Tuesday, July 15, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Hundreds Hide at Monastery After Recent Fighting in Northern Shan State

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 04:38 AM PDT

Displaced children eat a meal at the Wan Wat village monastery in Kyaythee Township, northern Shan State. (Photo: Hsenpai News Journal /Facebook)

Displaced children eat a meal at the Wan Wat village monastery in Kyaythee Township, northern Shan State. (Photo: Hsenpai News Journal /Facebook)

More than 200 ethnic Shan people from Kyaythee Township in northern Shan State are sheltering at a monastery after they fled an outbreak of fighting between government troops and ethnic rebels in late June.

Three weeks after the fighting erupted, tension remains high in the area around Pha Saung village, with government soldiers still present at the village, according to local residents and aid workers.

"They left their homes about 10 days after fighting resumed between the SSA-N [Shan State Army-North] and government troops near Tar Pha Saung bridge on June 26," said Sai Zin, an editor with Shan-language community newspaper Hsenpai News Journal, who went to provide support for the displaced people on Sunday.

"They told us that they had no place to hide when the government troops attacked the SSA-N troops with artillery. They used to hide in their own bomb shelters, but as now it's the rainy season, so they could not hide in these bomb shelters underground."

Sai Shwe Thein, the local chairman of the Shan National League for Democracy in Kyaythee Township, said the Pha Saung residents were now sheltering at a nearby monastery in Wan Wat village.

The displaced are also worried that more people will have to flee due to the possibility of further fighting as government troops remain deployed in contested territory, Sai Shwe Thain said.

Local people said the Tar Pha Saung bridge was under the control of the SSA-N and its political wing, the Shan State Progressive Party, until 2011, when the area saw an offensive by the Burma Army. The rebel group signed a ceasefire agreement with the government in 2012, but the two sides now once again vie to control the bridge.

Sai Shwe Thein said there were 209 displaced people, mostly women, young children and elders currently staying at the monastery.

"Before the refugees arrived at the Wan Wat monastery in July 5, some were hiding in the jungle after they fled from their homes," he said.

Local residents say they want the fighting to end soon so they can return to their farmland to grow rice paddy this rainy season.

For now, they are supported by civil society groups and donations.

"Providing food and shelter support for them is very difficult, we can only help them temporarily," said Sai Kyaw Khaing, a Kyaythee Township resident who is helping the displaced people.

Additional reporting by Nang Seng Nom.

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Burma’s Press Reforms at Bursting Point

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 03:27 AM PDT

Burma's Press Reforms at Bursting Point

Burma’s Press Reforms at Bursting Point

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Burmese Refugees Criticize Thailand’s Push for Quicker Repatriation

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 03:19 AM PDT

Refugees kids play cane ball at Ei Htu Hta refugee camp in Thailand. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy)

Refugees kids play cane ball at Ei Htu Hta refugee camp in Thailand. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy)

CHIANG MAI — Burmese refugees have criticized the Thai junta's plan to send them home within the next year, saying they have been left in the dark about the repatriation process and are not yet ready to return.

Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha, who leads the Thai junta, known as the National Council for Peace and Order, said on Monday that Thailand and Burma would work together to repatriate more than 120,000 Burmese refugees who live in camps along the border.

"They can make it happen if they do not consider how our human rights will be affected," said Naw Day Day Poe, deputy secretary of the Mae La refugee camp, which is the largest Burmese refugee camp in Thailand with about 40,000 residents. "There are still on-and-off conflicts in Burma. It's not safe yet for the refugees to return home."

She criticized a lack of transparency in the repatriation process.

"We are like victims. We are not informed about how repatriation will work. They should not repatriate us if the conditions are not right in terms of safety, food and job security for the refugees," she said.

Prayuth met with his Burmese counterpart Gen. Min Aung Hlaing last week to discuss a timetable for returning the refugees to their homeland. While repatriation is expected to take one year, Thai officials will likely start counting the populations in some camps as early as this week, to verify the nationality and ages of residents, and to ensure that everyone is a registered refugee.

This "verification program" is expected to begin at Mae La Oon camp in Mae Hong Son Province on Thursday or Friday, according to camp residents. Chi Poe, a teacher at the camp, said refugees who are not present during the inspection will be deleted from the list of registered refugees, losing their rights to assistance.

"Every refugee must stay at home during the inspection. If they don't see a refugee in person, they will delete his or her name," she said.

Officials from the Bangkok-based Mae Fah Luang Foundation and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are working with Thai authorities and other NGOs to conduct interviews in some refugee camps. They say they have identified about 3,000 residents who are not refugees, particularly in Kanchanaburi and Ratchaburi provinces, according to The Bangkok Post newspaper.

Many of the refugees in Thailand fled from Karen State in southeast Burma, where the Burmese military fought for decades against ethnic armed groups. Since Burma's quasi-civilian government began signing ceasefire deals with the armed groups in 2012, the refugees have faced increasing pressure to return home.

However, international NGOs and the Thai and Burmese governments have said in the past that repatriation must be voluntary. They have said that returning refugees would require protection from armed attacks and material security, such as land access and a means of livelihood.

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Burma Police to Visit Newspaper Offices to Identify Protesting Reporters

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 03:02 AM PDT

Journalists in Rangoon stage a protest over curbs to press freedom in Burma near the Myanmar Peace Center. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Journalists in Rangoon stage a protest over curbs to press freedom in Burma near the Myanmar Peace Center. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Police in Rangoon say they are planning to visit newspaper offices to confirm the identities of about 50 journalists who are accused of staging an unauthorized protest against President Thein Sein.

On Saturday, journalists taped over their mouths outside a meeting at the Myanmar Peace Center in Rangoon attended by the president to register their opposition to the sentencing of five newspaper staffers last week. Four reporters and the CEO of the Unity journal were given 10 years with hard labor after the President's Office sued them for reporting allegations that a military facility in Magwe Division is being used to manufacture chemical weapons.

After Saturday's demonstration, police said the journalists named on a list of those present would be charged with Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, which requires prior permission for public gatherings. The list includes numerous reporters who were only there to cover the event.

Kamayut Township police officer Zaw Win told The Irrawaddy that police would be visiting the offices of media companies to confirm the identities of those involved in the protest.

"We still don't have an accurate list of names [of the journalists]," said Zaw Win.

"At the moment, we've got only the photos of protesters and we still have to go to each and every newspaper's office to identify them. Only then, we'll be able to know their names and write a report [in order to prosecute them].

"We can't just prosecute them without even knowing their names. If civilians were among the protesters, we'll also have to confirm their identities," he added.

Burma's Interim Press Council is trying to meet with President Thein Sein to express its concerns about recent setbacks to media freedom in the country.

"We've asked to meet President Thein Sein," said council member Zaw Thet Htwe.

"If he refuses, we'll summon an emergency meeting and reconsider the role of our council. If we can do nothing for press freedom and the rights of journalists and keep going on like this, it is of no use having this council. We're really disappointed."

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Lawmaker Criticizes Law That Caps Monthly Alimony for Women at 100 Kyats

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 02:55 AM PDT

One hundred kyats, or about $0.10, is the maximum amount of financial support that divorced women can receive from their ex-husbands according to Burmese law. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

One hundred kyats, or about $0.10, is the maximum amount of financial support that divorced women can receive from their ex-husbands according to Burmese law. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A lawmaker from Burma's largest opposition party is calling for an amendment to a century-old law that caps monthly alimony payments for divorced women at 100 kyats, or about US$0.10.

Khin Htay Kywe from the National League for Democracy (NLD) raised the issue during a session of the Lower House of Parliament on Monday, saying that the law, enacted in 1898 during the British colonial era, did not allow for enough financial support, especially for single mothers and their children, given the rising costs of living.

"100 kyats is nothing today. Even a cup of tea costs more than that," she told lawmakers.

Prominent lawyer Robert San Aung has campaigned for amendments to the law for nearly a decade. In 2005 he submitted a letter to the country's prime minister calling for a higher alimony cap, and when his request was denied, he submitted letters again to the then-military government in 2006 and 2007.

"The amount that women pay in legal fees to courts and lawyers when they sue [for alimony] is more than the money they receive in return," he said, adding that as a result, women rarely attempted to file the lawsuit. "If a husband can earn a lot of money, he should support his [ex-] wife and children."

In 2012, Burma's High Court submitted a proposal to Union Parliament to increase the cap on alimony payments to 50,000 kyats in line with inflation.

The alimony cap falls under Section 488 of the Criminal Code. Under the law, men cannot sue for financial support from their ex-wives.

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UN Rights Body Says Govt Detention of Kachin Farmer Illegal

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 01:25 AM PDT

Ethnic Kachin people protest in Myitkyina in July 2012 for the release of another Kachin farmer Brang Shawng, who was freed last year as part of a presidential amnesty. (Photo: KDNG)

Ethnic Kachin people protest in Myitkyina in July 2012 for the release of another Kachin farmer Brang Shawng, who was freed last year as part of a presidential amnesty. (Photo: KDNG)

The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has ruled on the case of ethnic Kachin farmer Brawn Yung, who is serving a 21-year sentence in Myitkyina Prison, and called on the Burmese government to immediately release him and offer reparations because his detention is illegal.

It is the second time in recent months that the UN rights body has ruled that the government's imprisonment of a Kachin farmer is illegal.

The latest ruling, issued on May 20, was released on Tuesday by the Burma Campaign UK, which took the case of Brang Yung to the UN Working Group with the assistance of the Burma Justice Committee and Kachin National Organization UK.

The working group ruling states that Brang Yung "was targeted for prosecution as he belongs to the minority Kachin ethnic group. Members of this group have been subjected to numerous arrests as well as alleged torture against them to extract confessions."

"The deprivation of liberty of Mr. Brang Yung was arbitrary, being in contravention of Articles 2, 7 and 10 of the [Universal Declaration of Human Rights]," the ruling said. "The Working Group requests the Government to take the necessary steps to remedy the situation, which include the immediate release of Mr. Brang Yung and the provision of adequate reparation to him."

It has also referred the case to the UN Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The UN group said it had contacted the Burmese government about the case but had received no reply.

Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, campaigns officer at Burma Campaign UK, said in a statement, "By keeping Brang Yung in jail it is President Thein Sein who is the one breaking the law, not Brang Yung.

"The failure to release political prisoners, even when the UN rules their detention is illegal, is yet another example of the backsliding of the reform process." The campaign group is calling for a new independent review mechanism for political prisoners to be established in Burma.

Brang Yung, Laphai Gam and La Reing were arrested in mid-2012 and allegedly severely tortured and subject to degrading treatment on accusations that they belonged to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which is fighting an insurgency against the government in northern Burma.

The Burma Campaign UK said that "According to family members, during the interrogations, [Brawn Yung] was repeatedly kicked, beaten till his scalp was cut open, forced to drink water mixed with fuel, and his arms were pierced with needles. He was also forced to have sexual intercourse with one other male prisoner."

The three men were subsequently charged on a number of different counts on the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act and the 1908 Explosive Substances Law and sentenced to lengthy prison terms.

In November, the UN Working Group of Arbitrary Detention had ruled in the case of Laphia Gam and said his detention is illegal. The Burma Campaign UK brought a legal complaint on behalf of Laphia Gam to the UN.

The UN Working Group said at the time that "The Army in this case is prosecutor and judge, and has arrest, investigative and trial authority, leaving little room for an impartial trial and outcome."

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New UN Rights Rapporteur to Begin Burma Visit This Week

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 10:58 PM PDT

Burma human rights UN

Yanghee Lee, the new UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burma. (Photo: Unicef.org)

The new UN special rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burma, Yanghee Lee, will make her first official visit to the country from July 17-26, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights announced (OHCHR).

Lee, an "independent expert appointed by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor, report and advise on the situation of human rights" plans to visit the capital Naypyidaw, Rangoon, strife-torn Arakan State and restive Kachin State, as well as Mandalay, which suffered from a recent outbreak of anti-Muslim violence, OHCHR said in a statement

She will meet with government officials, political, religious and community leaders, civil society representatives, as well as victims of human rights violations and members of the international community.

"A frank and open exchange of views will be vital to help me better understand the realities on the ground," Lee said in a statement. "And it is my intention, as special rapporteur, to work closely with the government and people of Myanmar, towards the promotion and protection of human rights in the country."

The new rapporteur, who is independent from any government or organization and serves in an individual capacity, will submit her first report to the UN General Assembly in October.

Lee is from South Korea and currently a professor at Sungkyunwan University, Seoul. She served as chairperson of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child and is a founding president of International Child Rights Center.

She succeeds rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana, from Argentina, who completed his six-year term by June 2014. Quintana oversaw sweeping political reforms in Burma, but also large-scale rights violations following the outbreak of the Kachin conflict and inter-communal violence in Arakan State.

Quintana had an at times difficult relationship with the government, which outright dismissed his reports of mass rights violations and persecution against the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority in western Burma's Arakan State.

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Put Some Color in Your Life in Pyin Oo Lwin

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 05:30 PM PDT

The colonial-era British Club is one of many elegant old buildings in the former hill station of Pyin Oo Lwin. (Photo: Teza Hlaing/ The Irrawaddy)

The colonial-era British Club is one of many elegant old buildings in the former hill station of Pyin Oo Lwin. (Photo: Teza Hlaing/ The Irrawaddy)

PYIN OO LWIN — For such a small place, Pyin Oo Lwin packs a lot in. The former British hill station, located 3,510 feet (1,070 meters) above sea level and 42 miles (67 km) east of Mandalay in the Shan Hills, is home to some well-preserved colonial architecture, two elite military academies, more than half a dozen Hindu temples, and Myanmar's only botanical garden.

Beyond the town itself, you can see the country's first and finest coffee plantations, fields full of produce thriving in its temperate climate, including strawberries and a colorful array of flowers, and natural attractions such as two magnificent waterfalls within easy reach.

Established by the British in 1896, the town was originally named Maymyo, or "May's Town," after Colonel May, who commanded a regiment of the British Indian Army that was temporarily stationed here in 1887.

Today, you can still see evidence of its military roots. Uniformed cadets from the elite Defense Services Academy and the Defense Services Technological Academy are a common sight around the central market, near the Purcell clock tower, on weekends.

The ties to Myanmar's neighbors to the west are also much in evidence. Although the pre-British population of the site where Pyin Oo Lwin now stands was mostly ethnic Danu, these days, a sizeable portion of the town's population is descended from settlers from India and Nepal.

This connection to the subcontinent was on full display in late May, when the completion ofv a four-year-long renovation of a local temple dedicated to the Hindu god Ganesh was marked by a festival attended by thousands of local devotees and others from around the country and abroad.

Trouble in Paradise

In a country that has a history of ethnic and political conflict, Pyin Oo Lwin has an enviable reputation as an oasis of relative harmony. Although it is still seen by many as an excellent place to get away from the troubles of the world, some locals feel that it is in danger of losing a precious part of its legacy.

While some of the town's older red-brick buildings have been turned into cozy guesthouses and hotels for visitors, others stand empty, surrounded by pine and cherry trees and long-uncut grass. Owned by the government, which keeps them as lodgings for officials, they often get sold off to outside investors who have little respect for their historical significance.

"When rich people—especially the Chinese—come in and buy houses with big compounds, the

first thing they do is tear them down," said U Mya Khaing, a local nursery owner and longtime resident. "They build gigantic houses or divide the land up for sale at a high profit."

"A lot of colonial buildings have disappeared in this way," he added. "It's a shame not to value this heritage."

Local people say that the rush to capitalize on Pyin Oo Lwin's appeal to visitors is also harming some nearby natural beauty spots.

"The manmade bridges and food stalls all around the Pway Kyaut waterfall are so ugly," said Ko Aung Phyu, who runs a shop in Pyin Oo Lwin's central market. The construction of a resort near the Dat Taw Gyaing waterfall has also had a negative impact, he said.

"Before, the environment around the waterfall was so tranquil, and really gave you the feeling that you were deep in the forest. But now, with the view of that resort, that feeling is completely gone."

All Is Not Lost

While many Pyin Oo Lwin residents lament some of the changes they've witnessed in recent years, most visitors still seem to feel that the town and its environs have a lot to offer. Some things have even improved, according to those who have kept coming back over the years.

The most notable example of development done right is the National Kandawgyi Botanical Garden, founded in 1915. Expanded in area from 150 acres to 240 acres in 1924, it underwent a major renovation in 2000 and now includes an orchid garden and butterfly and fossil museums.

Managed by the Ministry of Environmental Conservation and Forestry, the botanical garden is used not only for research, but also attracts tens of thousands of visitors annually.

"When we were young, the park was very lively only in the summer and winter, but now there are so many things to see year round," said Daw Yin YinNwae, who was visiting from Mandalay with her family.

"The fossil museum and butterfly museum are incredible for our children," she added. "We come every month now to have a family picnic and enjoy our time here."

As times change, Pyin Oo Lwin is likely to change along with them, for better or for worse. But whatever name it is known by—Pyin Oo Lwin, Maymyo, the Town of Mountainous Stairs or the Misty Town—this is a place that will always remain close to the hearts of locals and visitors alike.

Other Information

Getting There: There are direct bus services from Yangon to PyinOoLwin, but the easiest way to reach the town is by car, taxi or minivan from Mandalay.

Shopping: PyiOoLwin is famous for its knitwear, strawberries, coffee and other products associated with its relatively cool temperatures.

This article first appeared in the July 2014 print edition of The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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An Ounce of Detention

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 05:00 PM PDT

Military police officers stand guard during a reconciliation event organized by the army at a shopping mall in Bangkok on June 14. (Photo: Reuters)

Military police officers stand guard during a reconciliation event organized by the army at a shopping mall in Bangkok on June 14. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — The latest military regime in Thailand has brought to national attention an army compound located at the corner of a tree-lined street in a historic quarter of the capital. It was once the main venue for the army's top-heavy generals and lower-ranking officers to relax. They still refer to it as the Army Club.

But its new use since the late May coup—Thailand's 12th successful military putsch out of 19 attempted power grabs in over 80 years—is far from recreational. It has been transformed into something darker: the gateway into a world of military-enforced detentions for hundreds of Thai citizens summoned to hand themselves over to army custody.

The junta's modus operandi was unveiled soon after the coup and has proceeded, hardly surprisingly, at an efficient military clip. Names of those wanted by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), as the junta is known, are read nightly by a deep, somber voice over television and radio stations, conveying a hint of McCarthyism. And those named on the list have little choice but to obey: report the next morning to the Army Club.

The regime's dragnet has been spread far and wide in its quest to go after the political class and those whose names have popped up in Thailand's deeply polarized political divide. It began with former elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and many of her cabinet ministers, and extended to parliamentarians, businessmen and women, academics, political activists, broadcasters and journalists from across the political spectrum.

Most of them meekly obliged, resulting in stays at various military compounds across Thailand from one to five days. Only one openly protested—senior journalist Pravit Rojanaphruk—by covering his mouth with black tape as a stand against the climate of repression, before walking through the gates of the Club on a rainy Sunday morning. But some intellectuals named on the junta's nightly lists have opted to spurn the military's hospitality, going underground or fleeing into exile.

'Military Vacation'

The NCPO, however, sees the implications of naming names and the stays in military custody in a different light. There is nothing to fear, assured Col. Werachon Sukondhapatipak, an NCPO spokesman, from the summonses and the military treatment that follows.

"We are inviting them to give them some time to think about their actions, so they can be relaxed and be calm and they are looked after very well," he said of those called in and immediately relieved of their mobile phones to cut off any outside contact. "We also talk to them to get their opinions as part of this cooling off period."

The rationale for such a "military vacation," as Mr. Pravit sarcastically wrote of his ordeal as a "guest detainee," is no laughing matter. The junta's chief, Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha, has been drumming into the heads of Thailand's 67 million population that it is one of a slew of plans to restore political peace and prevent the
country, in the military's view, from teetering toward a civil war. The color-coded politics that has divided Thailand has to end, the gruff strongman has repeatedly said.

The information gathered from those in military custody will reportedly be collected to shape the junta's reform and reconciliation blueprint. The junta's outreach will also feature National Reconciliation Centers in all provinces, aiming to drive home the latest martial tune: happiness and unity in Thailand.

"[Gen. Prayuth] has emphasized the need to create a new value for our people … the divided society must be mended [so that] living in harmony becomes a priority," said Col. Werachon. "Gen. Prayuth has said this is a daunting task for him."

Such professed intentions, however, fail to mask the military-style approach to shepherding millions of famously free-wheeling Thais into a pen of national unity, patriotism and political harmony. And the nightly naming of names raises the obvious question: Can detentions in military custody achieve political peace and reconciliation?

Purging Thaksin's Legacy

"The military's solution is classic textbook, with ideas based on deterrence," said Panitan Watanayagorn, a national security expert at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University. "The strategy is to neutralize its opposition by categorizing people as troublemakers, those who cooperate and those who can be co-opted."

The lists of people summoned reinforce that view. After all, a large swathe of those in the junta's crosshairs are politicians, the business elite, activists, broadcasters and intellectuals directly linked or associated with Ms. Yingluck's elder brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, the former, twice-elected prime minister who was ousted in the September 2006 military coup.

The elder Shinawatra, living in self-imposed exile, has remained a scourge of the traditional, ultra-royalist establishment, which includes the military, ever since he emerged on the national stage in 2001 and saw his pro-Thaksin parties win every successive election. No wonder the post-coup purging of "network Thaksin," as Mr. Panitan describes it, has also extended to targeting pro-Thaksin bureaucrats in important ministries, such as defense, being transferred to ineffective positions.

The junta's unorthodox push to secure political peace has, for obvious reasons, drawn the attention of veteran conflict-resolution experts in the country.

"They are pursuing a dual-track approach by trying to keep the people [detained] quiet for a while and making the case for peace, law and order to prepare the way toward reconciliation," noted Gotham Arya, former director of research at the Centre for Peace Building at Bangkok's Mahidol University.

"According to the Western textbook, this may not work, because of the contradiction, since those detained are opinion leaders and they may have negative feelings afterward."

Yet, the junta may have something more homespun to grapple with. How will the strategy "correspond to the sociological approach of Thailand?" asked Mr. Gotham, given the attempt to force people to reconcile.

"If the people accept this new approach, then reconciliation may be possible."

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Singapore Anti-Gambling Ad Backfires Thanks to Germany World Cup Run

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 10:53 PM PDT

A man walks past a World Cup anti-gambling advertisement at a taxi stand in Singapore July 9, 2014. Singapore has scored an own goal with the World Cup anti-gambling ad. (Photo: Reuters)

A man walks past a World Cup anti-gambling advertisement at a taxi stand in Singapore July 9, 2014. Singapore has scored an own goal with the World Cup anti-gambling ad. (Photo: Reuters)

SINGAPORE — An ad campaign warning of the perils of gambling that began as just another bland public service announcement by Singapore’s government has turned into fodder for international mockery, and left authorities scrambling after Germany’s World Cup victory.

In the TV version of the ad, which debuted last month when the World Cup kicked off, a sullen young boy named Andy tells his friends in the playground that his father had used all of Andy’s savings to bet on Germany to win the tournament.

Sad piano music is cued and a message is displayed: "Often, the people who suffer from problem gambling aren’t the gamblers."

The PSA wasn’t lampooned until Germany won its first match against Portugal, 4-0. As the World Cup progressed and the Germans looked more and more like favorites to win the title, the mocking of the ad intensified, with many wondering if little Andy and his dad were going to make a killing on the bet.

After Germany’s stunning 7-1 semifinal drubbing of Brazil, the ad prompted ridiculing on "The Tonight Show."

"Cheer up, kid, your dad bet on Germany," host Jimmy Fallon said. "He’s so rich you don’t even need to go to college anymore."

Even Singapore’s usually stoic politicians could not resist taking a few pot shots. Manpower Minister Tan Chuan-Jin wrote on Facebook: "Looks like the boy’s father who bet all his savings on Germany will be laughing all the way to the bank!"

But Singapore’s National Council for Problem Gambling refused to back down and withdraw the campaign, which also included radio spots, posters around the country and banners on the council’s website. In a statement, it said selecting Germany "injected a sense of realism in our messaging, since no one will bet on a potentially losing team."

On Monday, following Germany’s 1-0 win over Argentina in the final, Facebook pages were full of congratulatory messages for Andy and his dad. A few suggested the two were off to Germany for a holiday, while another showed Andy wearing a suit, accompanied by the caption, "Who’s your daddy?"

The council, meanwhile, rushed to post a new ad on its website. It features Andy’s friend asking him: "Your dad’s team won. Did you get your savings back?"

Andy replies: "No, Dad never stops … he wants to bet one more time."

Singapore has a strong gambling culture, even though it only opened its casinos in recent years. Government-run sports betting and the lottery are hugely popular in the tightly controlled Southeast Asian city-state of 5.4 million people.

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Copter Crash Kills 2 Cambodian Military Generals

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 10:47 PM PDT

Cambodia's soldiers carry a body which rescue workers found at the site where a Cambodian military helicopter crashed on the outskirts of Phnom Penh on Monday. (Photo: Pring Samrang / Reuters)

Cambodia’s soldiers carry a body which rescue workers found at the site where a Cambodian military helicopter crashed on the outskirts of Phnom Penh on Monday. (Photo: Pring Samrang / Reuters)

PHNOM PENH — Two generals who led the helicopter unit of Cambodia’s air force were killed in a crash Monday, along with two pilots, police said. Defense Minister Tea Banh, who rushed to the crash site in a muddy pond south of the capital, said a fifth person on the chopper was seriously injured.

Gen. Um Phy, deputy chief of staff of Cambodia’s air force, confirmed the casualty count and said the aircraft was a Chinese-made Z-9 helicopter. Authorities had previously said five people were killed.

It was not immediately clear what caused the accident, which police said was a training mission for new pilots.

Two of the dead men were a major general and a brigadier general, Phnom Penh Deputy Police Chief Chuon Narin said. An incident report filed by police at the scene said the generals were the head and deputy head of the helicopter unit, and the other two men were pilots. Military officials confirmed the men’s ranks, but not their positions. The survivor was not identified.

The chopper went down about 10 kilometers (6 miles) south of Phnom Penh, sinking in a rain-filled excavated rice field surrounded by rural land and other fields. Defense Ministry Secretary of State Moeung Samphan said 300 military personnel were sent to take part in the recovery operation. By evening, all four bodies had been recovered, said Um Phy.

The main part of the helicopter’s fuselage, whose cabin could be seen badly mangled in photographs from the local DAP news agency as it was lifted by a winch, was also retrieved and taken to air force headquarters for inspection, he said.

Cambodia last year took delivery of 12 of the Z-9 helicopters, a licensed version of France’s Eurocopter AS365 Dauphin that can carry nine passengers in addition to a pilot. The aircraft were purchased with a $195 million loan made to Cambodia in 2011 by China, the closest ally of the small Southeast Asian nation.

The helicopters were meant to replace a small fleet of aging Soviet-made transport helicopters. The deal with China was made as Cambodia was engaged in intermittent border warfare with neighboring Thailand, but it was unclear if any were fitted as attack helicopters, which would be the first ever in Cambodia’s arsenal. Cambodia has a strong disadvantage in air power compared to larger neighbors Thailand and Vietnam.

Chhay Bunna, chief of police at Phnom Penh’s nearby international airport, said the flight was a training mission for new pilots. Tea Banh said the area where the crash took place has been used for training for several years without any previous accidents.

A witness said she saw helicopters flying the same route almost every day, but the doomed flight seemed to be flying lower than usual, almost hitting her house.

Ath Neang, 48, who lives about 15 meters (yards) from the pond, said that as one of the craft’s rotor blades hit the bank of the pond, one man jumped out into the water. At about the same time, she heard what sounded like an explosion from the aircraft, which then sank.

The post Copter Crash Kills 2 Cambodian Military Generals appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Obama Tells Xi He Wants ‘Constructive Management of Differences’

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 10:43 PM PDT

U.S. President Barack Obama (R) meets China's President Xi Jinping, on the sidelines of a nuclear security summit in The Hague, the Netherlands, on March 24 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

U.S. President Barack Obama (R) meets China’s President Xi Jinping, on the sidelines of a nuclear security summit in The Hague, the Netherlands, on March 24 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

WASHINGTON — U.S. President Barack Obama told Chinese President Xi Jinping on Monday he wants U.S.-Chinese relations defined by more cooperation and a constructive management of differences during a phone call in which Iran and North Korea were discussed.

Escalating tensions between China and some countries in the South China Sea and with Japan in the East China Sea, as well as U.S. charges over hacking and Internet spying, have provoked anger on both sides of the Pacific in recent months.

A White House statement about the Obama-Xi conversation did not get into the details of U.S.-Chinese tensions. It came after two days of talks in Beijing that were an opportunity for the world’s two biggest economies to lower tensions after months of bickering over a host of issues.

Obama and Xi have tried to develop a working relationship over the past year, meeting for two days in June 2013 at a retreat in the California desert and, more recently, chatting in March at The Hague on the fringes of an international summit.

However, their talks have done little to resolve festering issues in the Asia-Pacific region. The statement suggested the two leaders would seek to work together when they can despite their disagreements.

"The president reaffirmed his commitment to developing a relationship defined by increased practical cooperation and constructive management of differences," the White House said.

China’s official Xinhua news agency said Xi told Obama that the two countries should continue to meet each other half way and keep strengthening cooperation on key issues like climate change.

Obama told Xi he looked forward to seeing him at an Asia-Pacific summit in Beijing in November.

The White House statement said Obama stressed to Xi the need for communication and coordination on actions with China to ensure North Korea meets its denuclearization commitments.

China is North Korea’s only major ally.

Last week, North Korea launched short-range missiles that were in defiance of a U.N. ban that prohibits Pyongyang from using or procuring ballistic missile technology that could be used in its nuclear or intercontinental ballistic missile programs.

Xinhua said only that the two leaders "exchanged views" on the situation on the Korean peninsula.

The two leaders also reviewed efforts to persuade Iran to agree to a nuclear agreement by a July 20 deadline. The White House said the two leaders "discussed the need for continued U.S.-China cooperation" in the ongoing international negotiations between Iran and six world powers.

"The president underscored the need for Iran to take the steps necessary to assure the international community that its nuclear program is exclusively peaceful," the statement said.

China and Iran have close energy and trade ties, and Beijing has repeatedly resisted U.S.-led demands to impose tougher economic sanctions on Iran to curb its nuclear ambitions. Iran says it is enriching uranium for peaceful energy purposes only.

Xi said that China was willing to work with the United States to ensure a comprehensive, lasting solution, despite the difficulties that still needed to be overcome, Xinhua reported.

The post Obama Tells Xi He Wants 'Constructive Management of Differences' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Bullet Points

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 04:59 AM PDT

On today’s edition of Bullet Points:

Residents in Irrawaddy's Myaungmya town are calling on the government to investigate alleged rampant corruption at the local hospital.

Five reporters from weekly news journal the Bi- Noon Day Sun have been charged with causing public alarm and undermining state security.

Reporters in Prome staged a silent protest and refused to cover a visit by Burmese Vice President Nyan Tun on Tuesday.

A Burmese programmer has designed a solution to a government ban on the sounding of sirens to mark the moment of Aung San's death.

200 protest hospital corruption in Myaungmya

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 04:46 AM PDT

Some 200 residents in the Irrawaddy Division town of Myaungmya protested on Sunday, calling on government authorities to investigate the town's public hospital for alleged extortion and misappropriation of medical supplies.

Chanting slogans as they marched through town, the protestors claimed that doctors and staff at the hospital refuse to treat patients unless they pay gratuities or additional fees – a practice that has claimed lives from those who could not afford the costs.

"We are protesting extortion by doctors at the Myaungmya public hospital who refuse to see patients who cannot pay bribes," protest leader Sitt Aung said. "They only treat those who will pay extra – perhaps 80,000 kyat [about US$80] for an 'exclusive' operation and 40,000 kyat for an ordinary procedure."

"Patients have died from struggling to pay for their treatment," he added.

Other residents attested to seeing hospital staff yank tubes out of patients after realizing that they could not afford to pay or turning away people in need just because they looked poor.

Aye Mon Soe told DVB that she lost her child because the hospital staff would not provide adequate care after she told them she could not afford the 15,000 kyat fee – a mere $15.

"I told the doctors that my child could not handle an IV drip and that giving him glucose would make him worse, but they administered it anyway," Aye Mon Soe said. "He died after two drips."

She added: "The doctors and nurses here have no compassion, no heart at all."

Irrawaddy Division Finance Minister Win Ko Ko said at a town hall meeting on 9 July that an independent investigation team had been formed and divisional authorities were looking into the allegations of corruption among hospital staff.

Observers say the Myaungmya case is by no means an isolated incident; public hospitals in Burma are typically rife with corruption, with staff members frequently demanding "tea money" or "facilitation fees" before agreeing to provide basic health care.

Burma currently allocates 3.38 percent of the national budget to the health sector, an amount the UN has said is inadequate – especially when compared to developing countries in the region.

Ceasefire language must be ‘simple and coherent’, says Thein Sein

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 04:15 AM PDT

Burmese President Thein Sein has recommended that the final text of the nationwide ceasefire agreement between ethnic armed groups and the Burmese military employs simple and coherent language, according to mediators in the peace process.

During an informal meeting in Chiang Mai on Sunday between the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC) – which acts as mediators in the long-running peace process – the MPC delivered advice from Thein Sein, said Khun Okkar of the NCCT.

"The MPC offered us a piece of advice from the president and discussed the concepts within the ceasefire agreement. But some of these issues can only be negotiated when they become part of the official text," he said.

Khun Okkar added that the president had also urged that the ceasefire agreement be drafted in line with existing laws, as it will have to be signed in accordance with legal procedures.

So far, the government has proposed 13 suggestions for the ceasefire agreement, while the NCCT has proposed nine. Khun Okkar said that the two sides would need two or three more meetings before they can finalise the document.

Beside Khun Okkar, who belongs to the Pa-O National Liberation Organisation, Gen. Gun Maw of the Kachin Independence Organisation and David Thakabaw of the Karen National Union headed the ethnic bloc at Sunday's meeting, while the MPC was represented by Hla Maung Shwe, Nyo Ohn Myint, Min Zaw Oo and Maung Maung Than.

According to Nyo Ohn Myint, the MPC delegation also met on Sunday with representatives of the Shan State Army- South (SSA- S) – which is not part of the NCCT alliance.

"We met with the SSA-S to explain what the government has done so far, what the MPC can do in this regard, how we can overcome certain obstacles and how we can provide the relevant information for the ceasefire talks," said Nyo Ohn Myint.

Govt aims to muzzle press before 2015 elections, says Press Council

Posted: 15 Jul 2014 12:02 AM PDT

The recent jailing of five media workers from Unity Weekly and the subsequent threats of legal action against reporters by the Burmese government is hindering the free press in the lead-up to the upcoming 2015 national elections, representatives of the Interim Press Council said on Monday.

Zaw Thet Htwe, a member of the Interim Press Council, said the jailing of DVB video journalist Zaw Pe, the recent sentencing of the Unity Weekly news journal staff to ten years in prison with hard labour, the recent interrogation of Bi-Mon Te Nay Weekly news journal editors, and the probe into private news organisations' finances by the police's Special Branch are all a gradual silencing of the free press in the run-up to 2015 national elections.

"We feel an indirect threat to press freedom ahead of the 2015 elections and urge media workers to stay alert for the sake of the country," Zaw Thet Htwe said.

Pho Thaukkyar, a veteran journalist and committee member of the Myanmar Journalists Association, echoed Zaw Thet Htwe's assessment, adding that independent news coverage in the 2015 elections and this year's by-elections are likely to be muzzled by these recent examples.

"I see that it is unlikely there will be media freedom in the upcoming by-elections, tipped in December this year — let along the 2015 elections," said Pho Thaukkyar, adding that the Burmese press do not fully enjoy the rights provided by the 2008 Constitution.

Since the nominally civilian government of Thein Sein came into power in March 2011, the media has seen a series of reforms that purport to allow greater press freedom. Yet the recent sentencing of ten years with hard labour for five Unity Weekly media workers – for reporting on an alleged chemical weapons facility in Magwe Division – and the Special Branch's efforts to interrogate independent private media organisations on their finances have shown an apparent backslide in these reforms, say local and international press advocacy groups.

KIA requests two deserters be handed over by Burmese army

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 08:33 PM PDT

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has reportedly requested the Burmese government forces hand over two of their soldiers captured late last month.

Speaking to DVB last week, San Aung, a mediator at ongoing peace talks between the two sides, said the Kachins raised the issue during the bilateral Conflict Negotiation and Resolution Joint-Committee monthly meeting on 5 July.

He said the KIA, armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), requested the two men be turned over to them because they were wanted in connection with drug abuse and had deserted their posts when they fell into the Burmese army's hands.

The KIA's administrative officer Hpukjang Ze Lum and Lt. Brang Seng from the KIA's 6th Battalion based in jade-mining town Hpakant, were captured on 28 and 30 June respectively by Burmese government troops.

"The KIA representatives at the meeting said the two have a history of occasional drug abuse and were warned to lay off the habit by their superior officers amid the group's narcotics suppression programme," said San Aung.

"After receiving multiple warnings, they went into hiding for a time to evade arrest by their commanders but they ran into the Burmese army and got captured.

"The KIA is asking for the men to be handed over so they can take action against them in accordance with their own procedures."

The KIA's spokesperson La Nan denied knowledge of the cases, and said such issues are for the Conflict Negotiation and Resolution Joint-Committee to deal with.

According to the Kachin News Group (KNG), Brang Seng was allegedly tortured by Burmese soldiers after his capture and hospitalised in Myitkyina with a broken arm and a gunshot wound to this thigh.

The report did not allude to any allegations of drug abuse, however KNG cited a named KIA source, Lt-Col Naw Bu, saying that the Kachin delegation had requested the two men be handed over into their custody at the 5 July meeting in Myitkyina, the Kachin state capital.

The Conflict Negotiation and Resolution Joint-Committee consists of representatives from both the KIA and the Burmese military, and was formed in May this year as part of a bilateral agreement to kick-start peace talks.

National News

National News


Women set to shake up Yangon’s bus lines

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 06:47 PM PDT

A number of companies have begun hiring women for traditionally male-dominated roles in the transport industry.

New UN human rights rapporteur to touch down this week

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 12:47 PM PDT

The UN's newly appointed special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar will begin her first visit to the country later this week.

Monday, July 14, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Dozens of Reporters to Face Charges After Silent Protest

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 05:47 AM PDT

Journalists protest outside the Myanmar Peace Center on Saturday. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Journalists protest outside the Myanmar Peace Center on Saturday. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — About two dozen journalists who staged a silent demonstration in Burma's former capital will be charged with violating the Peaceful Assembly Act, as will dozens of other journalists who were not participating in the demonstration but attempted to report on it, according to the police.

The protesters were demonstrating on Saturday against the recent harsh imprisonment of their fellow reporters in the country. An officer from a police station in Rangoon's Kamayut Township, where the demonstration took place, confirmed on Monday that several dozen journalists would face charges because they did not receive permission from authorities to hold the demonstration.

"The chief of the station will charge them as a plaintiff. The number of journalists on the list is about 50," the officer told The Irrawaddy.

That number has raised eyebrows among journalists who did not participate in the demonstration but were present to report on it.

"Given the number of people on the list, it seems the police have included other journalists who did not join the protest. There were many reporters like me out there on that day to cover it," said a local journalist who declined to be named.

The police declined to comment on the decision to take legal action against journalists who did not participate in the demonstration, but said they were still reviewing their list before pressing charges.

The protest was unplanned. About two dozen journalists wearing T-shirts that read, "Stop Killing Press," decided to stage the demonstration after they were prevented from covering a meeting at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) between President Thein Sein and local celebrities.

The journalists, including several from The Irrawaddy, had worn the T-shirts into the meeting to show their opposition to the sentencing last week of four reporters and the chief executive of Unity journal to 10 years in prison with hard labor. Authorities required the journalists in T-shirts to leave the president's meeting because of their attire, so they gathered outside and waited silently. Some covered their mouths with black tape to suggest that freedom of expression has been curtailed.

The Unity journal reporters were convicted last week on Thursday in a lawsuit filed by the President's Office after they published an article about an alleged chemical weapons factory in Magwe Division. They were found guilty of violating the State Secrets Act, and their sentence was criticized as excessive by human rights activists and press watchdogs.

Burma's Interim Press Council has requested a meeting with Thein Sein to discuss the situation, according to council member Zaw Thet Htwe.

"If we don't have that chance, the council will call an urgent meeting to review the role of the council. If we can't do anything to protect press freedom and journalists' rights, the role of the press council is questionable," he told The Irrawaddy.

If the 50 or so journalists are convicted of violating the Peaceful Assembly Act, they will face a maximum of six months' imprisonment, according to Robert San Aung, a lawyer who would defend them in court.

He said he believed the government was attempting to intimidate the media.

"They didn't shout slogans. They held no placards. They just stood on the pavement like any other people. I see no point in taking action against them," he told The Irrawaddy.

Journalists who joined the silent demonstration said they had not received any notification from the police as of Monday afternoon.

"No call, no letter from the police so far," said Ei Mon Kyaw, an executive editor at Our Farmer weekly.

She said if the lawsuit proceeded, the case would make history in Burma because so many journalists have never before been charged in the same incident.

"If it happens, it would only make me believe more strongly in the importance of journalism," she said.

Irrawaddy reporters May Sitt Paing and Htet Naing Zaw contributed to this report.

The post Dozens of Reporters to Face Charges After Silent Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Helping Burma’s Women Entrepreneurs to Take Risks

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 05:37 AM PDT

Project-W's women entrepreneurs and program manager Josep M. Saura at a workshop in Rangoon. (Photo: Project Hub Yangon)

Project-W's women entrepreneurs and program manager Josep M. Saura at a workshop in Rangoon. (Photo: Project Hub Yangon)

RANGOON — A small group of Burmese women who want to start businesses of their own is being helped by Project-W, part of a so-called start-up incubator in Rangoon. Eleven women were chosen for their business ideas, which range from starting an online shop selling longyis, to a travel agency. The women are currently involved in the six-month project, in which they are being taught business skills and market knowledge, and being advised by local mentors.

The Irrawaddy's reporter Nyein Nyein talked to Allison Morris—the co-founder of Project Hub Yangon, which is running Project-W—about the program, its successes and its challenges.

Question: What is Project-W?

Answer: Project-W is a start-up incubator for women entrepreneurs, run by the Project Hub Yangon. After competitive selection, we provide resources and space for them for six months. Once a week they come in for a workshop. We have network of local business leaders that meet with our entrepreneurs once a month to also provide advice and guidance. We also provide exposure, try to promote their businesses on our Facebook and get media coverage. During the program, they cannot just come to the workshop and sit back and learn. They have to come to the workshop and actually start a business. By November, they should have either launched a business entirely or started to test their products in the market.

The way we work is everything that she does is at very little cost. All the resources we are providing her are free. The only cost right now is her time, starting the business. Our idea is that starting the business with as little money as possible, we don't go first and find office, rent office, or hire employee. You start very small; you try to get one customer, and you learn and get another customer and learn and you grow. We are really pushing them to start small and with very little capital.

We expect by the end of program, the woman will have customers for her business. We will introduce them to funders and investors with the ideas by them. They would have tested the products, analyzed the business model and practiced the business a bit. By the time they present to the funders, they will have a very strong presentation and very strong pitch. Hopefully some of them will get investment.

Q: Who benefits from Project-W?

A: Many of them are very new to the business sector. Some of them are currently employed in another sector. One woman is working with an INGO, she wants to now start a social business. Although she has a strong background as an employee, she does not have a business background yet. Basically, we are helping them to make a shift. We help them to reduce risk; many are very concerned about the risk of starting a business. We make sure they are comfortable with the potential risks.

Q: How are the new women entrepreneurs different from those in your program last year, which did not focus on women?

A: In this year's group, a lot of women are very tentative. They want to see their business model and their plan entirely, and say, "This looks good, I am going to make money and I will do it." That's fine, but they need to act a bit, not just planning. I see many differences between last year's and this year's groups. The main difference is risk. Women are very cautious; they don't want to start something if it is going to fail.

The men we worked with last year, they were a bit more ready to try something out. They worked here for all day. They had this mindset, that the entrepreneurs' skills are acceptable for them. In last year's program, we did not have a focus [on gender]. Men or women could apply. We had only three women who applied out of 45 applications. So mostly men and only one woman were [in last year's program] in the end, which went really well.

What we did not anticipate is the group became their own support network, became group of entrepreneurs that still meet and support each other with business advises. It happens naturally. But for the woman in last year's program, she was obviously friendly with everyone. But she was not as in the group as she cannot go out for beers with six guys. At the end of program, there is a great group supporting each other but the woman in last year's program did not really get that benefit.

I have been in Myanmar for two years working in the start-up scene. When I go to the events such as Bar Camp, Tech Incubator, they are all guys. We were thinking: 'Let's do a program that focuses on bringing out the women, supporting them to do business.' I know that there are many women with great ideas. Women here have a lot of opportunities, but I feel like it's much more difficult for women, younger women especially, to start a business because she does not have a network, it is harder to make network than a guy. When we invite women to come to our event, they usually will only come if they have friends to come. We wanted to create an environment where women feel supported to do business, comfortable to speak out and ask questions. We create little network of women entrepreneurs that will go on and support each other over the next few years.

Q: How are the women coping with the program? I understand one woman has a young child.

A: They are very sharp and motivated women, working very hard in their jobs. They kind of recognize they are capable to do something more, so they applied to our program. They are really hard working, usually doing a million things: got their jobs full-time, doing our program, which is quite demanding, sometimes at school, or teaching on the weekends. We have one woman with a child.

Q: What are the successes of your start-up incubator program? And the challenges?

A: We are running the project for almost two years, but providing space and the first incubator program started only last year. We are quite happy with the response from the entrepreneurs that our program is very tailored to their needs. Last year, two out of the five businesses that we launched got foreign investment, which I think really impressive. We hope that this year's women-led businesses also can also get funded. In term of challenges, it has been tough; growing our team, finding appropriate people who can teach entrepreneurs skills, and everything is expensive. Office rental and getting Internet are expensive. So, we have all the challenges as of everyone else starting the business.

Q: What are the two businesses that got foreign investment?

A: One is the Myanmar online search engine Bindez, which got some investment, and PR Company called Blink agency, which does social media management in Myanmar. The third agency is the distribution of top-up cards, but it joined with the PR company.

The post Helping Burma's Women Entrepreneurs to Take Risks appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Prison Sentences for Journalists ‘Very Excessive’: Suu Kyi

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 05:24 AM PDT

YEN SNAING / THE IRRAWADDY

Unity journalist Lu Maw Naing (R) and the paper's CEO Tint San on their way to Pakkoku Township Court. (Photo: Citizen Journalist)

RANGOON — Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has condemned the 10-year prison sentences handed down to four local journalists and their boss on Thursday, saying the punishments were disproportionate and that she doubted the government's commitment to media freedom.

Suu Kyi addressed a National League for Democracy (NLD) rally in Magwe Division's Pakkoku town on Saturday as part of her nationwide constitutional reform campaign, when she was asked by journalists in the crowd what she thought of the verdict.

"In a journalist's case, 10 years' imprisonment is very excessive in my opinion. This will have to be reviewed by the judiciary," the NLD chair said. "While there are claims of democratic reform [in Burma], this is questionable when the rights of journalists [to report] are being controlled."

"The case is said to be concerned with national security. It's not that I don't accept a concern over national security, but in a democratic system, security should be in balance with freedom," Suu Kyi said.

The rally was reportedly the largest constitutional reform rally held in Mandalay Division since Suu Kyi's campaign began in May and many tens of thousands of people joined the event.

The NLD chair told the crowd that her party wants a free and fair referendum on reforms to the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, while she also reaffirmed that her party opposes a change to the proportional representation voting system that is being considered by Parliament.

On Thursday, a Pakokku Township Court sentenced Unity journal's CEO, Tin Hsan, 52, and journalists Lu Maw Naing, 28, Sithu Soe, 22, The Yazar Oo, 28, and Aung Thura, 25, to 10 years' imprisonment with hard labor for trespassing and violating the colonial-era State Secrets Act.

The five had been held since Jan. 25 after their newspaper published a report and photos of a Burma Army facility in Pakokku Township, which the journalists alleged was a chemical weapons factory being constructed with the help of Chinese engineers.

The President's Office subsequently filed a lawsuit against the journalists and their CEO. Recently, Unity journal shut down because of financial problems.

The harsh sentences have drawn widespread condemnation, both locally and internationally, and campaigners have pointed out that they are contradictory to the recently passed Press Law, which rules out prison sentences for journalists found to have broken the law in their work.

Presidential spokesman Ye Htut defended the verdict in media interviews this weekend, telling 7 Days Daily News via email that "journalists should sympathize with national security issues that are important for a country."

Ye Htut went on to state that the imprisoned journalists had been charged with trespassing because they supposedly snuck into a restricted area around the Pakokku military facility—a charge that the reporters have denied in court.

The spokesman said he believed the US government would hand down a similar punishment to journalists in these supposed circumstances. "Try going into an American weapons factory [in this way] and see what happens," he added.

The US Embassy said on Friday, however, that it was concerned over the prison sentences and questioned the Burmese government's commitment to upholding certain freedoms. "10 years hard labor for journalists sends a deeply troubling message on [Burma's] commitment to freedom of press and expression," it said on Twitter.

On Saturday, two dozen journalists were barred from covering an event at the Myanmar Peace Center, in which President Thein Sein was supposed to meet with celebrities, because they wore t-shirts on which were printed the words "Stop Killing Press."

Local and international media and human rights groups issued statements of concern in recent days, labelling the prison terms as serious backsliding on media freedom in Burma. Since assuming office in 2011, Thein Sein's nominally civilian government introduced sweeping political reforms, including lifting draconian restrictions on the media.

PEN Myanmar called for a revision of the Unity case verdict and said the journalists had only "attempted to fulfill the public's right to know."

The case, the media group said, "not only interferes with the free flow of news, it also directly threaten the right to freedom of expression and freedom to news reporting. It's a strong reminder that such action can be taken in similar cases against journalists."

The Myanmar Press Council said the Unity journal case, along with the recent detention of three editors of Bi-Mon Tae Nay Journal on charges of defamation, represented a serious setback for Burma's media freedom.

"The Myanmar Press Council does not agree and rejects the investigating, arrest and imprisonment of editors and journalists from an official media group," it said, adding that the council was the first body under the Press Law that should be contacted to mediate in any dispute related to media reports.

The recent cases against journalists, the council said, "are threatening democratic transition of the government and the media's freedom of press."

Amnesty International said on Friday that the Unity Journal verdict was "a very dark day for freedom of expression" in Burma, adding that it "considers all five men to be prisoners of conscience and calls for their immediate and unconditional release."

The post Prison Sentences for Journalists 'Very Excessive': Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s Election Commission Approves Campaign Rules

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 05:14 AM PDT

Members of Burma's ruling Union Solitarily and Development Party hand out flyers during a campaign rally near a market outside Rangoon ahead of elections in 2010. (Photo: Reuters)

Members of Burma's ruling Union Solitarily and Development Party hand out flyers during a campaign rally near a market outside Rangoon ahead of elections in 2010. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) has approved rules that will govern campaigning for the 2015 elections, despite claims from opposition parties that the regulations will restrict their ability to get their message out to voters.

The UEC stated in a directive dated July 1 that it had settled upon the rules, which it said would ensure a free and fair election.

The rules were subject to a consultation with political parties, but measures seen as overly restrictive remain—notably a limited period during which campaigning is permitted and the obligation to seek permission before holding rallies.

Parties can start campaigning from 30 days before the election, and are not allowed to canvass on the day before the election, according to the rules, which the UEC has distributed to political parties.

In order to give a speech or hold a public rally, candidates must submit an application to the local constituency election commission office within 15 days of the candidates' names for that constituency being announced. For public speeches and rallies held at political parties' own offices, two days advance notice must be given.

Applications to hold rallies must include the place, date, time and duration of the event, and details of any speakers, information about the applicant and whether vehicles will be used in the rally, the rules state. The commission said it will always grant permission after scrutinizing the applications.

But opposition parties have said the rules will make it difficult to freely campaign.

"It is not a free election. We can't give speeches at the place where we want, we need to get permission. It was the same with previous elections," said Thu Wai, the chairman of Democratic Party (Myanmar).

Hla Maung Cho, director of the UEC, insisted that applications for permission were needed in order to avoid problems with campaign events being planned at the same places.

"The candidate, or a party member who is given the authority by the candidate, can submit the application. They must submit the application so that we can make sure not to overlap the venues where parties want to hold the rallies or give public speeches," Hla Maung Cho told The Irrawaddy, adding that the commission would negotiate to ensure competing parties' rallies do not overlap.

Banya Aung Moe from the All Mon Regions Democracy Party said the campaign rules were similar to the 2010 election, and complained that calls for a longer campaign period had been ignored.

"Thirty days is not enough time to campaign. It is too short to travel around and to educate voters," he said, explaining that in remote regions like Mon State in particular, a longer period was needed for parties to reach out to all voters.

Thaung Hlaing, another UEC director, said the commission had made significant concessions to the political parties during the consultation period.

"We acceded to almost all requests of parties about the election campaign rules. Internationally, they give two weeks, but we will give one month," Thaung Hlaing told The Irrawaddy.

The post Burma's Election Commission Approves Campaign Rules appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Mandalay Residents Fear Unrest but Grow Frustrated With Curfew

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 04:25 AM PDT

Two foreign tourists cycle down 26th (B) street on the afternoon of July 4. The normally busy street in central Mandalay was deserted because of inter-communal unrest that began on July 1. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Two foreign tourists cycle down 26th (B) street on the afternoon of July 4. The normally busy street in central Mandalay was deserted because of inter-communal unrest that began on July 1. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY— Residents in Burma's second-biggest city are worried about the possibility of a resurgence of violence following the controversial detainment of nine young Muslim men over the weekend.

The men were detained on suspicion of involvement in clashes between Muslims and Buddhists in Mandalay earlier this month. Dozens of people have been questioned by the police since the rioting first broke out on July 1, leaving two people dead, while hundreds have been detained at least briefly for violating a nighttime curfew that has since been imposed in the city.

On Saturday, the police apprehended the nine Muslim men in a predominately Muslim neighborhood of Chan Aye Thar San Township, after receiving a tip that they had been involved in the violence.

"Parents of the detainees rushed to the police station and asked the police to release their sons, because they believed their sons had done nothing wrong. A crowd formed and quarreled with the police," said a witness who lives in the neighborhood, asking not to be named for safety reasons. "We were frightened by the incident and worried that something terrible might break out again. Who knows what will happen next? I just hope that no more problems occur."

The divisional police announced on Monday that five of the men were sent home to their parents because they were not involved in the riots. The four others are still undergoing questioning.

"They are suspected of hurting people, being involved in the violence, and helping others to hurt people," an officer from the divisional police said.

He said 34 people had been detained since July 1 for questioning over their involvement in the riots that left at least 14 people injured. Of these, three people were detained last week on suspicions of murder, while 10 people are being questioned over alleged arson, six people over alleged assault, and 10 people for allegedly creating unrest. The others are suspected of having held illegal weapons or committing other crimes.

Meanwhile, about 720 people have been taken into custody for violating the curfew that was imposed on July 3. Residents are required to remain indoors from 9 pm until 5 am.

"Most of them were going back home late," said the police officer. "Some were released after questioning, while some were released on bail after promising not to go out intentionally. A few were found guilty and received one week in detention."

Mandalay residents say they continue to worry about the outbreak of more violence but are also eager for an end to the curfew, especially during Buddhist Lent.

Normally during the months of lent, streets in Mandalay come alive before dawn, as people prepare to make donations to Buddhist monks. Under the curfew, people say they cannot prepare for alms before the monks arrive at 5 am.

"Usually, we gather early in the morning to prepare offerings and alms for the monks, but now it is difficult because we can move around only after 5 am," said Naing Aung, a member of a volunteer youth group. "The timing is so tight for us and we are not ready when the monks arrive. It would be better if the curfew was reduced by one or two hours."

Businesspeople say the curfew has affected their work.

"Since the authorities said the situation has become stable, it would be better to reduce the curfew. We now have to close our shops early to rush back home, and we can't send our kids to the cinema because they start closing at 4 pm. We can't go out early if we want to travel to another city before dawn," said Maw Maw Win, a textile shop owner.

Muslims say the curfew has prevented them from attending prayer services during the fasting month of Ramadan.

"Since we do our devotion according to the time of sunset and sunrise, the curfew bars us from going to the mosque for prayer services that usually start at 8:30 in the evening and 4 in the morning. Now we have no choice but to pray at home," said a Muslim elder, requesting anonymity for safety reasons. "But at the mosque, the religious leaders and some laymen never fail to perform the prayer services on time."

He added, "We don't want to abolish the curfew because we are afraid violence might break out again. We feel the situation is not totally stable yet. It would be great if the timing of the curfew could be reduced by one hour on each end so as to be more convenient for everybody."

The post Mandalay Residents Fear Unrest but Grow Frustrated With Curfew appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Photo of the Week (14 July, 2014)

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 02:54 AM PDT

Thai Junta’s Pledge to Send Back Burmese Refugees Sparks Concern

Posted: 14 Jul 2014 01:13 AM PDT

A Karen refugee child waits patiently for Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to visit the Mae La refugee Camp north of Mae Sot, Thailand. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A Karen refugee child waits patiently for Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to visit the Mae La refugee Camp north of Mae Sot, Thailand. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

BANGKOK — Thailand's military government said on Monday it would send home 100,000 refugees who have been living in camps for two decades and more along the border with Burma, a move rights groups say would create chaos at a tense time for both nations.

Thailand's military overthrew the remnants of an elected government in May after months of sometimes violent street protests. Its National Council for Peace and Order has rolled out a raft of tough measures it says are needed to restore order and has promised a return to democracy next year.

Burma, also known as Myanmar, is emerging from nearly five decades of isolation under repressive military rule.

Its nominally civilian government has talked about repatriating the refugees, but non-governmental organizations say they are concerned by a lack of infrastructure to help returnees rebuild their lives.

"We are not at the stage where we will deport people because we must first verify the nationality of those in the camps," army deputy spokesman Veerachon Sukhontapatipak told Reuters.

"Once that is done we will find ways to send them back. There are around 100,000 people who have been living in the camps for many years without freedom. Thailand and Myanmar will help facilitate their smooth return."

Last month, comments made by a junta spokeswoman threatening to arrest and deport undocumented migrant workers sparked the departure of more than 200,000 Cambodians, a key component of the workforce in fishing, construction and other sectors.

Thailand scrambled to reverse that exodus by opening service centers to help migrant workers secure work permits. There are also an estimated 2 million Burmese migrant workers, the largest contingent of such laborers in the country.

But without any legal status or marketable skills, the refugees have long been seen as a burden by the Thai state.

An estimated 120,000 Burmese refugees live in 10 camps along the Thailand-Burmese border, according to The Border Consortium, which coordinates NGO activity in the camps.

Many fled persecution and ethnic wars as well as poverty and have lived in the camps with no legal means of making an income.

Military Pressing for Repatriation

An aid worker who has been helping the refugees said the Thai army appeared serious about its repatriation push.

"The authorities said this time they are going to be very strict. It seems like they're really pushing for repatriation," said the aid worker, who asked not to be identified because of the sensitive nature of the issue.

"The situation in the camps is very tense because people don't know what's going to happen."

The refugees fear economic and logistical difficulties in returning as well as sporadic fighting in parts of north and northeast Burma.

In his weekly televised speech last Friday, junta leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha said Burmaand Thailand would oversee a smooth return home of refugees.

"Thailand and Myanmar will facilitate the safe return to their homeland in accordance with human rights principles," he said.

But rights groups say a lack of transparency surrounds any plan to send refugees back.

"When Prayuth spoke on Friday he left out what the conditions for the return would be," Sunai Phasuk of Human Rights Watch told Reuters.

"The National Council for Peace and Order can only do this under the conditions expected by the international community."

Additional reporting by Reuters reporters Aukkarapon Niyomyat and Thin Lei Win.

The post Thai Junta's Pledge to Send Back Burmese Refugees Sparks Concern appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Off the Leash, But Still Muzzled

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 11:38 PM PDT

Hidden Worlds

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 06:00 PM PDT

Rev. Tang Mang of the Chin Association of Christian Communication leads a workshop session. (Photo: Lucas Stewart)

Rev. Tang Mang of the Chin Association of Christian Communication leads a workshop session. (Photo: Lucas Stewart)

HAKHA, Chin State — The road from Kalaymyo to Hakha is lined with grave markers. With little flat ground in the northern Chin Hills, cemeteries are exchanged for solitary memorials overlooking the knuckled mountain ranges. Some—usually those of the young—have photographs embedded into them; the elders are left faceless. All are etched with a name, an age, and a date of death. Yet in Chin State, as in the other six states of Myanmar, the lives of those who lived and passed away here are not recorded and remembered in the Myanmar language, but in an ethnic-minority language and literature.

I was in Chin State accompanying former political prisoner and writer Letyar Tun as part of "Hidden Words, Hidden Worlds," a project funded by the British Council that assists in the development of creative expression in ethnic-minority languages. Twenty people—pastors, farmers, journalists and business owners, from Hakha, Kalaymyo, Thantlang, Kanggaw and Matupi townships—had gathered in Hakha to spend five days learning how to write short stories.

Among them was Sara Simon Thang, a lecturer at the Zion Baptist College in Matupi Township. Short with a wide smile, he travelled more than two days on a motorbike over mountain tracks to get to the
workshop. He was one of the few participants who could speak English.

"Our youth cannot write their own words, only Myanmar," he said. "This is what they are taught in schools now."

"You mean Lai Hakha?" I asked, referring to the language that our workshop was focusing on.

"No," he answered, with a small shake of his head. "I am from Matupi. I can read and write Lai Hakha, but I mean they cannot write in Matu language."

Silenced for over 50 years by government policies forbidding the teaching of ethnic-minority languages and the publication or distribution of literature in those languages, these literatures are among the least accessible forms of creative expression in Myanmar. That they survive at all is largely thanks to the perseverance of monastic schools in Shan and Mon states and church-based committees in Kayin, Kachin, Kayah and Chin states, where the mother tongue is taught as part of instruction in the religious literature. Secular cultural groups, often unregistered, have also played a role. Some, such as the Kachin Culture and Literature Co-operation, run annual summer camps teaching junior- and middle-school students their own language and literature.

It is these groups that the British Council collaborates with to identify ethnic-language writers to co-lead with a respected Yangon writer the seven ethnic state workshops, such as our Chin writer, Rev. Tang Mang, the literature secretary of the Chin Association for Christian Communication.

Often these writers are at the frontline of efforts to preserve their oral-storytelling traditions, publishing—despite the lack of resources and, until recently, the threat of imprisonment—texts that record their proverbs, sayings and origin myths, such as Rev. Tang Mang's "Lai Tuanphung, Chin Folktales Vol. 1."

However, narratives that reflect contemporary conditions are almost unheard of. And yet, it is these narratives that allow for scope and depth to raise awareness of critical social and cultural issues relevant to communities ignored for so long.

So while the "Hidden Words, Hidden Worlds" workshops focus on the technical structure of a short story—narrator, plot movement and dialogue—the instructors also guide the participants on content, on exploring emotive connections to the landscape they live in and how to interweave these themes into a literary form.

In our Kayin workshop, led by San Lin Tun and Saw Chit Than, one of the stories we discussed centered on a young man who leaves his village to work illegally on a construction site in Thailand. Separated from his family, he descends into a spiral of alcohol and drug abuse, eventually contracting AIDS. Leaving Thailand to return to his village, he is exiled by his elders. It is only after the arrival of a doctor, who educates the villagers about AIDS and teaches them that the young man is no threat to them, that he is allowed to finally return home.

In the Kachin workshop, environmental concerns, the threat of Chinese influence in the local economy and, of course, the continuing war were dominant motifs. In Hakha, poverty, exiled Chin communities and sustainable farming practices were important points of discussion.

With workshops in Kayin, Mon, Kachin, northern Shan, Chin and Kayah states already completed, and only Rakhine State left to go, the next step will be to translate the stories into Myanmar, which the participants will do themselves, and publish them in Yangon as the first collection of short stories in ethnic-minority languages.

But there is still so much more that needs to be done.

Back in Hakha, as the participants were preparing for the end-of-workshop Live Literature Night, one of them, Rev. Lang Uk, a retired pastor also from Matupi Township, but from a smaller ethnic group named the Zo Tung, pulled an unbound folio of papers out of his bag. Already an author of four Zo Tung-language hymn books, the manuscript contained his unpublished collection of writing about Zo Tung customs, rights, rituals, proverbs, sayings and legendary myths.

"Our stories haven't been published yet," he said, handing me the papers. "This is the first time they have been written down. Can you help me to publish?"

I looked down at the 100 pages and I really didn't know what to say.

This story first appeared in the July 2014 edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Hidden Worlds appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Contested Election, Indonesia’s Democracy on the Line

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 10:34 PM PDT

An Indonesian woman holds her ballot as she walks to vote at Bojong Koneng polling station in Bogor July 9, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

An Indonesian woman holds her ballot as she walks to vote at Bojong Koneng polling station in Bogor July 9, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

JAKARTA — Indonesia's young democracy faces its biggest challenge since emerging from decades of autocratic rule 16 years ago after both candidates claimed victory in last week's presidential election.

It will be up to two key institutions, both with bruised reputations, to decide which of the two men who contested the July 9 poll has the right to move into the white-pillared presidential palace in central Jakarta and lead the world's third biggest democracy for the next five years.

The first will be the Elections Commission, hit by graft charges in the past, and which is now in the process of checking the vote count before it announces the final result by July 22.

The camps of the rival candidates—Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and former general Prabowo Subianto—have made none-too-subtle suggestions that the other might cheat in the time it takes to declare the official result.

Despite the tensions, there has been no violence, although that is a worry. Hundreds of people were killed in violence that swept the vast archipelago when ironman ruler Suharto was ousted in 1998 after over three decades in office and a shaky but functioning democracy put in his place.

No presidential election, and this is only the third through direct voting, has been so close, or so bitter, since Indonesia declared independence in 1945. But officials and poll observers say it is not easy to cheat, given the institutional safeguards that have been built in.

"At the [village] level, that is the place where you can exercise the most effective fraud. It's not easy because you have prominent pollsters saying what the result is," one international election observer said, noting that there are five levels of vote tabulation from the village to national level. He declined to be identified because he was not authorized to speak to the media.

Quick vote counts by private groups, which have proven very accurate in the past, put Jokowi ahead by around five points against Prabowo, although the former special forces general has rejected the tallies.

"What's clear is that seven credible pollsters have released their quick count results. That can be [used]…Even though it's not official," Jokowi told Reuters.

Prabowo's camp says those pollsters deliberately skewed the quick count in favor of Jokowi and that its own counts put Prabowo just ahead.

Based on the counts, which provide a sampling of the roughly 130 million votes cast, analysts estimated the losing side would need to fraudulently reverse 6.5 million or more votes to come out on top.

"You would have to mass manufacture votes at the village level which is hard because of the amount of scrutiny there is," the election observer said.

Votes are counted on election day in public and in daylight.

Elections Commission

Overseeing that process is the Elections Commission (KPU), which has had brushes with graft scandals in the past but which is now see as clean enough to come up with a valid result.

"The KPU is the best we've had," said Asia Foundation's Indonesia head, Sandra Hamid, adding that the openness of voting data made it very hard to fiddle with the result.

Transparency International Indonesia too doubted the KPU result would be subject to fraud.

"A lot of the mistakes of the Elections Commission has been related to capacity and administrative work that has been sloppy rather than by design wanting to subvert the system. I don't think anyone in the commission would want to do that." the group's chairwoman, Natalia Soebagjo, said.

Outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has told both candidates to keep their supporters off the streets.

Calm has been encouraged by placing about 250,000 police on alert across the archipelago and by the Islamic fasting month of Ramadan in a country that is home to the world's largest Muslim population.

Constitutional Court

Once the result is out, the losing side is likely to launch a challenge in the Constitutional Court which has final say over contested elections and is the other key institution that is in the spotlight.

But the court's reputation is in tatters after its last head was sentenced this month to life in jail for corruption which some analysts said was probably enough to ensure that this time it would go out of its way to look squeaky clean.

"If it wants to restore its credibility, it must ensure that once a dispute does arise it handles it properly and [judges] … forget their political affiliations because many of those in the court right now have past political affiliations," said Transparency's Soebagjo.

Asked if Prabowo might appeal to the Court, his brother told Reuters: "Yes, we're keeping that option open. Potentially this could go on…for several weeks anyway."

The court's new chief justice, Hamdan Zoelva, said it was ready for any challenges.

"I hope there will be no need to bring the election result to the Constitutional Court," he told Reuters. "If it is brought to us…the court will aim for a unanimous decision. But if that is impossible to reach, then they will have to settle with a majority ruling.

"We will, to our utmost, independently and professionally treat every party equally. We will carefully and thoroughly resolve the case. That is all we can do."

The candidates have 72 hours after the official result to lodge a complaint with the Court. A decision, which cannot be appealed, much be reached by a panel of nine judges within 14 days.

Zoelva's appointment has come under criticism over his past as a politician. The party he belonged to supports Prabowo. An earlier and popular head of the Court, Mahfud MD, is a prominent member of Prabowo's team.

But the lawyer who would represent the Jokowi camp in any election case in the Constitutional Court, called the MK, said he was confident its verdicts would be neutral.

"This is the time for the MK to prove to the people that they are a credible court. I don't think they will disappoint. [Former chief justice] Mahfud MD may have influence but the future of the nation, the accountability to the people, the due process of law is far more important than loyalty to the former chief justice," said Todung Mulya Lubis.

"The stakes are too high."

Additional reporting by Reuters reporters Dennys Kapa, Randy Fabi and Jonathan Thatcher.

The post In Contested Election, Indonesia's Democracy on the Line appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Four Bodies Found in India’s Volatile Northeast, Army Deployed

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 10:22 PM PDT

Assam

Security personnel patrol a deserted road during a curfew in Baksa district in the northeastern Indian state of Assam May 4, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

GUWAHATI, India — The bodies of four men have been recovered from a river in a remote part of northeastern India that saw sectarian violence in the run-up to the national election in May, police said on Sunday, raising fears of a fresh round of clashes.

Any new flare-up would be an early test of whether new Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist who swept to power in late May, can manage the tensions that sporadically erupt among India's diverse population of 1.2 billion people.

One body was found on Saturday in the Beki river, which flows through Assam state's Baksa district, and three were found on Sunday, a senior police official told Reuters.

Assam has a history of clashes between militants from the Bodo ethnic group and Muslims, whom the militants accuse of being illegal immigrants from nearby Bangladesh. Bodo people follow the local Bathouist religion.

Forty-one Muslims were killed by suspected Bodo militants two months ago in and around Baksa, during the five-week general election that brought Modi to power. The then prime minister, Manmohan Singh, condemned the violence but Modi did not comment upon it during his daily rallies.

The dead man found on Saturday was identified as one of four lemon traders who went missing on Friday on their way to a wholesale market, said L.R. Bishnoi, an inspector general of police responsible for Baksa.

The other three bodies were yet to be identified. All four had injuries but did not have bullet wounds, Bishnoi said.

The names of the four men who had been reported missing indicated that they were of Muslim heritage.

Police suspect that Bodo militants are behind this weekend's violence but no arrests have yet been made, Bishnoi said. The army has been deployed to Baksa and a curfew is in place.

Modi left India on Sunday for Brazil, where he will be attending a summit of the BRICS grouping of emerging economies on Tuesday and Wednesday.

The post Four Bodies Found in India's Volatile Northeast, Army Deployed appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Vietnam, a World Cup Loss Is a Whole Different Ball Game

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 10:13 PM PDT

Vietnam

Residents place money during an illegal gambling activity at a village outside Hanoi in February. Vietnamese are known to gamble on almost anything, but football is the nation's sport of choice. (Photo: Reuters)

HANOI — Sitting alone in the corner of bar in Vietnam's capital, Doan Minh Tuan buries his head in his hands as he watches the penalty shootout save that fires the Netherlands into soccer's World Cup semi-finals.

He wasn't mourning the shattered World Cup dream of entertaining underdogs Costa Rica. Tuan, 32, is a compulsive gambler, and his loss was about as big as they come.

"I sold everything in my home—television, motorbike, fridge—and now I've lost my house. I have nothing now. This is all I have left," he said, pointing to the 250,000 dong (US$12) on the table in front of him.

"I bet on all games since the World Cup started. Damn my life, I always lose. The bookmaker took my house this evening, my wife had to carry our daughter to her mother's home. I've nothing to lose now and I'll sleep on the street tonight."

Tuan's case is the tip of the iceberg in a country where gambling is rampant and strictly illegal.

Vietnamese are known for flutters on almost anything, from card games and lotteries to online poker and back-street cock fights. Legal gambling is confined to the state lottery and dog and horse racing in some regions.

But soccer is the nation's firm favorite, especially when the World Cup comes around.

Betting values range from a dollar among colleagues to tens of thousands for high-rollers, but losses can mean repossession of property or trading-in of smartphones, motorcycles, watches and jewelry in return for money to pay debts.

In the most extreme cases, some gamblers have taken their own lives, with media reporting as many as three suicides related to betting during this World Cup. That included a man in the central city of Hue, who drank a bottle of pesticide after Italy's 2-1 win over England on June 14.

There's no official estimate of the value of Vietnam's clandestine gambling scene, but the real figure is assumed to be huge. The size of the networks, often mafia-linked, is unknown.

Anticipating a surge in wagering in a country that already bets big on European leagues, police intensified their crackdown during the World Cup and have so far made busts of underground gangs that have handled a combined 6.5 trillion dong ($307 million) since the tournament started on June 12.

Losing Battle

But it's an uphill struggle to counter a practice entrenched in society and where bookmakers seem always ahead of the game. The Internet has proved difficult to police, with gangs taking bets surreptitiously at street level and gambling large sums online on legitimate websites hosted overseas.

"After a few raids by police over the years, dealers have changed their tactics. They've became more sophisticated," said an official with knowledge of the crackdown, who requested anonymity.

The problem goes beyond individuals and underground gambling has been blamed for a chronic match-fixing problem that has seen dozens of players arrested. One national team coach banned his squad from using cellphones during tournaments to stop them falling prey to bookies.

Soccer bosses have pushed to legalize sports betting to stifle match-fixing, cut crime and boost tax revenues, capping bets at 1 million dong (nearly $50), but after 14 years, they've got nowhere.

The issue is highly sensitive in Vietnam, whose communist rulers remain deeply conservative and consider it a social evil that fuels indiscipline and wrecks families.

One bright spot for Vietnam's gambling problem could be the sluggish economy and some businesses in Hanoi believe betting may have eased off, in line with weak retail and credit growth. Pawn shops and second-hand motorcycle dealers—the usual sources of quick cash to repay gambling debts—say they have been less busy during this World Cup.

For some, the only solution is lessons learned, like 25-year-old Dung from northern Haiphong province, who talked of a thriving, four-year "betting career" that went badly wrong when he had to sell his parents' house to pay gambling debts.

"The more I bet, the more I lost. I gambled all over the place," said Dung, who declined to reveal his full name. "I don't think I can ever earn back what I've lost. It's the bookies who always win."

The post In Vietnam, a World Cup Loss Is a Whole Different Ball Game appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Germany’s World Cup Party Gets Underway at Home

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 09:58 PM PDT

World Cup

Germany's players lift the World Cup trophy as they celebrate their 2014 World Cup final win against Argentina at the Maracana stadium in Rio de Janeiro July 13, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BERLIN — A quarter of a million German football fans reacted with unbridled joy, mixed with shock, on Sunday when Mario Goetze struck late in extra-time for Germany to win the World Cup with a 1-0 victory over Argentina.

The supporters, packed into the "fan mile" in front of the German capital's famous Brandenburg Gate, screamed as one when Goetze took the ball on his chest and let fly inside the far post from a narrow angle.

Fans cheered, clapped and shouted, with groups of fans hugging and jumping into the air together, making so much noise the commentary on the large screens could no longer be heard. Flares illuminated the stage and sent plumes of smoke into the sky.

"We're going to be world champions! We're going to be world champions!" yelled the compere of the public viewing event, even before the second period of extra-time was over in Brazil.

The party was already underway in Berlin, though there were a couple of nervous moments before the revelers could really let themselves go.

Cars drivers blasted their horns, whooped and yelled, before captain Philipp Lahm had even lifted the trophy at Rio de Janeiro's Maracana Stadium.

Once he did, a massive fireworks display took place around the Brandenburg Gate, where fans had begun gathering six hours before kick-off.

Not even the rain or ominous thunder rumbling overhead could put them off. Police closed a number of entrances to the fan mile at least four hours before kickoff due to the sheer volume of fans attending. With three hours to go, police said it was full.

Other public viewing venues also filled up, despite forecasts of heavy rain across the country. Showers and summer storms were due to move in from the southwest.

Some 50,000 fans attended the Fan-Arena at St. Pauli's stadium in Hamburg, while supporters brought their sofas to watch the World Cup games at Union Berlin's Alte Foersterei stadium.

News agency dpa reported that a man was stabbed and later died from his injuries at a public viewing event in a cinema in the northern city of Bremen.

Standing amid thousands of discarded plastic beer cups, the fans at the Brandenburg Gate cheered loudly before kickoff came when the clouds gave way and the sun briefly broke through.

The long wait took its toll on some overindulgent supporters, however, keeping the Red Cross busy throughout the match.

There was a solitary scream, followed by stunned silence, when Gonzalo Higuain thought he'd scored for Argentina in the first half, only for wild cheering to erupt when the effort was disallowed for offside.

The fans applauded record World Cup goalscorer Miroslav Klose when he went off after possibly his last game for Germany, but otherwise there were few opportunities for fans to let loose until Goetze finally broke the deadlock.

"They made it exciting," Leon Tober of Fuerstenwalde, east of Berlin, told The Associated Press. "It was a long wait, especially after twice coming third (in previous World Cups). It's great for the young generation. They're a super troupe of players. They can go on now and win even more."

It was Germany's fourth World Cup, but its first as a unified country.

West Germany's triumph in 1990 came several months after the fall of the Berlin Wall, which passed in front of the Brandenburg Gate where more celebrations will be held Tuesday when coach Joachim Loew's team is scheduled to display the World Cup trophy to fans.

Not everyone had been supporting Germany. A Berlin taxi-driver with an Argentina flag flying from his window riled fans on Kastanienallee Street in Prenzlauer Berg by beeping at them as he passed.

"I've been cursed at and spat upon," said Cihan Goz, laughing as he relayed the story. He said he was a fan of Maradona, revered among Argentines as the world's best ever player. Coz was still picking up passengers despite the flag.

German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, who watched the game in Berlin with Argentina's ambassador in Germany, said: "We dreamed of becoming world champions and that dream came true."

The post Germany's World Cup Party Gets Underway at Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Power-Sharing Alternative for Burma’s Political Elites

Posted: 13 Jul 2014 05:00 PM PDT

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, meets with President Thein Sein at the presidential palace in Naypyidaw on August 19, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, left, meets with President Thein Sein at the presidential palace in Naypyidaw on August 19, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

In 1974, there were only 35 democracies in the world, among them the United States, Canada, western and northern European countries, India, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. That was less than 30 percent of the world's countries. A lot has changed since that time. By 2013, the number of democracies had expanded to about 120 countries, or more than 60 percent of the total.

But if we look at what has happened more recently, we will find a pretty discouraging picture. In many non-free countries, we have witnessed numerous, sometimes quite exciting popular uprisings—such as the Orange and Maidan revolutions in Ukraine and the Tahrir Square revolution in Egypt. In different continents and cultures, people have risen up against corrupt governments and have shown strong aspirations for freedom, their rights, and life with dignity. However, these mass uprisings have yielded a "modest harvest" (in reference to a paper written by political scientists Jason Brownlee, Tarek Masoud and Andrew Reynolds).

In the last 10 to 15 years, transitions to democracy have more often failed than succeeded. There are several factors that have undermined democratization efforts. In some countries, stubborn regimes were ready to use extreme repression while enjoying the loyalty of the army (think Iran, Syria, Bahrain, Belarus and Venezuela). Many countries were deeply divided along identity lines, so after the removal of the previous authoritarian, repressive regime, they slipped into fragmentation, destabilization, civil war and state failure (Iraq, Afghanistan, Georgia, Ukraine, Libya and Syria). As we have long known, oil and natural resources are more often than not a curse, rather than a blessing.

In many countries where democratization failed, we find disunited, fragmented opposition (Libya, Syria, Ukraine and Egypt). In a bad neighborhood, active external spoilers can be pretty detrimental. Just look at the extent to which Vladimir Putin' s Russia played an active role in undermining democratization efforts in Georgia, Ukraine and Belarus, or the role of Saudi Arabia in Bahrain and Egypt, or the Iranian and Russian role in Syria.

We also know that it is harder to consolidate democracy in poor countries, and in countries lacking historic experience with political pluralism.

If we now compare these negative spoilers of successful democratization with the situation in Burma, we see that Burma has all the spoilers and obstacles. Burma is a poor, undeveloped country that lacks historic experience with political pluralism. Its military has internal command cohesion and is most likely still ready to use harsh measures to protect its own interests. Burma is a deeply divided society, abundant with natural resources and with more non-democratic neighbors than democratic neighbors. So without wishing to be doom prophets, we can conclude that Burma's transition will be rocky.

Elections in 2015 will create a high-risk situation. High stakes, high emotions and heated competition can easily lead to violence. In Burma, many factors are already instigating mistrust, hate, tensions and violence today.

One more insight is important. Whoever wins the 2015 elections will have a very hard task. He or she will be squeezed between many inherited and deep problems, with huge pressure from the public for quick changes and improvements in welfare. Many problems are not easy to fix, even if the best government in the world were to come to power. After decades of predatory military rule, any elected government will need to run a largely dysfunctional state that is incapable of collecting taxes or controlling natural resources revenues, has a low level of capital in domestic banks, poor roads and railways, a chronic lack of electricity, and broken education and health care systems. None of these problems can be solved in a short time, but people will not be patient, so any government will be under huge popular pressure. If that government is additionally engaged in constant competition with political opponents, it will not be able to focus on problem solving.

For these reasons, the best scenario for Burma will be "cooperative competition" between key political players and a pre-election deal about a power-sharing government for after the election. A power-sharing government focused on national reconciliation and unity would include the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), the military and key ethnic parties—depending on the results of the free and fair election. According to a power-sharing deal, the winner of the parliamentary election could nominate the president and 50 percent of ministries, including the Home Affairs Ministry. The second best in the election (the de facto "loser") could, according to the power-sharing deal, take the post of Lower House speaker and 25 percent of the ministries. Ethnic parties that were successful in the election could nominate one vice-president, the Upper House speaker and 25 percent of ministries, including the Border Affairs Ministry. The military could keep 25 percent of the reserved seats in Parliament and the post of the defense minister.

With such an arrangement, there would still be much room for competition in the 2015 election, but all key players would be included in the future government. The government would be legitimate, popular, inclusive and with a strong mandate to focus on problem solving—and on deepening reforms, kicking off economic growth and undertaking major developmental reconstruction in the country. On the other side, Parliament would be legitimate, representative and inclusive enough to start serious discussions and consultations about amending or re-writing the Constitution. It is also important that Parliament has enough time and is not pressured by the impending election to discuss constitutional changes.

Unfortunately, things are not developing in that direction because the military, the USDP and President Thein Sein's government are, according to events in the last six months, not ready for genuine negotiations and a deal. It seems that they believe in the possibility of electoral victory that would keep post-military junta elites in position of dominance. It seems the strategic goal is to keep the executive power for five more years so that post-junta elites can finish the job of concentrating even more economic power in their hands, and keeping the army in the role of supervisor and arbiter (as in Pakistan and Thailand).

It seems more and more obvious that the post-military pseudo-civilian "reformist" regime does not want to bring democracy, but rather a hybrid, semi-authoritarian regime (like in Cambodia). Behind the friendly face of the reformist government, we have the Iron Triangle (from a political theory known as the "iron law of oligarchy") of military, economic elites and an ultra-religious movement. The Iron Triangle can easily capture and control all changes so that the underlying interests of keeping privilege and dominance are not endangered by opening, liberalization and elections. The strategic intention of the Iron Triangle is not democracy, but a stable, pro-business hybrid, semi-authoritarian regime ("disciplined democracy"). This choice is putting the country on a highly risky path.

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD party are activating their own support base and mass politics. On the other side, the government and military are allowing (and probably also instigating, through intelligence services networks) the development of an ultra-nationalist and ultra-religious movement. Mass politics has been activated on both sides, and now two bulls are running straight at each other. They are not running at full speed and full strength, but that might happen if there is no compromise between competing political elites. If the two bulls crash into each other in 2015, in an election year when stakes are high, this country can go to hell.

I hope that will not happen. As somebody who has personally experienced democratization going wrong in many places, starting with my own former Yugoslavia and Bosnia, I hope Burma's political leaders on all sides will understand the risks and dangers of further escalation of political confrontation. I hope they will return to the elites' negotiations and reconnect in some sort of minimum consensus before we enter the highly emotional and inevitably highly competitive year of 2015.

A zero-sum attitude—"I win, you lose"—can easily create in Burma a "lose-lose" situation for everybody. Just ask ex-Yugoslavs, Syrians or Egyptians. Compromise seeking and a power-sharing deal before the election can lead all players, and the country as a whole, into a win-win situation. Ask the Poles, the South Africans and the Tunisians.

Igor Blazevic is the head teacher at the Rangoon-based Educational Initiatives, a training program for Burmese activists.

The post A Power-Sharing Alternative for Burma's Political Elites appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.