Monday, April 7, 2014

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


The Nu Jaing, or Salween or Nam Khong River is the Life Force of millions of People in China, Shan State, Karenni, Mon and Karen States

Posted: 07 Apr 2014 05:32 AM PDT

By Sao Noan Oo

"Shan civil society organizations are concerned and are calling the Burmese government to halt dam projects on the Salween and Nam Ma rivers in Shan State. The groups expressed concern that the dam projects are likely to have negative impacts for local people.

Sao Noan Oo
According to the joint statement released by the Shan civil society organizations on April 1 of 2014, representatives of Burma's Ministry of Electricity, International Group of Entrepreneurs Co., Ltd. and Hydrochina Corporation held a public meeting with villagers in Tarngyan township on March 17, to promote plans to build the Nawng Pha dam on the Salween river and the Mann Toung (မၢၼ်ႈတူၼ်ႈ) dam on the Nam Ma river, a Salween tributary.

The Shans are very concerned of the likely negative impacts on the environment and on the communities that live along the length of the river. We therefore strongly urge the Burmese government to immediately halt the dam projects on Salween and Nam Ma Rivers in Shan State."

The statement also said: "The Salween and Nam Ma rivers have sustained the livelihood of Shan State people for generations. They are a precious resource which should not be sold off to China by the Burmese government."

I endorse the concern of Shan civil society organisations and support their call to the Burmese Government to halt the dam projects on the Salween and Nam Ma Rivers in the Shan State. Furthermore I request International Governments and Communities to support our call.

Although dams are being designed based on past hydrological patterns and principles to produce electricity there has been little thought of how it will affect the environments and the lives and well being of citizens whose livelihood depends on the river on which the dam is to be built.

China's three gorges Dam is the world's largest hydroelectric dam based on generating the amount of electricity. After many decades of planning it came into operation in 2009, but continuous adjustments and additional projects are still going on. There is no denying that the three gorges dam will provide China with the growing demand of electricity, but its construction has created an assortment of problems for the country.

In order for the dam to exist, over 100 towns had to be submerged, resulting in relocation 1.3 million people.

Beijing (CNN) -- In a rare admission, the Chinese government has said the Three
Gorges Dam -- the world's largest hydropower plant -- is having "urgent problems," warning of environmental, construction and migration "disasters" amid the worst drought to hit southern China in 50 years.

Man-made droughts are nothing new to those who live downstream of big dams. Some people living on the dry side of dams have suffered from massive ecological and hydrological changes. They experience both man-made droughts from dams holding back the river's flow and in some cases, to the point of the river disappearing completely from some of its course, and man-made floods caused by poor dam design and management.
By building dams on the river Salween the people living downstream in the Shan Karenni, Mon and Karen States are likely to suffer from drought.

It was believed that the main environmental benefit of the Three Gorges Dam is the reduction of carbon emission. However, it has been found that the dam does cause greenhouse gases released into the atmosphere. In reservoirs, the breakdown of vegetation and organic material that becomes blocked and accumulated behind the dam also release carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.

The hydroelectric dam also serves as a physical barrier that disrupts the river ecosystem. In addition, the three gorges Dam area is rich in archaeological and cultural heritage. Many cultures have inhabited the areas that are now under water, making it impossible to conduct future archaeological and paleontological studies.

The Salween River, "is an international river, the source of which was debatable until recently. In 2011 a team of CERS (China Exploration & Research Society) led by Wong How Man discovered the source of the Salween River to be in Qinghai, a province in N W China where the Yangtse Caing and Lan Jang also rise. These three important, great rivers of China are also international rivers, used in ancient times by migrants as routes to follow to settle in different parts of the world. According to a Chinese legend these three rivers were the "The Three Sisters of the Tanggula", that came down and settled in the watersheds of Qinghai, where during spring , the whole area is like a green carpet, dotted with colourful little flowers. The three sisters then travelled south, parallel and side by side until they reached Yunnan. Once in Yunnan each of the sisters chose to travel their own separate way.

The Salween or Nam Khong flows down the Tibetan Plateau, along the Western border of Tai Khong (Dehong Prefecture) in China. It enters the Shan State at the Northern tip of Hsenwi and flows from north to south, the whole length of the country and then through the Karenni, Karen, Mon States and finally into the Indian Ocean at Moulmein. The Salween River and its many tributaries serve productive and industrious Shan farmers with water for irrigating rice fields. Rice cultivation has been Shan culture for generations and most importantly, it is their livelihood.

Therefore, the people fear that if the river ceases to flow the Shan State as we know it will be lost forever. The Nham Kong River is as important symbolically to the Shan as the Irrawaddy is to the Burmese People.

The dam will not only have devastating social and environmental impacts: large area of farmlands will be inundated and countless people will suffer.

People who have lived and visited the Shan State has described it as "A naturally beautiful country". It has rolling downs, mountain ranges, waterfalls and ample water supply from the Salween River and its many tributaries. The country also has many natural resources, minerals, forests of good quality timber. I would like to call on all global Governments and Communities to please support us in our quest to conserve our National and Cultural heritage, which has been kindly endowed to us by Mother Nature

The contributor is the daughter of the ruling prince of Lawksawk and the author of "My Vanishing World".

Sunday, April 6, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Rangoon ceasefire talks a ‘historic situation’, says Gun Maw

Posted: 06 Apr 2014 03:29 AM PDT

Negotiations aimed at drafting a nationwide ceasefire agreement began in Rangoon on Saturday between representatives of ethnic armed groups and Burmese government delegates, as well as members of the armed forces and parliament.

This meeting was notable as the first time that the armed forces and parliament have been equally represented alongside the government delegation at peace talks, with each of the three institutions sending five representatives.

In addition, ethnic groups which had not previously joined talks were now present: the United Wa State Party; the Restoration Council for Shan State (RCSS) or Shan State Army-South; the Eastern Shan State Special Region 4, a.k.a. the Mongla group; the All Burma Students Democratic Front; and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland.

Vice Chief of Staff of the Kachin Independence Army, Gen Gun Maw, said, "This is the first time that 21 revolutionary groups have joined the meeting. It is a historical situation.”

Speaking to DVB after the meeting, Salai Lian Hmung Sakhong of the Chin National Front said, "We have agreed to write the ceasefire agreement based on the points raised at the Myitkyina and Law Khee La meetings.

"There will be seven sections," he explained. "Section 1 will be 'Basic Principles'; Section 2 is 'Aims and Objectives'; Section 3 is to be 'Ceasefire'; Section 4 is related on matters that will strengthen the ceasefire; Section 5 is 'Political Dialogue'; Section 6 is 'Future Plans'; and Section 7 will be titled 'General'."

The Chin leader continued: "These sections will incorporate the 14 proposed sections that the government put forward, and the 11 sections that the ethnic groups drew up at Law Khee La. These will be the basic foundations from which discussions will move ahead."

The ethnic leaders told DVB that a consensus has been reached on about 50 percent of the entire text for the nationwide ceasefire.

To date, the Kachin Independence Army and the Ta-ang National Liberation Army remain the only armed groups at the talks which have yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with the government. Fighting is ongoing is those areas.

Buddhists stone Muslim shops, mosque in Hlegu following scissor attack

Posted: 06 Apr 2014 01:31 AM PDT

A personal feud has sparked another wave of communal tensions in Burma, this time in Hlegu Township, 40km northeast of Rangoon.

Mob violence broke out near Zawgyi market on Friday afternoon following a fight between two Muslims and a Buddhist at Banda Road in the town's residential Zaygyi quarter. A confrontation apparently turned ugly when the two young Muslims, sons of a local cushion shop owner, attacked a Buddhist youth, the son of a watchmaker, with a pair of scissors.

According to an eye witness, the two assailants then ran into a relative's snack shop to hide, but a crowd gathered and began throwing stones at the shop. The mob, reportedly Buddhists, demanded the two be handed over and a tense standoff ensued for at least two hours when police arrived at 6pm to apprehend the two Muslim youths and take them to Hlegu police station.

Local sources said the crowd remained on the street and grew in size as word spread of the incident. At around 7 pm, the crowd started throwing stones at a Muslim "biryani" diner close to the market until more than 100 police officers arrived at the scene and dispersed the mob. A number of people were arrested, sources said.

At around 7:30 pm, about 20 rioters circumvented a police line and headed to a nearby mosque where they began throwing stones. Police were quickly deployed and charged the rioters, beating at them with batons. Again, witnesses said, a number of people were arrested.

Police Station Officer Khin Myint confirmed on Saturday to DVB only that the two youths suspected of the scissor attack had been detained. "They have been charged and are being held behind bars," he said.

At 9 pm on Friday, the Hlegu Township administrator issued a curfew order, citing Penal Code Article 188, barring anyone going outdoors between the hours of 6pm and 6am. The situation was reported to be calm on Saturday.

It has been one year since communal tensions boiled over in Rangoon Division between Buddhists and Muslims. A similar incident happened in Okkan last April, following a deadly bout of violence in Meikhtila, central Burma, last March.

Meikhtila: one year on and 8,000 remain in IDP camps

Posted: 06 Apr 2014 12:07 AM PDT

One year after a wave of violence between the Buddhist and Muslim communities ravaged Meikhtila in central Burma, many wounds have still not healed. Dozens were killed, most of them Muslims, and many houses were burnt in late March 2013 after an apparently banal discussion in a gold shop unleashed an orgy of brutality that lasted for three days.

Now tensions between both communities have eased somewhat but are still present, as shown by the profusion in many shops of 969 stickers, the ultranationalist Buddhist movement with a neatly Islamophobic message. And 8,000 people, out of 10,000 in the aftermath of the violence, the majority Muslims, remain in five camps for internal displaced persons (IDPs), with some starting to lose any hope of going back to their homes again.

One of the places where some Muslim IDPs have been living during the last year is Yin Taw, an unofficial camp occupying the grounds of an Islamic school around 20 km from Meikhtila. According to the head of the camp, a businessman who prefers to withhold his name, they cannot attend to the needs of all the IDPs as the funding from donors is drying up.

Of the 2,500 people who took refuge in the camp after the violence, approximately 1,100 remain there, around 1,000 have returned to their houses, and the rest have moved to other places to look for work. This is the case of Ma Nyein, a woman who witnessed the killing of her husband in a madrassa where other 31 Muslims were slaughtered by a mob of Buddhist extremists. This reporter interviewed her one year ago in the same camp, but now she is living in Qatar working in a textile factory. According to the camp leader: "She couldn't stand the sadness of living here and had to move away. She now sends money home to her family."

Ma Nyein is not the only IDP traumatized by the violence. While many commute back to Meikhtila to work every day, some of them cannot bring themselves to go back to their daily lives, and languish in the camp without working. Thant Oo, a 50-year-old man who used to work as a bus conductor, lost a son in the massacre at the madrassa, and has not worked since. "I only go to Meikhtila to visit my daughter," he said. "It makes me really sad to go there because I can't help but think of my son."

In practical terms too, most of the IDPs who remain in the camps, both Muslims and Buddhists, cannot go back to their houses because they have not been rebuilt yet. But there are also Muslims who are unable to go back home even though their houses were spared by the destruction. The reason is that the local authorities will not give them permission to go back to Buddhist-majority quarters because they claim that their presence could exacerbate tensions between the communities.

The house belonging to War War, 42, a mother of four, is still standing in the Yan Myo Aung quarter in downtown Meiktila. Her husband goes to the town every day to work, but she and her family cannot go back because the chairman of the quarter would not grant them permission. "We have been asking him for months if we can go home, but he says that the Buddhist people there don't want us to return. He said there had been an incident involving another Muslim family. But we have visited the old quarter and our neighbors have told us that they want us to come back."

The chairman of the quarter is a 60-year-old Buddhist called U Chaw. He said that in the area under his jurisdiction, where Buddhists are the majority, some 30 houses were destroyed, 23 of them owned by Muslims, and that there have not been any reconstruction so far. "Muslims cannot come back because this is a Buddhist-majority neighbourhood," he said. "But they will be allowed back when everything has been rebuilt."

U Chaw claims that he is following both orders from above and the requests of the Buddhist population of his quarter in denying Muslim families the opportunity to return home. Another underlying reason, he said, was because a local imam was discovered entering his home with 30 gallons of petrol and a knife. "People are afraid that returning Muslims will do something," said U Chaw. "It will take a long time to rebuild trust between the two communities."

Kyaw Myaing, a neighbour of the imam in question, said, "We never had any problem with that man before the violence. He was respected and everybody got along well with him."

"They started to set fire to Muslim homes and I begged them not to burn mine, because I am very poor, but one of them told me: 'Don't worry, the government will rebuild your house'. And they went ahead and burned it down anyway."

Like all the other residents interviewed in Yan Myo Aung quarter, Kyaw Myaing said he did not place the blame on their Muslim neighbors for last year's violence. He said it is the local authorities who do not wish to see the Muslims returning. Nonetheless, he concedes "there might be trouble" if Muslims return to the quarter. Neither he nor other Buddhist residents in Meiktila would elaborate on what kind of trouble they envisaged, however a general consensus seemed to indicate that although they did not bear any strong hatred or distrust of their former neighbours, most residents were afraid of the consequences if the Muslim families returned.

Meanwhile, some Buddhist IDPs are also losing hope of going back to their homes again. The only official Buddhist shelter is Inn Gone camp, which hosts 457 IDPs. The population of this camp has actually increased since it was opened one year ago as there have been eight births during this period.

The chief of the camp is Poe That, a father of three who used to run a grocery store before the violence. "I was very depressed after the riots, so much so that I couldn't work," he said. "I ended up as head of the camp, but it's really difficult because people are very difficult to control."

Phoe That used to live in a Muslim-majority neighborhood, and claims that he always had good relations with his neighbors and still gets along well with them whenever he visits his old quarter. He said he lost his house on 22 March last year when a group of people he had never seen before set fire to homes in the neighbourhood. "They were very brutal, and I think they had been taking drugs or something. I was too worried about defending my house to know for sure whether they were Muslims or Buddhists, but I think they were Buddhists," he said. "They started to set fire to Muslim homes and I begged them not to burn mine, because I am very poor, but one of them told me: 'Don't worry, the government will rebuild your house'. And they went ahead and burned it down anyway."

Apart from his house and the shop he used to run, Phoe That said he owned another four houses that he wanted to hand down to his children, but all of them were destroyed and none has been rebuilt yet. "It saddens me that I have no houses to offer my children now. If the authorities could rebuild just three houses, that would be enough for me," he said.

One year on, many houses remain to be rebuilt in Meiktila. But it was not only homes; many people also lost their livelihoods. Also destroyed was the spirit of peaceful coexistence between the Muslim and Buddhist communities. The local authorities don't seem to be making much of an effort to rebuild any of these things.

 

Some of the names in this story have been changed for security reasons.

Carlos Sardiña Galache is a freelance journalist based in Bangkok.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

Nay Phone Latt leads campaign against hate speech

Posted: 05 Apr 2014 10:35 PM PDT

A campaign against the use of hate speech on social media was launched on Friday in Rangoon, with activists distributing fliers in several busy parts of the former capital.

The campaign, named Panzagar ("flower speech") is the creation of well-known blogger and former political prisoner Nay Phone Latt, now director of the Myanmar Information Communication Technology for Development Organisation (MIDO).

"We initiated the campaign to reduce dangerous speech that can spread hatred among people – it started today [Friday] and will be ongoing for some time," said Nay Phone Latt.

"We are planning to hand out leaflets during the Thingyan festival and we have produced a song to go with the campaign."

The campaign comes as Burmese nationalist and anti-Muslim propaganda have spread quickly over the Internet, much of it focused on the subject of communal violence in Arakan State and the status of that region's Rohingya Muslim minority.

The Burmese government estimates that only 700,000 of its citizens are online, however social media platforms such as Facebook are increasingly popular and serve as a platform for political debate, which in some cases can turn vitriolic.

The pamphlets distributed on Friday featured the campaign logo of lips clasping a flower branch, as well as the slogan: "Let's moderate our speech to prevent hatred among human beings."

Hein Min Latt, one of the activists distributing the leaflets at the Rangoon Central Railway Station on Friday morning, said people should practice "flower speech" on the Internet but also in their day-to-day lives to stem conflict, particularly among different communities in the country.

"We want to prevent conflicts in society as well as moderate the way people talk about these conflicts — we see that everyone should engage in 'flower speech' as a way to promote an equal consideration for both sides of a conflict," Hein Min Latt said.

The social media campaign asks netizens to create and post images and photos of lips clasping a flower branch to accentuate the need for online tolerance.

Saturday, April 5, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Authorities accused of undermining efforts to resume Arakan aid

Posted: 05 Apr 2014 01:37 AM PDT

Efforts by the Myanmar Health Cluster partners to discuss restored humanitarian access across Arakan State have been subject to political pressures, sources close to the negotiations tell DVB, although cooperation between the Ministry of Health and NGOs over the past few days indicates that limited progress is occurring.

More than 170 staff members from international NGOs and UN agencies were evacuated from Sittwe following attacks on their offices and residences last week. Their departure follows the expulsion from Arakan State in late February of Médecins Sans Frontières Holland (MSF-H) whose programs provided frontline healthcare for an estimated 700,000 people, including some 200,000 residents of displaced persons camps and remote areas, mostly Rohingya Muslims.

Although the government pledged to fill in the gaps left by the “temporary suspension” of MSF’s activities, there is evidence to suggest elements within it are actively undermining efforts to re-establish humanitarian access.

"It’s a bit of a contradiction: on one hand they [Burmese authorities] are saying they want the UN and the INGOs back in, but at the same time they can’t get back in,” a foreign NGO official, who did not want to be named, told DVB.

Burma's Ministry of Health (MoH) dispatched teams to Arakan to pick up where MSF and other aid agencies were forced to leave off, but their capacity to provide services is limited.

"What they’re doing is miniscule. They’re not even doing that effectively," the international aid worker said. "There is basically no health cover in Rakhine [Arakan], and in the north – especially in Maungdaw – there’s a lot of intimidation, attacks on villages, people being beaten.

"It’s a humanitarian disaster, and there’s also a risk of a massacre."

The official claims that offers of assistance by the WHO Health Cluster for Myanmar – which coordinates policy among humanitarian organisations and UN agencies – have largely been ignored or refused outright.

The official claims a proposal to establish a “rapid response team” for when crises arise – comprised of humanitarian workers from abroad or working in other parts of the country – was not immediately embraced by the MoH, even though the proposed composition of the team was intended to allay fears of bias.

Offers from MSF Holland and other NGOs to allow MoH relief teams to use their vehicles, as well as offers of financial support, were also allegedly rejected, although limited cooperation has begun over the past week. The Ministry has sent five relief teams, comprised of 18 healthcare professionals, which have joined forces with a contingent of 17 workers from the Myanmar Health Assistants’ Association already in Sittwe. However, the INGO official told DVB that the relief workers have just two ambulances at their disposal. This means their activities have been largely limited to camps around Sittwe, as they have no other means of accessing needy areas further north.

The Ministry’s relief efforts have been largely unable to service Rohingya populations, as relief staff are afraid to enter Rohingya camps for fear of reprisal. “They’re only going to Rakhine places anyways, not to the camps, because they feel unsafe there,” the official said.

Sources familiar with the negotiations between the WHO Health Cluster and the Ministry of Health claim that the health teams dispatched by Naypyidaw mean well, but have to contend with pressure from other branches of the government.

“The non-acceptance of offers does not constitute immediately the rejection of offers,” Dr. Liviu Vedrasco, the WHO Health Cluster coordinator for Myanmar, told DVB on Friday. “Offers of assistance have been accepted at the Sittwe level, and things are moving in that regard … if you want to look at all the ministries in the Myanmar government, I think the Ministry of Health has been the most responsive in this situation,” he said.

Another proposal – which would have MoH teams partner with international NGOs to operate mobile clinics – has been more successful. A joint effort by the MoH and Mercy Malaysia to deliver aid to a Rohingya camp near Sittwe was blocked by protests last week, but the blended team has been able to deliver some aid over the past few days using Mercy Malaysia’s vehicles, with more to come on the horizon.

The Arakan State Health Department will apparently allow joint MoH-INGO teams to expand their operations to Mrauk-U and Pauktaw townships next week.

“I am hoping this will only increase … and we will come back to the state of affairs that we had a few weeks ago in a short time,” Vedrasco said.

Despite these signs of progress, Vedrasco estimates that Arakan State has just 10 or 15 percent of the front-line medical relief workers that it did before the pullout.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) claims the humanitarian situation in Arakan is at a tipping point. “The immediate effects of the disruption of humanitarian services [are] already being felt in IDP camps and isolated villages in Rakhine State,” the agency said in a statement released on Wednesday.

More than 300 children with severe malnutrition in Sittwe are no longer receiving therapeutic treatment, while 1,300 metric tonnes of food needs to be distributed in Arakan to replenish dwindling stores, the statement said, a feat that will be difficult for the government to accomplish without the participation of NGOs.

A Reuters report on Wednesday quoted humanitarian workers stating that camps around Sittwe will run out of drinking water within ten days. “Water is a critical issue at this time of year. The camps we’re particularly concerned about are ones that depend on 'waterboating' – bringing water to them by boat,” said UNOCHA spokesman Pierre Peron. "That’s a particular problem in Pauktaw … there are a couple of camps there where … it’s a real concern, and they need water ASAP.”

The US State Department issued a statement on Wednesday condemning the Burmese government for its failure to provide “the travel authorisations necessary for the humanitarian aid workers to resume their life-saving services.”

NGOs and UN agencies apply for travel documents with the ministries closest to their mandate – medical NGOs would apply with the Ministry of Health, for example – but these are then processed by a higher office.

The NGO official claims that new travel authorisations will not be issued until after the Burmese New Year holidays, which end on 21 April. This was seemingly corroborated by Arakan State government spokesman Win Myaing on Thursday, who told the media that relief efforts in the state would resume “in the third week of April".

In the meantime, he said, state-level departments have aid distribution covered, and currently have enough food and medicine to supply those in need until 16 April.

"We have already distributed them [vulnerable communities and internally displaced persons] both food and medicine through state-level government departments to last until 16 April," he said. "We also have a store of rice – more than 3,000 sacks at a Sittwe warehouse and another 1,000 more at the Myanmar Port Authority warehouse.

"In fact, that is enough; we can do the math," he told DVB on Thursday. "In the past, aid from donor countries was distributed through organisations set up by state-level government departments – it did not always go through the UN and INGOs."

"What they [Burmese authorities] are doing is miniscule. They’re not even doing that effectively. There is basically no health cover in Rakhine [Arakan], and in the north – especially in Maungdaw – there’s a lot of intimidation, attacks on villages, people being beaten.”

Some INGOs hold previously approved travel authorisations that are still valid, but logistical challenges have prevented them from resuming operations.

The destruction wrought by the attacks has left humanitarian agencies without the living quarters, offices and warehouses they need to conduct their operations, posing a significant challenge to re-establishing operations in a timely manner.

“To provide this kind of assistance, you don’t just need doctors and nurses. You need the logistical backup … even if 50 doctors were to show up tomorrow, you can’t do much,” said Vedrasco.

An Emergency Coordination Centre (ECC), run cooperatively by the Union and Arakan State governments, has existed in a limited capacity for a while. It should – at least in theory – serve as a much-needed coordination mechanism for the government to prevent overlap and redundancies in aid distribution.

“They are trying to strengthen their activities and their presence, and all people within the government, INGOs, and the UN, are calling for a stronger ECC,” Vedrasco said.

On Wednesday, Win Myaing claimed the activities of humanitarian agencies that intend to return to Arakan would be subject to the approval of the ECC, raising fears that a strengthened ECC will function as a mechanism to further politicise and restrict aid delivery to Arakan’s hardest-hit populations.

Vedrasco dismissed the notion that the ECC will have veto power over the activities of humanitarian organisations, as existing memoranda of understanding between INGOs, UN agencies and various ministries determine what humanitarian organisations are allowed to do.

But a number of organisations operate in Burma with expired or lapsed memoranda of understanding, raising fears that re-negotiated terms will make them beholden to government-mandated missives to politicise their aid delivery. In February, the government cited MSF’s lapsed memorandum of understanding as partial justification for its order to suspend the organisation's medical and healthcare activities in Arakan.

The attacks against UN agencies and INGOs in Sittwe last week were prompted by the removal of a Buddhist flag from the offices of Malteser International by a foreign female staff member, which Arakanese nationalists have adopted as a symbol of protest against the controversial, UN-backed census currently underway around the country.

The effects of this protest are immediately significant; however it is the essentially the impoverished people of Arakan – Buddhist and Muslim alike – who will pay the highest price.

Thai police bust Burmese migrant smuggling ring

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 11:55 PM PDT

More than 100 illegal immigrants and three members of a human trafficking gang have been rounded up after a surveillance operation by Thailand's Tak immigration police.

The operation was launched at 8pm on Thursday and ended this morning after a tip-off that a gang would try to smuggle illegal immigrants from Burma to Bangkok via Tak province on two vans, Pol Col Pongnakhon Nakhonsantiparb, chief of Tak immigration police, said.

Police set up overnight surveillance on the road and detected the vans loaded with immigrants heading to an abandoned hut in forest area in moo 4 village in Tambon Ban Tak of Ban Tak district early on Friday morning.

The team then followed the two vans to the Phahol Yothin Road, where they were stopped.

The first van, driven by Sompong Pliaharn, had 38 Burmese nationals on board, 22 males and 16 females. The second had 18 men and 20 women.

Police said the second van driver was Somchai Wongkaand and his navigator Noppon Maradit.

The team returned to the hut and discovered 28 more illegal immigrants hiding inside.  Some of the arrested Burmese who can speak Thai told police they each paid 13,000-15,000 baht (US$400- $500) to the gang to be smuggled into Thailand to find work, Pol Col Pongnakhon said.

This article was originally published in the Bangkok Post on 4 April 2014.

Ethnocentric Buddhism: A new theme in Burmese Buddhism

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 10:36 PM PDT

A new alliance is beginning to take shape in South and Southeast Asia with the news that the Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force) has invited Wirathu, leader of the 969 movement in Burma, to visit them in Sri Lanka.

There is clearly a new phenomenon emerging and a new term is needed to describe precisely what is happening on the ground with this collection of new Buddhist alliances. There has been much talk of "Buddhist terror", "extremist Buddhism" and most famously, "the face of Buddhist terror", however these headlines are sensationalist. A more subtle and nuanced description is needed, focusing upon key features of this new phenomenon in Buddhism taking shape in Burma and other parts of the world, notably Sri Lanka.

There have been those who have commented upon the supposed use of Buddhism by the National Religious Protection Group (NRPG), a group headed by Wirathu, a vanguard leader of ultra-nationalism in Burma. It has also been suggested that the ruling party in Burma, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) are manipulating notions of Burmese identity with those of Buddhist identity. However, there is no clear consideration of these elements from the historical perspective of Buddhist ideas.

"Ethnocentric Buddhism" is a term I have begun to use to describe a particular phenomenon in the history of Buddhism, although I suspect it is not a recent one. The term points to the notion that Buddhist identity is intrinsically linked to national identity. It also denotes the idea that other factors will be apparent in creating Buddhist and national identity in different Buddhist cultures. For example, in Thailand there is the idea of "nation, religion and monarch" (chat-sasana-phramahakasat) and in Burma "nation, language and religion" (amyo-barthar-tharthanar). In both of these examples the idea of the Buddhist religion (sasana/tharthanar) is linked to other factors in the formation of national and cultural identity. Further, in both cases the defence of one's religion is linked to these other themes of national identity — to defend one is to defend the other.

There are a number of possible factors and ideas that could shape the formation of an ethnocentric type of Buddhism in a given country. Not all of these ideas are available in each cultural context. Some are available across Buddhist Asia, some confined to a particular area, or would have been used during different historical periods. There is the idea of the "true dharma" existing in one particular place and of that location preserving this true version of the Buddha's teachings. For example, in Sri Lanka after the transmission of Buddhism, some aspects of the Pali Canon would be considered to preserve the essential word of the Buddha. Later, national identity could be built around this idea together with other texts being used and composed together with Buddhist symbols, the tooth relic for example, creating the notion of a direct lineage to the Buddha.

This is clearly linked to the idea of a particular text containing the essential teaching of the Buddha. The so called "Lotus-sutra (Saddharma-Pundarika-sutra) is the best know example, but there are many others. The Abhidhamma could be said to serve a similar purpose in South and Southeast Asian Buddhism. The notion of the decline of the Dharma in its various manifestations (mappō, for example) is clear — the teachings last a set period of time and this lends itself to an urgency for a given people to preserve and defend the teachings of the Buddha. There is the idea that Buddhism is threatened and that there is a very real need to uphold Buddhism because of this threat. The teachings can be corrupted. The idea that the teachings can be corrupted is written into the Buddhist narrative DNA.

This in turn gives rise to a natural sense of  "Buddhist nationalism". What is essential to the tradition is emphasized and "Buddhist fundamentalism" comes to the fore when the "other" is polarised as a threat to the future of Buddhism. In turn Buddhism is linked to ethnicity — a particular ethnic group is under threat and have the need and the necessity to preserve the teachings of the Buddha. Other ethnic groups, unless they come under the control of the dominant Buddhist group are a threat. Movements like the so-called 969 movement in Burma and the Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force) in Sri Lanka exemplify some of these ideas.

A possible Islamophobic Buddhism and the Buddhist Defence League are other examples. Unlike in "protestant Buddhism", where the laity have enhanced importance, the monastics, with all of their symbolic importance are again at the top of the hierarchy of ethnocentric Buddhism. The traditional hierarchical nature of Buddhist culture is returned. The monastics cannot be questioned in their symbolic roles as the direct link between the layperson and the overcoming of dukkha. Once again the aspiration is to one day be reborn, when one can go from home to homelessness and renounce society. This will only be possible if the monastics of the present preserve the Dharma for that future rebirth.

Finally, linking many of these ideas is that of an emerging sense that blasphemy is being committed against Buddhism. Blasphemy is not usually an idea associated with Buddhism but it is coming to prominence in what I am terming ethnocentric Buddhism. It could increasingly be argued that it has indeed been a component, an often prominent one, in other historical periods and might be linked to textual ideas of the sanctity of the Buddha and his tradition.

All of these factors are giving rise to this new phenomenon in Buddhism. We should not term it "Buddhist terror" or "the face of Buddhist terror" but attempt to understand this phenomenon on its own terms in the history of Buddhist doctrine and Buddhist practice.

 

Dr Paul Fuller has taught Religious Studies at Universities in Southeast Asia, the University of Sydney in Australia and at Bath Spa University in the UK. His research interests include early Indian Buddhist philosophy and the Buddhist ideas of Aung San Suu Kyi. His book, The Notion of Ditthi in Theravada Buddhism: The Point of View (RoutledgeCurzon Critical Studies in Buddhism, 2004) explores the textual basis of discrimination and attachment in the Pali Canon.

 The views expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB policy.

 

Rangoon gets security-conscious for Thingyan

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 08:29 PM PDT

Rangoon Division police say they are implementing various security measures to ensure the safety of all revellers during the Thingyan water festival, the traditional Burmese New Year celebrations that will be held from 13 to 16 April.

CCTV cameras have been installed at pavilions while explosives teams will conduct inspections in case of bombs, following an incident in 2010 when festivities in Rangoon were rocked by a series of bomb blasts that killed 10 and injured 178.

And in efforts to curb offences common during the festive period, police said they intend to introduce breathalysers and open special courthouses to convict those caught drunk-driving, street-fighting, thieving and using drugs.

Police Lt-Col Myint Aye, the deputy commander of Eastern Rangoon District Police Force, said explosives teams will be deployed ahead of and during Thingyan to inspect pavilions three times a day to prevent acts of terror. He said it is now mandatory for pavilions to employ security personnel – 15 staff at large pavilions and 10 at medium or small sized venues.

"Rangoon Division Police are deploying EOD [explosive ordnance disposal] teams to inspect for bombs at pavilions ahead of Thingyan and three times a day during the water festival," he said, adding that all pavilion managers are to submit their security footage to the nearest supervisory office by 8pm during the New Year festival.

The police chief said inspectors will also search for weapons to curb street brawls, and said those found possessing a weapon will be punished.

Gen Tin Win, Rangoon Division's Minister of Security and Border Affairs, said special courthouses will be opened in townships so that authorities can take action immediately against criminals and unruly revellers.

"As Thingyan is a long public holiday, we are looking to open special courthouses during the festival to take immediate action on those who commit crimes and offences," he said.

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Brawl Leads to Anti-Muslim Riot in Rangoon’s Outskirts

Posted: 05 Apr 2014 08:14 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, Rangoon, Yangon, Muslim, Buddhist, unrest, violence, communal violence, riots

Hundreds of police officers were deployed after an anti-Muslim riot broke out in Hlegu town, near Rangoon, on Friday night. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

HLEGU, Rangoon Division — A personal fight has sparked an anti-Muslim riot in the town of Hlegu on the outskirts of Rangoon. A Muslim man reportedly stabbed a Buddhist with a pair of scissors during an argument on Friday afternoon, after which an angry Buddhist mob pelted Muslim-owned properties with stones.

A mob of about 300 people destroyed a Muslim home and later attacked a mosque at about 6 pm on Friday, according to Ee Mang, a security guard at the mosque. He said local Buddhists were shouting profanity and calling for the death of Muslims as they shattered windows, broke into the building and stole money from the donation box.

"They threw stones and some of them got inside the mosque. But the police prevented them from doing further damage," he told The Irrawaddy on Saturday, adding that he was born in Hlegu and had never before experienced conflict with local Buddhists.

Hundreds of police officers were deployed to the town on Friday night, about 45 kilometers outside the major city of Rangoon, while local authorities declared Section 188 of the Penal Code, ordering the crowd to disperse and imposing a curfew to prevent further unrest.

The police and community leaders did not report any injuries of local residents during interviews with The Irrawaddy on Saturday.

A police officer standing guard near the mosque said two other officers had been wounded while attempting to stop the mob from entering the mosque. "They used slingshots to shoot at us," he told The Irrawaddy. "One police was shot in the head and the other in the leg."

The riot was sparked after a Muslim man allegedly stabbed a Buddhist man in the eye with scissors during a dispute in the public market at about 4:30 pm on Friday. Four Muslim men were reportedly involved in the fight and afterward went to hide in a home. When the police came for their arrest, the homeowner handed over only one of the men, angering a group of Buddhists, who subsequently destroyed the home, according to Myo Win, a Buddhist community leader.

"There would not have been violence if the homeowner handed over all four men," he said, adding that he had worried the mob might target other Muslim properties in the town, even though the dispute was personal and not related to religion.

He added that there were no problems in the past between Buddhists and Muslims in the town, and that he believed the situation would be stable again soon.

Tensions following the riot have encouraged some Muslim families to seek shelter in Rangoon. Others are remaining indoors due to safety concerns. Muslim homes and shops were closed on Saturday, with business owners saying they feared they might be targeted.

Three Muslims have been detained and the police have arrested six Buddhists who are suspected of involvement in the mob attacks, according to Nyunt Hlaing, another community leader.

Buddhist-majority Burma has seen several outbreaks of communal violence between Buddhists and Muslims over the past two years. The worst clashes, in the western state of Arakan, have left scores dead and over 140,000 people displaced.

Other riots have broken out in Shan State, Mandalay Division, Pegu Division, Rangoon Division, and Sagaing Division, often in communities where Muslims and Buddhists have lived peacefully for generations. In some cases, locals have said that outsiders came to instigate the unrest. Some observers have questioned whether the violence has been connected to a nationalist Buddhist movement known as 969 that encourages people to shun Muslim businesses.

The post Brawl Leads to Anti-Muslim Riot in Rangoon's Outskirts appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘This Is the First Time We Are Having a Serious Impact on State Schools’

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 09:03 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, education, British Council, English instruction, Kevin Mackenzie

Kevin Mackenzie, director of the British Council in Burma, speaks with The Irrawaddy at his office in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The director and cultural attaché at the British Council in Burma, Kevin Mackenzie, sees an expanding role for Britain in helping revitalize the country's education sector. Mackenzie has been in the post for less than two years, but is no stranger to the region, having served in Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Hong Kong, as well as stints in Europe, over the last 23 years.

With the signing late last month of a Memorandum of Understanding between the British Council and Burma's Ministry of Education, the former hopes to put teachers into more than 20 educational institutions that train teachers in Burma, where they will provide English-language instruction. The Irrawaddy sat down with Mackenzie to discuss that plan, and more.

Question: What is the purposed of the MoU signed between the British Council and the Ministry of Education?

Answer: Ever since the new government took power and started changing the environment here—started to become more openly engaged with the British Council, the international community—we have wanted to define the areas where we will work with the government. The MoU that we have signed describes areas we have already started working at, but we wanted to be clear about those areas and how they contribute to reforms that the country is implementing.

The MoU defines a list of areas where we want to work more and continue to work. Basically, they are around the teaching of English, supporting Myanmar teachers of English, supporting the Ministry of Education through its Comprehensive Education Sector Review [CESR], supporting other groups—the parliamentary committee on education, for example.

We are advising on policy reform. We are supporting UK links. We are supporting the teaching of English and we are supporting the assessment of English and professional skills.

Q: What are the details of the agreement laid out in the MoU?

A: The agreement is basically that we can do all these things. We want to grow our activities in this country. In order to do that, we have to be able to employ teachers from overseas, and so we want to be sure that we can do that. We are asking that the government allow us to bring in overseas teachers to be able to teach in different parts of the country. Not only in Yangon, possibly Mandalay, Naypyidaw and other parts of the country. We want to be able to deliver more and more services and we want an agreement to be able to do that. So, the agreement is a really a quid pro quo—that we will do all of these things and support your education reform, but to do that we need to be able to grow our operation.

Q: As I understand it, there is a project where you will employ two foreign English trainers in nearly all of the education institutions that train teachers in Burma?

A: This is a key part of the MoU. It's called the English for Education College Trainers [EfECT]. This is a new project that we will start in September of this year. We will be bringing in up to 44 English-language teachers to put into the state education colleges—teacher training colleges that you find in many towns around Myanmar. The idea is that they will provide English-language trainings that the staff of the education colleges need. As you know, much teaching in Myanmar needs to be done through English. The staff who work at education colleges need to improve their English in order to be able to train teachers themselves.

We are focusing on training those people—the staff of the education colleges, not the teachers who come through colleges. But it has multiplying effects in helping to train the teachers who come through those colleges as well.

The funding will come from the British government, both from British Council ourselves and [UK] Department for International Development. There is going to be 4.2 million pounds [US$7.2 million] over two years. This is a significant investment and we believe it will have a very great impact on the quality of English teachers. And also the quality of education generally, because the teachers that we bring in will be bringing in new ideas, new methodology, new techniques for teaching.

Q: Why did you set a two-year duration?

A: We have to have a set time period. We believe two years is a good length of time for this type of activity. We are not committed to anything after those two years. It may continue, it may turn into something else, we don't know. We are starting in September 2014, and will continue until the same time in 2016.

Q: What do you expect at the end of the two years?

A: We expect that the trainers will improve their level of English by a significant amount. According to the common European framework, which is a framework for assessing levels of English, we expect that the teachers will move up by at least one level within the framework, which is quite a significant step—there are only five levels in the framework. We also hope that they will be exposed to and understand more communicative ways of teaching English, where they're involving students into a more learner-centered approach. This can be applied in the teaching of English and it can also be applied in teaching other subjects.

Q: Has there been any program like this in the past?

A: It is only with the arrival of the new government here that we have been able to work with the public education sector. Previously, we were working with the informal sector—monastic schools. We did not have a relationship with public schools. This is the first time we are having a proper, serious impact on the state schools, on the public sector.

Q: What is your opinion of Burma's current system of language instruction?

A: There is a lot of, from what I understand, rote learning and repeating what you have been taught rather than encouraging the students to think for themselves, to express themselves. I think that is typically, partly to do with tradition, and partly to do with a lack of exposure to more contemporary ideas about teachings.

Q: What would you suggest for improvements to teachers?

A: What I would suggest is what I always suggest: 'experiment,' that they open their minds to different ways of teachings, to ideas about learning. And they experiment and see what works.

Q: How can Burma's education policy and laws give space to teachers to be more creative and open to new teaching styles?

A: From my understanding of working with the government, there is interest in working with devolving autonomy to the right level. In my experience, if you want to devolve autonomy, the lowest it can go is the best way. What you want is for your teachers to have autonomy. Obviously, the teachers have to be well-informed; they have to be accountable to their schools for what they are doing. I think you have got to have freedom to make your own decisions in the classroom based on the students that you have encountered.

The post 'This Is the First Time We Are Having a Serious Impact on State Schools' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Tip for Dealing With Burma’s Government

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 07:23 PM PDT

When dealing with Burmese government officials, one tip is just as true today as it was during former military regime: Never underestimate their political manipulation.

The international community, including Western and Asian countries, has eagerly welcomed Burma's transition from dictatorship toward democracy. But sooner or later, frustrations are bound to emerge as reforms roll out slowly and Naypyidaw appears at times to backtrack. To avoid disappointment, international actors need to take a realistic look at President Thein Sein's government and re-evaluate their policies.

The early stages of the general turned president's reform process were quite impressive: Thein Sein released hundreds of political prisoners, allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other activists to contest by-elections in 2012, eased draconian censorship against the media, initiated economic changes by allowing foreign investment, granted the right of assembly to the people, and invited Burmese exiles from around the world to return home.

In a significant acknowledgment of these positive developments, US President Barack Obama flew to Rangoon in 2012 to meet with Thein Sein and Suu Kyi. That year the United States eased economic sanctions against the Burma government and gave a green light for some American companies to work with Burmese state-owned businesses. Likewise, the European Union suspended and then eventually lifted its economic sanctions last year.

Meanwhile, development funds flowed into the country, as many countries and organizations resume support after a long break. The United States has allocated more than US$180 million in aid, while the European Union provided a package of support worth $200 million for 2012-13. This year the World Bank promised to give Burma $2 billion in loans, aid and investment, while the United States and the European Union have started to engage with the Burmese armed forces.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of
the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Burma has attracted so much interest and new investment over the past three years. But international donors need to seriously ask themselves a question: Is the country still moving closer to democracy, even gradually, or have the reforms started to stall?

It is important to be realistic and remember that Burma's government has a knack for packaging its agenda in various disguises. Since the military coup in 1962, the country's rulers have never been defeated or forced to fundamentally change their political system for the sake of their citizens. But to maintain their grip on power they have transformed their image from time to time—from a military regime to a socialist dictatorship, to another military regime and finally to the current nominally civilian government.

Many foreign diplomats and observers continue to wonder why the former regime wanted to change out of the blue in 2010. But in fact, this reform process was envisioned by the generals as far back as the early 1990s, when the West was just beginning its sanctions.

Thein Sein's presidency is the last phase of the junta's so-called "roadmap to democracy," which traces its roots back to 1992 when Snr-Gen Than Shwe became head of state and announced the government would hold a national convention. The roadmap, which became official in 2003, included seven steps, beginning with the organization of national conventions starting in 1993 to draft a constitution. The second step was a vague call to implement tasks for founding a democratic system. Third, the constitution was drafted by handpicked delegates, and it was passed in the rigged 2008 referendum, which was the fourth step. The 2010 election was the fifth step. Next came the convening of Parliament and the transfer of power to an "elected" government as the sixth and seventh steps.

Why did the junta draw this roadmap? Simply to ensure that the armed forces would continue to play an important role in politics, and that military leaders would continue to hold onto power even under a new political system.

It seems they succeeded. Today, high-ranking officials from the ex-junta control the government and the legislature, the armed forces fill up one-quarter of Parliament seats with appointed representatives, and Suu Kyi remains ineligible for the presidency due to an undemocratic clause in the Constitution. The economy and wealth of the country are still monopolized by the military and cronies, and human rights abuses are ongoing, with tens of thousands more refugees and internally displaced persons over the past three years.

Real progress will require dialogue between the government and the main opposition groups, something which is not yet happening. The international community seems to believe that Thein Sein has engaged with Suu Kyi, but in reality, although the two leaders have met six times since 2011, substantive dialogue has never occurred. And despite frequent requests, Suu Kyi has not had an opportunity to meet for four-way talks with the president, the speaker of parliament, and the commander-in-chief of the military.

So I ask again, is the current reform process moving forward?

On March 26, Thein Sein said in a speech to lawmakers that the armed forces would keep a role in politics. And regarding constitutional reform, he said, "I would like to urge you to do it softly and gently, depending on the experience, long-sightedness and sincerity of all stakeholders involved."

The next day, Burma's Armed Forces Day, the commander-in-chief of the military, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, said the Constitution was not written for only one party, organization or ethnic group, nor was it intended to benefit only the military, but was approved by 92.48 percent of the entire population. He said constitutional reform must proceed according to Article 436 of Chapter 12 in the Constitution, which gives the military an effective veto over amendments. Suu Kyi and other activists have demanded a change to this article and other undemocratic clauses.

These two speeches indicated that the reform process that began in 2011 is no longer moving. They indicated that now is not the time to look back and praise the progress of three years ago. After months of backtracking, it is time for more concrete changes, including constitutional amendments. And if the country has lost its momentum on the path to democracy, it is time for donor countries to review their positions and put pressure on the Burmese government.

The post A Tip for Dealing With Burma's Government appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (April 5, 2014)

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 07:13 PM PDT

Lasting Peace Deal in Ethnic Conflicts is 'Key to Improved Investment'

Continuing talks between the Naypyidaw government and Burma's various armed ethnic groups "indicate growing confidence in the peace process" but investment in resource-rich areas will be limited without a lasting agreement, said a business risks analysis.

"Both the army and ethnic militias have supported their operations through illicit trade such as illegal jade, logging and opium cultivation along the borders of China, Thailand and Laos," said analysts Maplecroft of the UK.

"Vested interests in these trades, on both sides of the conflict, are likely to harm the business environment, even if the conflict is resolved. In order to be durable, any future peace agreement will need to aptly address the elimination of illicit trade and the sharing of natural resources—with dedicated cooperation on both sides," said Maplecroft in its latest assessment on Burma.

It said the national census now under way could raise ethnic tensions, and warned that Burma's economic system still "needs significant reform" if it is to cope with the influx of foreign investment and integrate into the world economy.

"In particular, banking, telecommunications, and transportation infrastructure are in need of substantial upgrade."

Sand Exports to Expand Singapore 'Damaging Burma's Coastline'

Sand dredged from a river estuary in southeast Burma for sale to Singapore is causing environmental damage, a report said.

The sand, dredged from the Dawei area in Tenasserim Division is used to expand land-short Singapore, which has grown in size by more than 20 percent due to in-filling construction work, reports said.

But the dredging, which has been going on since 2011, is now causing landslides and river erosion in the Dawei River basin, said Eleven Media, quoting local member of Parliament Soe Htwe.

Eleven Media also quoted the regional minister for transport and communications, Kyaw Hsan, saying that Myawaddy Trading Limited also has a contract to supply sand to Singapore from the Myeik and Kawthaung areas, also in Tenasserim.

Myawaddy Trading is linked with the military-owned Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd.

Several Southeast Asian countries, including Malaysia, Indonesia and Vietnam, have banned the export of sand to Singapore in recent years because of environmental damage caused by dredging in ecologically sensitive coastal areas.

In a report several years ago criticizing Singapore's dredging work in Cambodia, the NGO Global Witness named the city state as one of the world's biggest sand importers and said demand for sand had "wreaked havoc on the region's coastlines."

Burma Offers More 'Authentic' Experience for Tourists

Burma is offering a "more genuine authentic culture" for foreign tourists than Thailand, a travel industry conference was told.

Westerners planning holidays in Southeast Asia are now looking at countries other than Thailand, which has long been a favorite destination, the Association of Thai Travel Agents heard.

"Currently, French tourists favor travel to [Burma], Laos and Sri Lanka as well as Vietnam because they believe they will see a more genuine authentic culture and travel products that reflect the people's way of life than we are presenting in Thailand," Tourist Authority of Thailand's Paris director Areerat Chunprapanusorn told the conference in Bangkok, the trade magazine TTR Weekly reported.

"[Areerat's] comments reflect a growing concern that official promotions are geared to promoting imported brand shopping, mega shopping malls, extravagant spending on food and night club entertainment at the expense of presenting real Thai values," said TTR Weekly.

UK Government Accused of Shelving Human Rights to Promote Businesses

The British government is putting business in Burma by UK firms ahead of maintaining pressure on the Naypyidaw government to improve human rights, an NGO alleged.

"Trade and investment are now the priority for the British government," said the Burma Campaign UK which has begun a poster campaign in Britain to illustrate what it says is a political U-turn by London.

It said the government of Prime Minister David Cameron has "tended to downplay serious human rights abuses, or even ignore them altogether".

"This appears in part to be in order to try to avoid criticism of the current soft engagement Burma policy, which is focused on building a closer relationship with the government of Burma in order to win more business contracts from the Burmese government," said campaign executive director Anna Roberts.

The NGOs first poster criticizing London shows Cameron shaking hands with the Burmese president alongside the headline: "When visiting the UK, President Thein Sein said he would release all political prisoners by the end of 2013. He didn't."

Burmese Workers in Mae Sot 'Paid Only Half of Thai Minimum Wage'

Hundreds of Burmese workers at a garment factory in Mae Sot on the Thai border with Burma have been on strike to try to win the minimum legal wage, said human rights NGOs.

The migrant workers, at a Thai-owned factory producing upmarket "Jack Wolfskin" German brand clothes, are in some cases receiving only half the minimum Thai daily wage of 300 baht (US$9).

Workers identity documents are held by the company, Yuan Jun Garment Limited, 14-hour working days are enforced and compulsory deductions made from wages, said noted activist Andy Hall in an email to The Irrawaddy on behalf of Burmese and Thai NGOs.

Separately, the rights group Finnwatch has accused a factory in Songkhla in southern Thailand co-owned by an Austria firm of numerous labor violations against migrant workers, including wages below the legal minimum and excessive hours with no rest break.

Finnwatch, based in Helsinki, said the Siam Sempermed factory produces industrial gloves for Semperit, a leading hospital glove manufacturer and distributor.

"Workers are packing gloves for up to 13 hours per day with only 30 minutes break and are facing numerous deductions from their salaries. This is unacceptable," said Finnwatch executive director Sonja Vartiala.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (April 5, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Friday, April 4, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Colorful Burmese Kites Fill Rangoon’s Skies

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 05:57 AM PDT

culture, Yangon, Myanmar, kite, sports, Malaysia

More than 100 participants enjoyed the annual Myanmar Traditional Kite Design and Kite Dueling Competition this week. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Hundreds of colorful kites filled the sky over Rangoon's Kyaikkasan Sports Ground this week during the 10th annual Myanmar Traditional Kite Design and Kite Dueling Competition.

The Myanmar Traditional Sports Federation (MTSF) organized the seven-day contest, which included a prize-winning contest for the most beautiful kite design and a kite dueling competition.

"We organize this contest annually to maintain kite flying, which is one of Myanmar's cultural traditions, and to promote international recognition for Myanmar traditional kite flying," said Ohmar Than, general secretary of MTSF.

She said 103 contestants from 15 townships in Rangoon participated in the event, which began on Tuesday. Participants were being judged on the design of their hand-made kites, which consisted of a bamboo frame and a painted cover made from rice paper or thin cloth, and on their skill in flying the kite.

One participant, for example, won praise for a kite designed to look like a snake, which he maneuvered through the sky in a slithering motion.

During duels, individual kite runners face off and try to bring down or cut their opponent's kite. Teams of five kite flyers also compete against each other in such duels.

Winners of the competitions, Ohmar Tan said, could win prize money ranging from about US$120 to $270 and will be supported with training and material so that they can participate in international kite festivals, such as Malaysia's annual World Kite Festival.

During the last festival in Malaysia, in February, MTSF sent two Burmese kite flyers, she added.

But more important than winning is of course the fun of participating, and dozens of Burmese from all ages enjoyed this week's event.

"This is my seventh time," said Than Kyaw Htaw, a 24-year-old contestant, from Tamwe Township, adding that he liked the sport because "People are happy and forget about stress when they fly kites."

"I am trying to go to an international kite competition and festival," he said.

Maung Tin, a sprightly 85-year participant with a one meter-wide green kite resembling a bird, said, "It is really good for your health. You can run on the ground and fly kites together with your friends."

The post Colorful Burmese Kites Fill Rangoon's Skies appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Karen State Govt Refuses Villagers’ Resettlement in Rebel Area

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 05:52 AM PDT

 

Myanmar, Burma, Karen, DKBA, land, eviction, Burma Army,

DKBA leader Maj. San Aung (with blue bag) talks with a Karen State official near Durinseik village, where a group of villagers traveling to rebel territory was blocked. (U Khin Maung Shwe / Facebook)

The Karen State government has refused to allow a group of villagers, evicted from their homes by the Burmese military in February, to move to rebel-held territory, leaving them stranded.

Two hundred ethnic Karen villagers from Thameegalay and nearby villages in Rangoon Division were being taken by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) to new homes offered to them by the armed group in Myawaddy Township when their progress was halted by state officials Wednesday at Dureinseik village.

The state-run Myanmar Alin newspaper claimed Friday that the move to the border region could lead to health, social or livelihood problems, and said the Karen State government would send them back to Rangoon.

But Myo Min Htun, one of the villagers from Inpatee village, told The Irrawaddy that the vehicles rented for the journey had already returned to Rangoon on Thursday. The villagers were now staying at a monastery in Kawkareik Township, he said.

"We don't want to go back as there are neither homes nor workplaces for us in our village [in Rangoon]," said Myo Min Htun, who has two children. "We are now looking for jobs at the local rubber plantation fields in nearby villages [in Karen State]."

A few families had already returned to Rangoon however, he added.

Karen State Chief Minister Zaw Min told The Irrawaddy the state authorities were blocking the villagers from traveling to Myawaddy Township for their own safety.

"At the place they would be settled there is still a risk of landmines," he said. "There is also a risk of human trafficking as the place is on the border and we don't want their situation to be any worse than it is now."

He also said the hot weather at the moment meant it was a bad time for the villagers to attempt to relocate.

"The DKBA's [leader Maj.] San Aung has agreed to send the displaced people back to their place [a monastery in Pegu Division]. But he requested to let the villagers visit pagodas in the [Karen] state first," he said.

The displaced villagers have been sheltering, with DKBA support, at the Aungtheikhti monastery in Pegu Division after the authorities bulldozed their homes, which were on land claimed by the military.

Additional reporting by Kyaw Hsu Mon from Myawaddy, Karen State.

The post Karen State Govt Refuses Villagers' Resettlement in Rebel Area appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

TNLA Clashes With Burma Army as Census Continues

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 05:34 AM PDT

census, Burma, Myanmar, The Irrawaddy, TNLA, Shan State, army, Burma Army, Kachin, Kachin Independence Army, conflict, KIA, Ta'ang National Liberation Army

TNLA soldiers are seen on the frontlines in this photo posted on July 7, 2013. (Photo: TNLA / Facebook)

Clashes are continuing in northern Shan State between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and government troops, as census enumerators try to collect demographic data in the area.

Fighting was reported twice on Friday in Thar Pan Kon village, Kutkai Township, including at 3 am and at 10 am, according to TNLA spokesman Mai Aie Kyaw.

"Our troops are active in that area to crack down on opium cultivation," he told The Irrawaddy.

He said no TNLA casualties were reported, while it was unknown whether any government soldiers had been wounded or killed.

Clashes between both sides also broke out on Wednesday, he added.

On Sunday Burma began its first nationwide census in over three decades, with more than 80,000 enumerators spanning out across the country to collect demographic data.

The census has been controversial for a number of reasons. In western Burma, enumerators were instructed not to record information from respondents who identified as Rohingya Muslim. Elsewhere, activists have opposed the classification of ethnic groups as overly simplistic or inaccurate. And questions have arisen over whether data could be properly collected in areas where armed conflicts are still ongoing.

In northern Burma, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) said it would not allow the census to be conducted in areas under its control. On Wednesday, The Mirror state-run newspaper reported that data collection had been unsuccessful in northern Shan State and some parts of Kachin State because of threats from the KIA.

But the TNLA, an ethnic Palaung armed group, said it would not try to block data collection.

"We told our troops to avoid fighting during the census. We let the census proceed in our territory, no problem," Mai Aie Kyaw said.

The KIA and the TNLA are the only two major ethnic armed groups that have not signed ceasefires with the government.

More troops from the Burma Army have been deployed to northern Shan State recently, despite pledges in Naypyidaw to work toward a nationwide ceasefire accord. The TNLA reported that 40 Burma Army trucks with new recruits traveled through Namkhan Township on Thursday, and that clashes between both sides broke out 30 times in March.

Government troops have also continued to fight in northern Shan State with Kachin and ethnic Shan armed groups.

The post TNLA Clashes With Burma Army as Census Continues appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Photo of the week. (April 04, 2014)

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 05:07 AM PDT

Burmese-Thai Border Trade Increases Through Myawaddy

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 04:40 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, business, trade, investment, border, Myawaddy, cross border,

A view of downtown Myawaddy, Karen State. Trade through the town on the Burmese-Thai border is growing. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The Irrawaddy)

MYAWADDY, Karen State — The volume of trade through the busiest crossing on Burma's border with Thailand is rising, according to the Karen State chief Minister, who predicted an increasing flow of goods as cross-border links improve.

Officials at an Asean Economic Community forum at the border town of Myawaddy on Friday said that total trade through the crossing had risen almost 9 percent during the 2013-14 fiscal year, which ended this week.

"Trade volume through Myawaddy has been increasing annually. There has been little impact from the recent Thai political situation," Karen State Chief Minister Zaw Min told reporters, referring to the deadlock that has brought the Thai government to a standstill since mass antigovernment demonstrations began late last year.

"Trade will increase more after the construction of the Asian Highway, which runs through Kawkareik and Myawaddy, Karen State, and will link us up to other Asean highways. It will finish next year and trade flows will increase," Zaw Min said.

Myawaddy, opposite the Thai city of Mae Sot, is the largest of five official checkpoints for overland trade between Burma and Thailand.

The scale of official trade on the Thai border is dwarfed by trade across Burma's border with China, however. The largest of Burma's 14 border crossings by trade volume is Muse in northern Shan State, through which 83 percent of total border trade passed in 2013-14, according to figures from the Commerce Ministry.

Total trade across Burma's borders boomed from US$3.7 billion in 2012-13 to $4.46 billion in 2013-14, with exports making up $2.7 billion of that trade.

According to Ministry of Commerce Director Thaung Naing total trade through Myawaddy was worth US$290 million in 2013-14.

Most of the trade at Myawaddy is goods coming into Burma from more developed Thailand. Thaung Naing said imports represented $240 million of trade, and exports going to Thailand were just $50 million.

Thailand produces similar agricultural products to Burma, so imports less than other neighboring countries.

"This year the total trade volume is $25 million more than last year. This has been the biggest trading year by volume in the last five years," Thaung Naing told The Irrawaddy.

Imports included foodstuffs, home appliances, construction materials, automobile parts and agricultural equipment, while exports from Burma were mostly marine products, he said.

Official trade, on which the government collects duties, may be rising, but the scale of illegal trade across the long, mountainous border, along which armed groups still control much of the territory, is unknown.

Thaung Naing said part of the increase could be attributed to more effective control of illegal trade. The Ministry of Commerce’s Committee for Controlled Illegal Trade has stepped up its work, and an investigation team has been formed for based in Nyaungkharshay Township, Pegu Division, he said.

"Due to action taken against illegal trade at Myawaddy, the imported trade volume rose significantly," he said.

With the completion of the new highway to connect Burma with Thailand, and the start of the Asean Economic Community next year—which will see tariff-free trade and freer movement of labor around Southeast Asia—Myawaddy is gearing up to become a major gateway.

"We will not bar any imported products from Thailand next year, so traders need to prepare for serious competition," Thaung Naing said, naming a concern that has been raised by many in Burma who fear liberalized trade will benefit more advanced regional countries.

"Competitiveness is the main challenge for them. They need to be more organized."

The post Burmese-Thai Border Trade Increases Through Myawaddy appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Top Leaders Divided Over Constitutional Reform

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 04:33 AM PDT

President Thein Sein speaks in Parliament on March 26 to mark the third anniversary of his government's inauguration. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's top leaders are clarifying their stances on constitutional reform, with obvious rifts forming between the president and the army chief on the one hand, and the speaker of the legislature on the other.

In a speech to mark the third anniversary of his government's inauguration, President Thein Sein told Parliament on March 26 that the amendment process must proceed according to the current 2008 charter, which effectively gives the military a veto over any proposed changes.

One day later, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, said at the Armed Forces Day parade that Parliament must follow Chapter 12 of the current Constitution, which holds that constitutional reform can only take place with support of more than 75 percent of lawmakers. Twenty-five percent of seats in the legislature belong to military-appointed representatives.

The speeches of the president and the army chief stand in contrast with the views of Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, who has urged the parliamentary committee in charge of constitutional reform to focus on amending Chapter 12. The opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party and the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society are also campaigning against the military's veto over amendments.

Phyo Min Thein, an NLD member of Parliament, said the opposing viewpoints were obvious. "If they have disagreements, they should bring them to the table at the council meeting," he recommended, referring to the National Defense and Security Council, an 11-member council that includes Thein Sein, Shwe Mann and Min Aung Hlaing.

But according to military sources close to the council, opinions are so divided that Burma's top leaders have been unable to find common ground. Last year, Shwe Mann requested weekly council meetings, the military sources say, but as disagreements have continued over constitutional reform and other issues, the meetings have been much more sporadic.

Ye Htut, the presidential spokesman, denies that council meetings are no longer regular. "They even had it last week," he told The Irrawaddy.

Over the past month, protests have increased across the country in support of constitutional reform, with hundreds and sometimes several thousand demonstrators participating.

Phone Myint Aung, a member of Parliament from the New National Democracy Party, said the commander-in-chief would likely have the last word.

"In his speech, he said the army would not give up its position which is permitted in the Constitution," the lawmaker told The Irrawaddy. "So even though discussions are ongoing in the council about fixing the charter, it's likely that he will have the final say."

More than half of the 11-member council was appointed by military members of Parliament, including one of the country's two vice presidents, the commander-in-chief and his deputy, and the ministers of defense, home affairs and border affairs.

The post Burma's Top Leaders Divided Over Constitutional Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Striking Burmese Workers at Mae Sot Factory Win Concessions

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 04:17 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, Thailand, Mai Sot, migrant labor, strike, wage demands, labor rights

Workers at the Yuan Jiao Garment factory in Mae Sot, Thailand, gather outside the compound. (Photo: Migrant Workers Rights Network)

Protesting Burmese migrant workers in Mae Sot, Thailand, returned to work on Friday at the Yuan Jiao Garment factory after successful negotiations produced a resolution to the labor dispute there on Thursday.

More than 500 workers had staged a more than weeklong strike, demanding a wage increase and other labor rights and benefits, including more time off and a sick leave allowance.

Following protests that began on March 25, the employer warned striking workers to pack their belongings if they did not drop their demands and return to work, saying they would have until April 3 to comply.

But after negotiations between 17 employees' representatives, factory management and Thai labor protection officials on Thursday afternoon, the bulk of the workers' demands were met, said Zin Mar Thet, a labor activist of the Mae Sot-based Yaung Chi Oo Workers Association.

Zin Mar Thet said that the striking workers came up short only on the wage issue. Pay will be raised, but not to the level demanded.

"The increased wages are only 15, 17 and 20 baht per day [depending on an employee's tenure at the company] to their current wage, which is about 175 baht per day," she explained.

The owner agreed to give the workers Sundays off, and will allow them to take a maximum of 30 days sick leave annually. Overtime pay, which was previously calculated as 10 percent of workers' daily salary per hour of additional work, will rise to 12.5 percent, Zin Mar Thet said.

Pregnant women will have social and health benefits as stipulated under Thai labor law, she added. Previously, pregnant women were forced to leave the workplace, without pay, until after giving birth, but expecting mothers will now be entitled to 45 days' paid maternity leave.

The owner also promised to take down notice letters posted in front of the factory threatening to dismiss the protesting workers.

Previously, the migrant workers had no leave allowance and were required to work seven days a week.

"We worked every day from 8 am to 5 pm, and the overtime was until 10 pm to midnight. But we got only one day off per month and could not get sick leave," said Min Min Htike, a senior employee who has been working at the Yuan Jiao factory for four years. Four years ago, his daily wages was about 65 baht, he said.

Despite the Thai minimum wage being set at 300 baht per day, the garment factory workers have been receiving 175 baht since last year, according to Min Min Htike.

The Thai-owned Yuan Jiao Garment factory, in the Thai border province of Tak, supplies its products to the German clothing company Jack Wolfskin, among others.

Amid news of the workers' strike and the threatened dismissal, Jack Wolfskin's UK-based public relations department said it was taking the case "very seriously" in response to a tweet by Andy Hall, an independent labor rights activist helping the Burmese migrant workers.

The German firm tweeted it was investigating the situation and said it would be "unacceptable" if the workers were dismissed for their protest.

Hall told The Irrawaddy on Friday that "the Jack Wolfskin company is sending their consultant to support Thursday's solution and will arrive to Mae Sot on Sunday."

"I believe they will really support the workers," Hall added.

Officially, about 1.7 million Burmese migrant workers are employed in various sectors of the Thai economy including agriculture, garment making, fishing and construction, as well as serving as domestic helpers. But labor right groups have estimated that another 1.3 million workers are undocumented.

At the Yuan Jiao Garment factory, more than 300 laborers are employed without documents, according to the workers.

The post Striking Burmese Workers at Mae Sot Factory Win Concessions appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Census Marred by Controversy Over Ethnic Question

Posted: 04 Apr 2014 12:07 AM PDT

Myanmar's Census Marred by Controversy Over Ethnic Question

A 12-year-old Kachin girl from Sin Lum, who is now living in Pa Kahtawng camp near Mai Ja Yang. She, along with about 40,000 other displaced people in Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) territory, will not be counted in this year's census (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy)

MAI JA YANG, Kachin State — Burma's census was supposed to be an opportunity for President Thein Sein's government to show the world that it was capable of carrying out a nationwide survey in accordance with international standards that would produce reliable population figures, a major prerequisite for receiving further international development aid.

Instead, the census—which began Sunday and is scheduled to last until April 10—has been beset by controversy over the way it deals with ethnicity, by far the most contentious of all the 41 questions on the census form.

The outbreak of riots in Arakan State last week, which saw one person killed, prompted Human Rights Watch to call on the government to delay the entire process. "The government should suspend the census until it can ensure adequate security and a fair process for everyone involved," said Brad Adams, the group's Asia Director, in a statement Sunday.

This advice has so far been ignored by the government and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), which is both funding and helping to implement what one commentator termed a "senseless census" for its unnecessarily bringing up the ethnic question—always a difficult subject in a multiethnic country scarred by decades of conflict.

In its statement Human Rights Watch noted that the UNFPA, and "several key international donors have accepted the Burmese government's deeply flawed and highly contested classification of its population into '135 national races.'" That appears to have been overlooked by the British, Norwegian, Australian and Swiss governments that are funding the bulk of the US$74 million census budget.

Burma Campaign UK, a London-based advocacy organization, wants UNFPA, the British government's Department for International Development (DFID) and other international donors to immediately withdraw their support for the census.

"UNFPA, DFID and other donors ignored warnings that the census could increase ethnic tensions and lead to violence, and now people are dying as a result," the group's director Mark Farmaner told The Irrawaddy.

"At the moment they are complicit in illegal and discriminatory policies against the Rohingya," said Farmaner, referring to the government's stated policy blocking members of the stateless Muslim minority from self-identifying their ethnicity.

Presidential spokesman Ye Htut indicated just a day before the census began that use of Rohingya would be banned. A statement issued by UNFPA three days later noted that the agency was "deeply concerned about this departure from international census standards, human rights principles and agreed procedures."

While the census's handling of the Rohingya issue is a major point of contention for both Rohingya and ethnic Arakanese, who strongly oppose use of the term, Arakan State is far from the only place in Burma where the census has met with resistance. The census will not be conducted here in Mai Ja Yang, or any other territory controlled by Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Burma's second largest armed group.

During a recent interview in Laiza the KIO's de facto capital, La Nan the KIO's Deputy General Secretary told this reporter that his organization was boycotting because of the "current situation," a reference to the ongoing conflict between his group and the military. Granting government agents access to every person living in KIO territory, including their sizable armed wing, would necessitate a level of mutual understanding that clearly doesn't exist.

"We don't trust the government", explained a 52-year-old Kachin farmer-turned-refugee, when asked his assessment of Thein Sein's nominally civilian government during a visit to his new dwellings located in a camp just outside Mai Ja Yang. It is unlikely this view will change provided Burmese troops continue to occupy his farm in Sin Lum, a nearby village.

As a result of the KIO's nonparticipation in the census, as many as 400,000 people will be excluded from the process, Khon Ja of the Kachin Peace Network predicted in an interview with the Democratic Voice of Burma. The government will instead rely on "international experts and technical know-how" to estimate the population figures for areas not participating, Eleven Media quoted an official from the Immigration Ministry saying.

In addition to a general level of distrust relating to anything involving the government, Kachin people's concerns about the census stem in large part from the way in which the various Kachin sub-groups were listed as separate ethnic groups, which would lead to a distortion of figures for the Kachin population, critics claim.

Most Kachin recognize there are six or seven Kachin sub-groups, the census lists 12 but this according to critics is because some of the groups are listed twice with different names. Members of the Karen and Chin communities have similar concerns about what they maintain is a seriously flawed list of ethnic groups based on outdated categories from the era of Gen. Ne Win.

Both the government and the UNFPA had advanced warning about the potential pitfalls of pushing ahead with the ethnicity question. In February, the International Crisis Group (ICG), a Brussels-based think tank, warned that the census "risks inflaming tensions at a critical moment in Myanmar's peace process and democratic transition." The ICG, which had until this point been full of praise for the Thein Sein government, even going so far as to give him a peace prize last year, called for the census to be "urgently amended to focus only on key demographic questions."

Similar concerns were raised by the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute (TNI), which warned in a report also published in February that the organizers of census were overlooking serious warning signs. "Difficulties have been treated purely as technical problems with simple, 'one-size-fits-all' solutions, rather than as fundamentally political and ethnic challenges that need resolution," TNI said.

Barring respondents from self-identifying their ethnic group is not the only way in which the census deviates from internationally accepted practices. Protocol employed in the census also prevents people from choosing more than one ethnic category, posing a challenge for people of mixed heritage, of which they are many across Burma.

During a recent visit to a boarding school for refugee children in Mai Ja Yang, the impracticalities of this restriction was easily demonstrated by a middle school teacher who asked his group of about 50 students to indicate by a show of hands which of the various Kachin sub-groups they were from. More than a quarter of the students taking part in this informal survey identified themselves as being from more than one of the groups, something they would be prohibited from doing on their census form.

The London-headquartered group that serves as the largest ethnic Kachin diaspora organization, the Kachin National Organization (KNO), last month blasted the government and the UNFPA for their handling of the census. "We, ethnic nationalities are marginalized again. Nobody wants to listen to us about our concerns," said KNO spokesperson Hkanhpa Sadan in a statement.

Hkangpa Sadan, who also serves as General Secretary of the KNO's Kachin National Council, has a valid point. Although senior representatives from both Burma's Immigration Department and the UNFPA held public forums on the census over the past few months, these meetings primarily focused on informing the public about how the census would be carried out, as opposed to taking feedback into how it how should be conducted, according to participants.

KIO officials and their counterparts from the various armed rebel factions who attended a roundtable meeting in late December in Chiang Mai, Thailand, involving the UNFPA's chief of mission in Burma, Janet Jackson, Burmese Immigration Minister Khin Yi and his cabinet colleague Aung Min, were less than impressed by the fact that issues relating to how the census dealt with ethnic categories was presented as a fait accompli.

"A complete waste of time", was how one ethnic representative described sitting through Khin Yi's rambling presentation. Perhaps things will go better next time around.

The post Burma's Census Marred by Controversy Over Ethnic Question appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

US Optimism Ebbs Over Burma Reforms

Posted: 03 Apr 2014 10:41 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, US, United States, Barack Obama, Thein Sein, reform, democracy, Congress

US President Barack Obama gives a speech at the convocation hall in the University of Yangon on Nov. 19, 2012. (Photo: Reuters / Minzayar)

WASHINGTON — Two years after the United States announced the normalization of diplomatic relations with Burma, optimism in Washington over the nation's embrace of democracy is waning and concern over the plight of minority Muslims is growing.

What has been viewed as a foreign policy success story for the Obama administration, supported by both Democrats and Republicans, faces a rocky road ahead as the pace of political reform slows and US congressional criticism intensifies.

Lawmakers are frustrating the administration's efforts to engage the nation's powerful military, and antipathy will likely increase if opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, long revered in Washington, is unable to run for the presidency next year and complete a Mandela-like transformation from former political prisoner to head of state.

Suu Kyi is ineligible to be president because she was married to a foreigner. While the United States says it remains hopeful the Constitution can be amended so Suu Kyi can run, congressional aides say US officials are pessimistic about that happening before the national elections at the end of 2015. Constitutional reforms would also be required to dilute the political power of the military and meet ethnic minority demands for autonomy.

US officials tell The Associated Press that constitutional reform is an evolving process and the boldest changes may not happen before the election, a key staging post in Burma's transition from five decades of repressive army rule.

But the most pressing concern for the United States, and the one on which the Obama administration and lawmakers have been most outspoken, is communal violence between majority Buddhists and Muslims, and the rising tide of Buddhist nationalism that many expect will intensify in the run-up to the election.

The House Foreign Affairs Committee called last week for an end to persecution of stateless Rohingya Muslims in one of the strongest congressional criticisms yet of Burma's reformist government. The committee's Republican chairman, Ed Royce, questioned whether the United States should embrace diplomatic reconciliation with Burma while human rights deteriorate.

The country regards Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, although many have lived in Burma for generations. Some 140,000 Rohingya displaced by the violence since mid-2012 live in overcrowded, dirty camps that segregate them from Buddhists. Tens of thousands of Rohingya have fled the country by boat.

A month ago Burma suspended the operations of Doctors Without Borders, the main health care provider in the strife-hit state of Arakan. Other relief agencies fled this week because of attacks by Buddhist mobs that the United Nations said threatened the entire humanitarian response in the state.

State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf on Wednesday voiced deep concern about the "humanitarian crisis" there.

"Currently, large segments of the population do not have access to adequate medical services, water, sanitation, and food. The government has so far failed to provide adequate security and the travel authorizations necessary for the humanitarian aid workers to resume their life-saving services," she said.

That strong statement came almost two years to the day that then-Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced the United States was appointing its first full ambassador to Burma in two decades, ending a policy of diplomatic isolation. That rewarded the fair conduct of special elections in which Suu Kyi won a parliamentary seat.

By November 2012, the United States had suspended most of its restrictions on aid, trade and investment, and Barack Obama became the first US president to visit Burma—hugging Suu Kyi outside the lakeside villa where she was once imprisoned.

Obama's visit crowned a rapid transformation in relations, and US officials say they remain optimistic about Burma's path. They point to the releases of hundreds of political prisoners, economic reforms, and easing of restrictions on media and labor unions. The government is also trying to reach peace with armed ethnic groups that have fought central rule since independence in 1948.

A US-funded poll released Thursday by the International Republican Institute found that 88 percent of respondents sampled across Burma thought things in the country were heading in the right direction, and 57 percent thought their economic situation was going to improve in the coming year. The margin of error is plus or minus 2 percentage points.

In the latest diplomatic landmark, US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel this week hosted Burma's defense minister at a gathering of top Southeast Asian defense officials in Hawaii.

The administration views military engagement as a way of getting Burma's army to adopt international norms, and there's support among lawmakers who oversee defense policy for that approach, starting with non-lethal US training of Burma's military on human rights, rule of law and disaster relief.

But that push is stymied by lawmakers overseeing foreign policy who are swayed by human rights groups. They fear the start of a formal training program without clear benchmarks on actions required by Burma could lead to a creeping expansion of military ties and bestow prestige on an army still implicated in abuses like rape and torture.

While Burma is far more open than it was under military rule, it has yet to permit the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to establish an office in the country, as it promised to when Obama visited Burma in November 2012.

As a result, the UN's top rights body last week voted to appoint another special rapporteur to monitor the country, as it did for Iran and North Korea.

The post US Optimism Ebbs Over Burma Reforms appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indonesia Military Worries Over Asia Arms Race, Territorial Tensions

Posted: 03 Apr 2014 10:34 PM PDT

Indonesia, China, military, build up, United States, arms, nine dash line,

An armored personnel carrier passes next to a Balinese statue at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Economic Leaders' meeting in Nusa Dua, on the Indonesian island of Bali in October. (Photo: Reuters)

JAKARTA — Indonesia's military is concerned that a rebalancing of power in the Asia-Pacific is driving an arms race in the region and that increasingly tetchy territorial disputes could trigger conflict, its armed forces chief said.

In an interview with Reuters, military commander Moeldoko did not single out China for criticism, but his comments are the latest from regional officials that suggest there are growing fears over China's assertiveness and military modernization.

"We are definitely worried because there is a trend happening in the region right now and that is an arms race, between Asean [the Association of Southeast Asian Nation] countries themselves and between major powers," he said late on Wednesday.

According to IHS Jane's, a defense publisher, the Asia-Pacific region is the only part of the world to see military spending grow steadily since 2008.

China is believed to have more than quadrupled its military spending since 2000 and by 2015 is expected to be outspending Britain, France and Germany combined. Even with Chinese spending stripped out, the rest of the Asia-Pacific region is seen overtaking the whole of Western Europe by the same date.

Moeldoko said it was important that what he called a rebalancing of power in Asia as well as efforts by the United States to step up its military presence in the region did not create "provocations."

He also said the Indonesian military was constantly assessing the risk to the country's oil- and gas-rich Natuna Islands close to an area of the South China Sea claimed by Beijing but insisted that Jakarta remained neutral in the conflicting claims over sovereignty in the region.

"We always need to evaluate the forces that are deployed in and around the Natuna region. We have to consider any spillover that emerges which we will have to deal with," he said.

The Natuna Islands lie close to China's so-called nine-dash-line, which Beijing uses on its official maps to display its claim to 90 percent of the South China Sea. The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also claim parts of the potentially resource rich waters.

Indonesia has long played a neutral role and sought to mediate in the disputes, although it has openly criticized China's hard-nosed approach for inflaming regional tension.

China's Foreign Ministry issued a statement on Wednesday saying Beijing had no dispute with Jakarta over the Natuna Islands in response to some reports that a row might be brewing.

Crystal Clear

That was a view backed by Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa.

"It must be made crystal clear that between Indonesia and China there are no outstanding or overlapping maritime territorial disputes," he told Reuters on Thursday.

However, Indonesia has been asking for clarification through the United Nations since 2010 of the legal basis for China's nine-dash line, a set of dashes on Chinese maps that stretch deep into the heart of maritime Southeast Asia.

Natalegawa said Indonesia had "inferred" from China that the line did not cross Indonesian territory.

The 56-year-old Moeldoko, named armed forces chief last August, went to Beijing in February for talks with China's military.

"We're not focused particularly on China's developments but we see there is a dispute in that region. And from that dispute we should anticipate or look at the future prospects in the region, and that is a part of our calculations.

"I explained [to my Chinese counterpart] that we are a sovereign country, we will protect our territory, and we will do whatever is necessary to protect our sovereignty. They understand that," he said.

The post Indonesia Military Worries Over Asia Arms Race, Territorial Tensions appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Chinese Police Detain 39 Mongol Herders Over Land Rights Protest

Posted: 03 Apr 2014 10:29 PM PDT

China, coal, Inner Mongolia, Mongol, land rights, human rights

An ethnic Mongol herds a flock of sheep on the grasslands of Right Ujumchin Banner in the northern Chinese region of Inner Mongolia, September 5, 2012

BEIJING — Chinese police detained at least 39 ethnic Mongol herders protesting over land rights in the northern Chinese region of Inner Mongolia, a US-based rights group said on Thursday, in the latest incident of unrest in the coal-rich region.

The protests in Inner Mongolia are the latest flare up of ethnic tension in China, which is the scene of sporadic violence in both the far western Xinjiang region and in Tibetan areas, which have long chaffed at Chinese rule.

The herders were detained on Monday when more than 100 people demonstrated outside a local government building an the Inner Mongolian city of Bayannur, the Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center said in a statement.

Protesters told the rights group that riot police beat them with electric batons.

Ethnic Mongols in China have long complained that mining and desertification have destroyed their traditional grazing lands, and that the government has forced them to settle in permanent dwellings in defiance of their herding traditions.

The protests came after Chinese Premier Li Keqiang visited the region last week. Demonstrators protested in the regional capital of Hohhot from March 26 to March 28, the group said, calling for an end to "illegal land grabs" and for Han Chinese miners and farmers to vacate traditional grasslands.

Protesters were taken back to their homes by "hundreds" of local police, the group said.

Calls seeking comment to the Inner Mongolia government’s propaganda office, which handles media enquiries, either went unanswered, or were met with curt refusals to answer questions.

China jailed six herders in the resource-rich region in January after they tried to defend grazing land from expropriation by a forestry firm in a case that led to widespread protests.

Inner Mongolia, which covers more than a 10th of China’s land mass and has its largest coal reserves, was rocked by protests in 2011 after an ethnic Mongol herder was killed by a truck after taking part in protests against pollution caused by a coal mine.

Ethnic Mongols now make up less than 20 percent of the region’s population of about 24 million. Before the Communist revolution in 1949, Mongols far outnumbered majority Han Chinese.

The United States has expressed concern about the fate of China’s most famous Mongol dissident, Hada, who was detained almost as soon as he completed a 15-year sentence for separatism in 2010.

The post Chinese Police Detain 39 Mongol Herders Over Land Rights Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

US Warns China Not to Attempt Crimea-Style Action in Asia

Posted: 03 Apr 2014 10:24 PM PDT

 China, US, United States, Asia, territorial claims, Crimea

US President Barack Obama, right, meets China's President Xi Jinping, on the sidelines of a nuclear security summit, in The Hague on March 24, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Kevin Lamarque)

WASHINGTON — China should not doubt the US commitment to defend its Asian allies and the prospect of economic retaliation should also discourage Beijing from using force to pursue territorial claims in Asia in the way Russia has in Crimea, a senior US official said on Thursday.

Daniel Russel, President Barack Obama's diplomatic point man for East Asia, said it was difficult to determine what China's intentions might be, but Russia's annexation of Crimea had heightened concerns among US allies in the region about the possibility of China using force to pursue its claims.

"The net effect is to put more pressure on China to demonstrate that it remains committed to the peaceful resolution of the problems," Russel, the US assistant secretary of state for East Asia, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Russel said the retaliatory sanctions imposed on Russia by the United States, the European Union and others should have a "chilling effect on anyone in China who might contemplate the Crimea annexation as a model."

This was especially so given the extent of China's economic interdependence with the United States and its Asia neighbors, Russel said.

Russel said that while the United States did not take a position on rival territorial claims in East Asia, China should be in no doubt about Washington's resolve to defend its allies if necessary.

"The president of the United States and the Obama administration is firmly committed to honoring our defense commitments to our allies," he said.

While Washington stood by its commitments—which include defense treaties with Japan, the Philippines and South Korea—Russel said there was no reason why the rival territorial claims could not be resolved by peaceful means.

He said he hoped the fact that the Philippines had filed a case against China on Sunday at an arbitration tribunal in The Hague would encourage China to clarify and remove the ambiguity surrounding its own claims.

Russel termed the deployment of large numbers of Chinese vessels in its dispute with the Philippines in the South China Sea "problematic" and said that Beijing had taken "what to us appears to be intimidating steps."

"It is incumbent of all of the claimants to foreswear intimidation, coercion and other non-diplomatic or extra-legal means," he said.

In Asia, China also has competing territorial claims with Japan and South Korea, as well as with Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan in potentially energy-rich waters.

Obama is due to visit Japan, South Korea, Malaysia and the Philippines from April 22, when he is expected to stress his commitment to a rebalancing of US strategic and economic focus towards the Asia-Pacific region in the face of an increasingly assertive China.

The post US Warns China Not to Attempt Crimea-Style Action in Asia appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Finding Freedom With a Fake Passport

Posted: 03 Apr 2014 06:17 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, passport, exile, fake, black market, MH370

Myanmar nationals hold up their passports outside the Myanmar embassy in Singapore as they wait their turn to vote in the country's May 2008 constitutional referendum. (Photo: Reuters)

When Malaysian Airlines Flight 370 disappeared on March 8, one of the many serious issues it raised about the safety of international travel is the fact that there is a thriving worldwide trade in stolen passports.

As investigators started trying to determine the cause of the incident, one of the first things they discovered was that two of the passengers were Iranian nationals traveling with EU passports that had been stolen in Thailand. Although it turned out that the two men were not terrorists, the ease with which they were able to pass through airport security with their fake identities was unsettling for many.

It is even more disturbing to learn that the world is awash in false documents. According to a senior member of Thailand's National Security Council who spoke to the London-based newspaper The Independent, around 10,000 passports are lost or stolen in the country each year, many of which end up in the hands of foreign forgers.

Thailand's huge fake-document market undoubtedly caters to criminals of every description, from mafia types to human traffickers and terrorists. But among those who have used the services of these passport forgers are many individuals whose only goal is to escape poverty or repression in their home countries.

For many years, Myanmar was one of the world's leading sources of such people. And among the millions who fled in search of work or freedom, there were countless thousands who needed to assume new identities.

In the early 1990s, as an exile living in Thailand, I witnessed the operations of a passport mill working out of a small apartment in Bangkok. A small machine was used to press photos, visa stamps and stickers into blank passports. Everything was scattered all over the room, as the workers in this "passport-making factory" cranked out one fake passport after another to meet demand from Myanmar nationals who needed to extend their stay in Thailand or who planned to take their chances in Japan or some other country that offered a shot at a better life.

In those days, Myanmar exiles had one of two choices: stay in the jungle along the Thai-Myanmar border, or venture into Thailand's cities to try to make contact with foreign governments and organizations that wanted to know more about what was happening in the military-ruled hermit state that had suddenly and unexpectedly exploded in 1988.

For those of us who took the latter course, a passport was indispensable. Since there was certainly no chance that the government would issue documents to "destructive elements" like us, the only option was a fake passport.

For around US$500 (a fee that rose steadily over the years, as the quality of the passports improved), agents could provide you with a Myanmar passport complete with a Thai visa, delivered within one month. It was a lucrative business, and one that provided a measure of security for those without any legal documentation.

Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org.

That isn't to say, however, that it was without risks. There were more than a few unlucky holders of these fake passports who landed in Bangkok's infamous Immigration Detention Center. Even in Thailand, with its vast false-documents industry, traveling with a fake passport is considered a serious crime.

I know well how nerve-wracking it can be to go through immigration with a passport bearing a name and personal details that were not my own. Every time I entered or left Thailand or another country, my heartbeat and my mind raced as I tried to think of what I should say if the immigration officer challenged me. Of course, I could always produce the invitation letters that I had received from whichever institution or government had asked me to attend or speak at some event abroad, but I was still always acutely aware of the fact that technically, I was breaking the law and could face severe punishment if caught.

These days, like many other long-time exiles, I hold a legal travel document from a country sympathetic to the plight of Myanmar's political dissidents. There are several countries, mostly in the West, that have issued such documents to help those of us who until recently could not return to Myanmar to do our work.

Ironically, these documents now serve as an obstacle to former exiles who want to return to their country, as the Myanmar government regards such document-holders as foreign nationals who must get visas to travel to the country of their birth. From the government's point of view, it would have been better if we had remained undocumented or continued to risk using fake passports until such time as the country's rulers saw fit to invite us back to participate in their much-vaunted reforms.

Meanwhile, demand for fake Myanmar passports has declined, but not died out entirely. As long as there are many who remain dissatisfied with the pace and direction of change in the country, the trade will likely continue.

After decades of serving as an important lifeline for dissidents, however, there is now a danger that forged Myanmar passports could come to be used for more nefarious purposes. It would be all too easy, for example, for a terrorist to acquire and travel with a Myanmar passport to conceal his true identity.

We can only hope, then, that Myanmar—a country that is increasingly on the radar of extremist groups because of its mistreatment of Muslims—doesn't suffer yet another tragedy before it has even had a chance to recover from the years of abuse that it suffered at the hands of its rulers.

Sadly, as the fate of Malaysian Airlines Flight 370 reveals, there are few certainties in this world. But one thing we do know is that the legacy of brutal misrule is not something that disappears overnight, especially when the work of ending it has barely begun.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in- chief of The Irrawaddy.

This article first appeared in the April 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy's print magazine.

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