and pressures are not helpful to improving human rights in any country. On the contrary they will only provoke confrontation and undermine the foundation and atmosphere for international human rights cooperation," said Chinese diplomat Chen Chuandong.

Navi Pillay, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said in January that North Korea's political prison camps may hold 200,000 or more inmates.

Kirby told reporters on Tuesday that there appeared to have been "some degree of consolidation" of the camps, estimating that they may now hold at 100,000 inmates or so, but it was too soon to say why or what had happened to some of them.

"There does appear to be a fall-off in the number of camps. There may be a fall-off in the number of prisoners. But why exactly that is is not entirely clear," he said.

One North Korean witness testified that he had been forced to "load the many corpses of prisoners who died of starvation, put them in a pot and burn them, scattering their ashes and remains on the nearby vegetation fields," he said.

Kirby, a former justice of Australia's top court, told the council: "I have been a judge for a very long time and I'm pretty hardened to testimony. But the testimony that I saw in Seoul and in Tokyo brought tears to my eyes on several occasions, including testimony of Mr. And Mrs. Yokota."

Their daughter Megumi Yokota, 13, vanished on her way home from school in Japan in 1977. She was one of 13 Japanese that Kim Jong-il, the late father of the current leader Kim Jong-un, admitted in 2002 to having kidnapped in the 1970s and 1980s to help train spies. Pyongyang has said eight of them are dead, including Megumi.

One North Korean woman testified how she "witnessed a female prisoner forced to drown her own baby in a bucket," Kirby said.

US ambassador Eileen Chamberlain Donahoe said in statement that the report had "begun to shed light on the horrifying realities of life in North Korea and raise international awareness of the ongoing tragedy and barbaric conditions there."

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EU Under Fire for Policy Linked to Land Grabbing in Cambodia

Posted: 17 Sep 2013 10:23 PM PDT

A family looks on as their huts are destroyed during an eviction in Cambodia's Koh Kong province a few years ago, when they were forced to make way for a sugar plantation. (Photo: boycottbloodsugar.net)

KAMPONG SPEU PROVINCE— Three years ago, Pao had a farm and a charcoal stove near a stream in a community called Omlaing in western Cambodia. The farm gave her rice, charcoal sales gave her extra income and the nearby forest provided edible and medicinal plants.

There was always enough food on the table. But in 2010, the bulldozers came, accompanied by troops from the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces.

Pao and her fellow villagers were told their land had been leased to a company owned by Ly Yong Phat, a powerful senator and businessman with the ruling Cambodia People's Party (CPP), for a sugarcane plantation.

Some villagers had documents proving they owned the land but even so, their homes were razed, their farms and forests ploughed over and their water diverted to irrigate the plantation.

Their story underscores the corruption, abuse of power and impunity for which Cambodia is notorious. It also suggests a European Union policy designed to alleviate poverty is exacerbating it, says a report published on Tuesday by two non-profits, Equitable Cambodia and Inclusive Development International.

Pao, a 30-something mother whose name has been changed to protect her identity, went from being a farm and business owner to being a poorly paid laborer on a plantation that Cambodian rights groups say is exporting processed sugar duty-free to Europe under a preferential trade agreement.

Under the Everything But Arms (EBA) agreement, adopted by the European Commission in March 2001, Cambodian goods can enter the EU without import duties or quotas and sugar exports are guaranteed a minimum price.

Other plantations owned by Ly Yong Phat's company – L.Y.P. Group – export through the EBA.

The EU says trade agreements like the EBA "bring real benefits to the people" and the preferential terms offered are "unmatched by any other developed country". Critics say the EBA has led to serious and systematic human rights abuses in the Cambodian sugar industry and further impoverished its people.

"Life is very difficult these days," Pao said, sitting outside her wooden hut and picking through her child's hair in search of head lice.

The sugar company resettled Pao and her neighbors in the shadow of Pis mountain, where it is difficult to farm because the plots are small and the soil sandy and rocky. The only school in the area was not open when Thomson Reuters Foundation visited on a weekday afternoon.

"We have to work nine hours a day (on the plantation) and they only give us 12,000 Riel ($3)," she said. "A kilo of fish costs 15,000 Riel."

Workers routinely faint under the blazing sun and Pao said she recently saw a neighbor coughing up blood.

"There are no unions or leaders to help us. Some of us were trying to ask for extra money but those who stood up were fired," she added.

EU Policy Fueling Land Grabs?

The EBA grants preferential access to the European market for all products from Least Developed Countries (LDCs), except arms and ammunitions.

In the years following the agreement, Cambodia has become a major sugar-producing nation.

The amount of land leased to industrial agricultural firms for sugar production jumped from a "negligible" amount to more than 100,000 hectares between 2006 and 2012, according to a human rights impact assessment of the EBA in Cambodia called Bittersweet Harvest, compiled by Equitable Cambodia and Inclusive Development International.

All tariffs and quotas for sugar were phased out for EBA countries in 2009. Since then, the value of Cambodia's annual sugar exports jumped from $51,000 to $13.8 million in 2011, said the report, adding that 92 percent of exports went to the EU during this period.

"While the EU might not be driving the bulldozers, they are providing the gasoline by handing the perpetrators of violent forced evictions lucrative preferential access to the EU market," David Pred, a managing associate at Inclusive Development International and one of the report's authors, told Thomson Reuters Foundation.

In response to the report, the European Commission in Cambodia said the EU took "very seriously the issue of alleged land grabbing and forced evictions" relating to large-scale agro-industrial investments, adding there had been positive developments. These included a moratorium on new economic land concessions—large plots of land leased by the government to companies—and a large-scale land registration campaign to resolve land disputes, it said.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Cambodia Professor Surya P. Subedi named these developments as positive in a September report to the Human Rights Council, the commission said, but rights groups have criticized both initiatives as ineffective.

The commission added that the EU would follow the conclusions of the Human Rights Council and human rights monitoring bodies closely to find out whether any "serious and systematic violations" had occurred and would take appropriate action if this were the case.

Pred said that the three major sugar companies, including L.Y.P Group, that have displaced thousands of people in Koh Kong, Kampong Speu and Oddar Meanchey provinces had publicly stated that they developed operations in Cambodia to take advantage of the EBA.

The sugar industry has been "one of the worst offenders in Cambodia's land grabbing epidemic," with violent forced evictions and other human rights violations accompanying its development, the report said.

It documented how villagers had been harassed, threatened and tricked into parting with their land.

The 23,000-hectare plantation in Omlaing also violates a law limiting Economic Land Concessions to 10,000 hectares. It includes at least 2,200 hectares of farmland belonging to around 1,000 families and 2,000 hectares of community forest, according to Cambodian rights group LICADHO.

Even so, the sugar companies "have been able to peddle their goods in Europe where they are rewarded with lucrative EBA trade preferences," the report added.

The Sugar King

L.Y.P Group, along with Thai-owned KSL Group, Mitr Pohl Sugar Corp. also of Thailand and Taiwan's Ve Wong, is at the forefront of the sugar industry in Cambodia.

It controls 86,000 hectares including 10 sugar and rubber plantations and a special economic zone, accounting for about 4.3 percent of all land concessions nationwide, said LICADHO.

L.Y.P also agreed to provide financial support to six units of the army after Prime Minister Hun Sen announced a plan under which companies would provide donations to units of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces. Activists say L.Y.P. has used two of the six units it supports in forced evictions.

L.Y.P did not respond to calls seeking comment.

Pao didn't think of resisting when the bulldozers turned up. They offered her $25 and help to build a new house.

"The company didn't give us any options," she said, as neighbors milled around and children played on the dirt road. In the distance, the roof of the sprawling factory glistened in the sun. "You move with something or nothing. Those who fought were treated really badly," she added.

Nevertheless, some people have fought back, asking for fair compensation and recognition of their land rights, despite death threats and intimidation.

Pen Vichet and Sok Run, two farmers who are also local activists, lost five hectares of farmland between them. They have yet to receive any compensation.

"A hectare could produce about four tons of rice and you could get 1 million Riel ($250) for 1 tonne of rice," Vichet said. "When you lose the land, you lose everything."

The long-standing dispute between land owners and the sugar company has led to at least 100 protests and three orchestrated roadblocks, with 29 villagers charged in penal cases, LICADHO said.

Rights groups are calling on the EU to reform the EBA so trade preferences are only granted to beneficiaries that respect human rights. While Bittersweet Harvest acknowledged that the surge in Cambodian exports under the EBA had helped thousands of local people with jobs, predominantly in the garment and footwear industries, it said the price paid had been too high.

"This cannot justify … the destruction of thousands of other families' livelihoods", it said.

Prolonged Land Crisis

Land grabbing remains one of the most pressing human rights issues in Cambodia.

Land ownership is especially problematic in a country where legal documents were destroyed under the Khmer Rouge regime of the 1970s. Pol Pot's regime abolished private property in a bid to create a communist agrarian utopia.

An estimated 80 percent of households in Cambodia today do not have land titles, leaving them vulnerable to land-grabbing by companies with powerful political connections.

Around 2.6 million hectares of land – an area larger than the country of Wales and close to 75 percent of Cambodia's total arable land – had been granted for Economic Land Concessions as of December 2012, said Pred.

This contrasts sharply with the less than 7,000 hectares of land allotted to land-poor and landless farmers for Social Land Concessions as of December 2011 under a donor-supported program.

Prime Minister Sen launched the new land-titling scheme in June 2012 in response to criticism but Human Rights Watch said the campaign, which involved the use of 1,600 student volunteers dressed in military uniforms, lacks transparency and accountability and is conducted in a bullying manner.

"There is more and more violence associated with land concessions since the military is increasingly being used as private security for concessionaires and the number of people arrested each year for protesting land grabs has doubled over the past two years," Pred said.

The government issued its moratorium on new land concessions in May but by June, LICADHO had documented the granting of at least 12 more concessions.

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