Saturday, August 16, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


In Burma, Risky Drugstore Sales a Regular Part of Life

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 06:00 PM PDT

A drugstore employee prepares medicine for a customer in Rangoon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

A drugstore employee prepares medicine for a customer in Rangoon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — When 26-year-old Aye Aye Khin came down with a cold earlier this year, she did not go to see a doctor. Instead, she decided to seek the help of a salesman at a nearby drugstore.

As a receptionist at a hotel working eight-hour shifts every day, Aye Aye Khin did not have time to wait in the long line of patients at a clinic in her township. Nor was she able to spend the doctor fees, about 5,000 kyats (US$5), when she only makes a meager monthly income. For less than one-tenth that amount, she knew would be able to pay the salesman at the pharmacy to prepare some medication for her.

Bypassing the doctor's office is a normal part of life for many people in cities of Burma. But this time, Aye Aye Khin was surprised by the terrifying reaction she had after taking the medicine she had been given.

"A while after, my throat started to tighten up and I couldn't breathe properly. I was wheezing. My skin also began to itch and rashes appeared all over my body. I was so scared," she said, recounting the events from one year ago, and adding that she later learned that the medicine included penicillin, which she is allergic to.

Allergic reactions are only one possible danger of buying prescription-only medication without a proper prescription. Dr. Yin Yin May, a primary care physician for more than 30 years, says she has seen patients experience gastrointestinal bleeding and other drug reactions after buying medicine at drugstores. "In emergency cases like that, I have to send the patients straight to the hospital," she said.

According to Burma's National Drug Law of 1992, it is illegal to sell prescription-only medicines to someone without a doctor's prescription. Violators can be fined and imprisoned for up to one year.

Still, whether due to the low prices or the easy accessibility of their medicines, drugstores continue to attract a large patronage.

"You can spend less time and money going to buy medicine at a nearby shop. You have to make appointments and pay a lot more money to go see a doctor," said a schoolteacher who lives in Hledan Township.

Prescription-only medication can be effective, but it needs to be taken at proper doses to avoid negative side effects. However, some salespeople at drugstores seem to be unaware of the dangers of using these medications without a doctor's prescription.

"When a person comes asking me to prepare a medication for an illness, such as headache, fever or stomachache, my goal is to help get rid of the symptoms as fast as possible," said Myo Aung, a sales assistant at a small drugstore in Sanchaung, one of the most populated residential areas in Rangoon.

"A lot of people come to my shop for help when they have some minor illnesses because I can prepare medications that relieve their pain fast," added Myo Aung, who has been working at the shop since he finished high school.

He has not had any medical education, but he does not believe it is necessary for his job. Some people come to buy medicine with a doctor's prescription, and he takes note of what the doctors prescribe, so when a patient with a similar illness arrives without a prescription, he can try to replicate the correct medication.

Regardless of socioeconomic status, many Burmese opt for this shortcut in treatment. "No matter what the educational level or financial status of the people, a lot of them are still relying on these shops preparing medications for them," said Dr. Yin Yin May.

"The main problem, I think, is the public's weak health knowledge. People should know that every medicine has side effects to some degree. Just seeing an improvement within a day or two doesn't mean an illness has been cured completely," she said.

To address this matter while promoting public health knowledge, the existing law should be reinforced, according to a director of the country's Department of Food and Drug Administration.

"The proposal to systematically implement the rules and regulations of the Ministry of Health was submitted to Parliament last year. After the proposal is approved by Parliament, then we will handle this matter step by step," said the director.

"We cannot take any drastic measures against this matter because we also have to consider the challenges facing the people involved," she added.

It may take time to tackle the problem in a way that benefits both the buyers and sellers of these medicines. For now, it seems that many customers are here to stay.

"I am feeling dizzy today so I've come to this drugstore to get some medicine. I have to go to work tomorrow so I want to get rid of the dizziness quickly. I think my accident last time was a coincidence. Most of the time, the medicine from this drugstore works for me. So I've come to this shop to get medicine again now," said Aye Aye Khin, smiling as she walked out of the drugstore and onto the crowded street.

The post In Burma, Risky Drugstore Sales a Regular Part of Life appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

MSF Urges Burma to Allow It to Resume Work as Health Crisis Worsens

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT

A patient with drug-resistant TB is being examined by a MSF doctor at a clinic in Lashio, Shan State, earlier this year. (Photo: Eddy McCall / MSF)

A patient with drug-resistant TB is being examined by a MSF doctor at a clinic in Lashio, Shan State, earlier this year. (Photo: Eddy McCall / MSF)

RANGOON — An international medical group has urged the Burmese government to follow through on a commitment to let it resume work in one of the poorest parts of the country, warning that healthcare there has seriously deteriorated since it was expelled.

The government ordered the group Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) out of the western state of Arakan in February after the group said it had treated people it believed were victims of sectarian violence.

The government denied that an attack had taken place and it has also accused MSF of being biased in favor of members of the minority Muslim community.

The withdrawal of the agency, which had operated in the area for more than 20 years, left some half-a-million Rohingya Muslims without access to reliable medical care.

"What has become clearer since the expulsion is that the situation has gotten more grievous by the day," said Reshma Adatia, operational adviser to MSF-Holland on Burma.

The government announced on July 23 that MSF would be allowed to return to Arakan State. However, MSF says it has had no official word from the government since the announcement was made.

Adatia said the decision to allow MSF to resume work "has not been translated into how and when we can return to the Rakhine [Arakan] State and conduct our medical activities."

Arakan State has a long history of discrimination against the Muslim Rohingya community. Aid groups have drawn the ire of some Arakanese Buddhists who accuse them of favoring the Rohingya, a group that makes up the vast majority of victims of recent outbreaks of sectarian violence.

Humanitarian groups reject accusations of bias towards Muslims and many workers say they have been threatened and intimidated.

A spokesman for Arakan State, Win Myaing, denied any knowledge of a decision to let MSF resume work there.

Than Tun, a Buddhist leader and a member of an Emergency Coordination Committee set up in March to monitor the work of international aid groups, said the decision was not supported by the people of Arakan State.

Some aid workers say the announcement that MSF would be allowed to resume its work had more to do with politics than resolving the humanitarian crisis.

The announcement came as Yanghee Lee, the new UN human rights envoy to Burma, visited the country, including the Arakan area. US Secretary of State John Kerry attended a regional conference in the capital, Naypyidaw, on Aug. 9-10.

The Burmese government is in a tight spot. Concessions towards the Rohingyas could prove unpopular among the general public, but perceived ill-treatment risks angering Western countries that have eased sanctions in response to human rights reforms.

On July 26, Zaw Htay, head of the president's office, posted a photo on his social media feeds showing a previous protest against MSF, and warned that people in Arakan State were organizing to strike against the regional government for inviting MSF to return.

The post MSF Urges Burma to Allow It to Resume Work as Health Crisis Worsens appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 16, 2014)

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:01 PM PDT

Neighbors Thailand and Bangladesh Face Crises as Burma Bids to Grow

Two of Burma's immediate neighbors, Thailand and Bangladesh, face potential crises which could seriously damage their economies, studies said.

Bangladesh faces continuing political instability and labor rights problems which are "having a deleterious impact on the country's economy, including the vital garment export sector," said the business risk analysts Maplecroft.

"Both of these hold important implications for investors in one of the world's most populous and least developed nations," the report said, noting that the ruling Awami League government has "few meaningful checks and balances on its power."

Meanwhile, Thailand's business and agricultural heartlands are at growing risk from the effects of climate change, the British analysts said in a separate assessment.

Many low-lying coastal areas including the capital Bangkok "are particularly vulnerable to climate change, with sea level rise posing threats to the densely populated coastal communities," said Maplecroft.

"While facing an overall decrease in annual rainfall, Thailand is likely to experience shorter, more intense rainfall events due to climate change, increasing the severity of flooding in the future.

"The impacts of climate change on Thailand include decreased fishery and agricultural yields, and more frequent flood events, and will ultimately adversely affect economic growth prospects."

Although Burma has a long border with Thailand, the Maplecroft report gave no indication of possible climate change knock-on effects.
Executive Jets Get Red Carpet Service at Rangoon Airport

An executive business jet service has begun operating in and out of Rangoon International Airport. The service has been established by Bangkok-based entrepreneur William Heinecke working with several Burmese firms.

The basis of the Myanmar MJets Business Aviation Center is Heinecke's MJets operation in Thailand, which has teamed up with Burma's Wah Wah Group, founded by Ohn Myint, and Myanma Airways.

Next to Rangoon's domestic passenger terminal, the center includes an executive lounge, business meeting facilities and separate customs and immigration clearance.

"There is a growing market for flying in investors and company CEOs on private jet charters mainly from Singapore and Bangkok," Ohn Myint was quoted by travel industry paper TTR Weekly saying.

About 300 private jet flights will visit Burma this year, the paper said.

"About 10% of the traffic at the centre will be for air ambulances, mostly patients from Myanmar seeking medical treatment in neighbouring countries like Thailand and Singapore," Ohn Myint said.
China's Trans-Burma Oil Pipeline Still Dry Due to Unexplained Delays

China's new oil pipeline running 900 kilometers through Burma from the coast at Kyaukphyu to the Chinese border is still not close to beginning operations, although its construction was supposed be almost completed months ago.

The opening of the pipeline has been delayed for several reasons, a report by the Myanmar Times said, quoting an unnamed official from the Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE).

The US$1 billion pipeline, designed to pump crude oil from the Middle East, is being built by the state-owned China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).

"It will take some time to start operation of the pipeline said a company official who requested anonymity due to the subject's sensitivity," the Myanmar Times reported.

At full operation it has a capacity of 440,000 barrels of crude oil per day, transshipped from tankers at a specially built terminal at Kyaukphyu.

Under the terms of the joint agreement between CNPC and MOGE Burma is mean to receive several million tons of oil per year.

A gas pipeline built by CNPC running alongside the oil line is operating at less than 20 percent of its capacity.
Final Contracts Signed for Onshore Oil and Gas Exploration

A number of foreign companies, including little-known firms, have signed final agreements on 15 onshore blocks with the Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise to explore for oil and gas in onshore areas across the country.

They include Bashneft International from Russia, Sun Apex Holding, registered in the British Virgin Islands, and Petroleum Exploration, based in Singapore, the Myanmar Times said.

Local firms named as partners in the contract awards include Apex Geo Services, Machinery and Solutions Company, Parami Energy Development and Precious Stone Mining.

Contracts for blocks won by Eni of Italy and MPRL E&P, owned by Burmese entrepreneur Moe Myint, have already been signed. India's ONGC Videsh Limited, Brunei National Petroleum, Canada's Pacific Hunt Energy Corp and Petronas of Malaysia have also agreed terms with the government, said the Myanmar Times.
Small Business Matching Scheme Launched with Japan and Germany

Japan and Germany are cooperating in a business matching scheme to try to help small and medium sized firms starting up in Burma to find potential partners, a report said.

A list of more than 100 Burmese firms is being distributed via Japan's Daiwa Institute and the German Embassy and the Ministry of Industry, said Eleven Media.

The current project is only a pilot scheme however. Burma has thousands of small-to-medium firms which "face difficulties such as a lack of infrastructure, finance and technology," Eleven Media said, quoting the ministry.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 16, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma


Arakan High Court rejects appeal in Taunggup lynching case

Posted: 16 Aug 2014 12:08 AM PDT

The High Court of Arakan State on Friday rejected an appeal by lawyers of seven men accused of murdering 10 Muslim pilgrims in 2012. The trial will now go ahead as scheduled at Sandoway [Thandwe] District Court.

Charged in May with the murder – which involved a Buddhist mob grabbing a group of Muslims from a bus in Taunggup and beating them to death – the seven suspects had appealed against the charges to the regional high court.

The appeal was dismissed on 12 August, according to Aye Nu Sein, a lawyer for the accused.

“The High Court confirmed the original charges and dismissed our appeal," she said. "If we do not now appeal to a higher court, the trial will go ahead as scheduled at district level."

She confirmed that the only higher authority in the land was the Supreme Court in Naypyidaw, but elaborated no further on whether such an appeal would be launched.

Aye Nu Sein said it appears strange that her clients were not residents of Taunggup Township in southern Arakan State, but were from other places.

“The accused are not Taunggup locals," she said. "They are all from northern Arakanese towns such as Rathedaung and Mrauk-U. Only one is local. The six who I represent are not. I think this is strange."

The 2012 lynching of the 10 pilgrims in Taunggup was a catalytic incident in the wave of mob violence between Buddhists and Muslims that has plagued the western region ever since.

Burmese govt agrees, in principle, to a federal union

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 11:30 PM PDT

Burma's central government agrees to the principle of establishing a federal union in the country, according to officials emerging from negotiations between a government delegation and ethnic leaders in Rangoon on Friday.

Speaking at a post-summit press conference, Hla Maung Shwe of the Myanmar Peace Center, which is hosting the two-day peace talks, said, "The proposal raised by the ethnic side was to establish a union based on federalism. The UPWC [government's Union Peacemaking Working Committee] agreed in principle to implement the idea – a state based on federalism."

He said that the government advocated that such a federal union would be based on whatever agreements were made during the period of political dialogue, which is due to begin within 90 days of a nationwide ceasefire being signed.

"The ethnic leaders accepted this proposal. So it is agreed," he said. "This is the main issue, so I hope most of the other points fall into place."

Representing the ethnic alliance Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), Vice-chairman Nai Hongsa said the UPWC had accepted the principle of establishing a federal union based on democracy, ethnic equality and self-determination.

"The government delegation agreed with our proposal that we should establish a federal union in Burma based on ethnic equality, democracy and self-determination, a matter the ethnic side believes is most important," he said. "However, we have not yet reached a stage of agreement on every issue. We have just started discussions and have covered only sections one and two [of the proposed draft for a ceasefire]."

In his opening speech at the conference on Friday, UPWC Vice-chairman Aung Min said he hopes the two-day meeting will produce "positive results".

Ahead of the summit, Nai Hongsa said the ethnic delegation wished to focus on policy issues rather than the wording of the proposal.

"Democracy, ethnic equality and self-determination, these are the important priorities on the agenda," he said. "The formation of a federal army within a federal state is also a necessity for the sustainability of the Union."

Negotiations were continuing on Saturday.

This round of talks marks the fifth meeting between the NCCT and UPWC since May. Several observers said they view this conference as pivotal in the quest for a nationwide ceasefire.

Many of the ethnic representatives at the negotiations represent armed groups that have been involved in a civil conflict against Burmese government forces since the late 1940s.

BURMA BUSINESS WEEKLY – 16 AUGUST 2014

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 08:52 PM PDT

 

Ups and downs

The buying rate for Burmese kyat on Friday is 971 to the US dollar, while selling at 972. The price of gold went up from 667,200 kyat per tical this week to 676, 500 kyat. Fuel remained the same as last week: petrol 820 kyat; diesel 950 kyat; and octane 950 kyat per litre. High-quality Pawsanhmwe rice remains at 1,300-1,700 kyat per basket, while low-quality Manawthukha is still set at 900 kyat per basket at most Rangoon markets.

 

Thailand's PTTEP to explore gas in Burma

PTT Exploration and Production Plc (PTTEP), Thailand's sole listed upstream firm, and its investment partners have signed a production-sharing agreement with Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) for onshore exploration and production rights for the MOGE 3 block. Four exploration wells are planned for MOGE 3 at an initial cost of US$72 million for the first three years, president and chief executive Tevin Vongvanich said in a filing submitted to the Stock Exchange of Thailand this week. PTTEP and its partners won exploration rights in the second round of onshore bidding last year.

READ MORE: http://www.dvb.no/news/thailands-pttep-to-explore-gas-in-burma/43125

 

Burma express

Five international express courier services – Magnate Group Logistics, Smart Logistics, Transmarine Logistics Asia, United Courier Services and Myanmar USU Logistics – have each signed agreements to launch operations in Burma. The former three companies were set to begin operations on 8 August while the latter two will start on 1 January. Industry leader EMS is already established in the country, however rival Fedex is not. Previously, customers in Burma had to rely on a government service which was often criticised as expensive and inefficient.

 

Rangoon to host oil and gas fair in October

An oil and gas trade fair will be held at the Myanmar Convention Centre on 15 – 17 October, Nasdaq announced on its news site on Monday. The inaugural event – Oil & Gas Myanmar 2014 – is expected to showcase more than 60 international exhibitors, including strong representation at the Singapore and UK pavilions, the report said. Foreign players such as ConocoPhillips, Royal Dutch Shell and Total all won offshore exploration contracts in March.

 

Russians signs onshore oil contract with Burma

Russia's Bashneft International has signed a production-sharing contract with Myanma Oil & Gas Co and Sun Apex Holdings for inland oil block EP-4 in Pegu Division, according to Burmese state media on Tuesday, reporting that the Russian firm paid a US$4 million signature bonus and that it must conduct environmental and social impact assessments before drilling. Russian state media confirmed the deal, saying Bashneft had signed a three-year contract to investigate the seismicity and drilling of two survey wells.

 

Air Bagan to offer shares to staff

Air Bagan has announced a plan to distribute 40 percent of its more than 30 million shares to staff members for free as it bids to be listed as a public company. The Burmese airline said it had signed all necessary paperwork at the Office of the Registrar of Deeds and Assurances on 16 July. The airline, founded in 2004 by business tycoon Tay Za, is on the US sanctions list.

 

Power to the people 

Speaking at a meeting between government officials and World Bank representatives, Burma's Minister of Electric Power Khin Maung Soe said the government has drafted a plan to bring electricity to the entire country by the year 2030. The minister said the plan was drafted with assistance from the Japan International Cooperation Agency, which has already contributed some 5 billion yen (US$50 million) to provide electrical power to 160 villages around the country.

 

Burmese post and telecoms must improve to compete with foreign firms, says official

Customers in Burma say that state-run Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications' (MPT) service is unsatisfactory and needs to improve now that the telecoms market has two new foreign-owned entries, Telenor and Ooredoo, a senior official in the MPT said on Tuesday. "At the moment, MPT dominates most of the market, but we do foresee that we will begin to lose market shares in the long term," said the principal of the Telecommunications and Postal Training Centre, Kyaw Soe. "For this, we are trying to make our services more convenient and reliable for our customers."

READ MORE: http://www.dvb.no/news/mpt-needs-improvement-to-keep-up-with-competition-official-says-burma-myanmar/43235

 

Thai Oil looks to refine operations in Thanlyin

Thai Oil and PTT have submitted a proposal to Myanmar Petrochemical Enterprise to upgrade its Thanlyin refinery near Rangoon. The alliance has been on the shortlist, with the result likely to be announced in the fourth quarter. The refinery upgrade is scheduled for 2016, with initial capacity of 15,000 bpd. Burma consumes only 70,000 bpd compared with Thailand’s 850,000 bpd even though the two countries are not far apart in population size.

 

Burma's fish stock in severe decline

The Myanmar Fish Farmers Association (MFFA) has called for a national-level workshop to discuss the decline of fish stocks. Over the past few years, fish populations in Burmese waters have fallen dramatically due to over-fishing and pollution. The Myanmar Fisheries Federation (MFF) echoed the MFFA in saying that the decline is serious and said it wants to step up efforts to replenish fish stocks. "In 2012-13, around 150,000 tonnes of fish were caught. But from 2010 to 2014 the number gradually declined," said Han Tun, vice-chairman of MFF, adding that since 2010 fish stocks off Burmese waters had almost halved.

READ MORE: http://www.dvb.no/dvb-video/action-needed-over-fish-stock-decline-burma-myanmar/43287

First past the post: the responsible choice for Burma

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 08:17 PM PDT

Burma's relatively new, quasi-civilian leadership has yet to prove that it is responsible and accountable to the country's citizens, who, for the first time after decades under an oppressive military regime, have been given the promise of representation. But the problems in Burma that most affect the lives of its people are rarely reaching parliament, which has chosen instead to focus on convoluted political shuffles and superficial reforms.

One lively debate has come out of parliament recently, however. A proposal to adopt a proportional representation (PR) electoral system has sparked heated discussion about how best to bring Burma's marginalised peoples into the political arena. With by-elections expected to be held later this year and a monumental general election slated for 2015, electoral procedures have become one of the most important political issues in Burma. Members of the international community have repeatedly warned that they will be watching to see how Burma performs come election time. Failure to hold free and fair elections could bring big consequences from Western governments that are both eager to invest and apprehensive about Burma's reforms.

The PR system, first proposed to parliament by the National Democratic Front (NDF) earlier this year, is an alternative to Burma's current "first past the post" (FPTP) system, which grants representation on a "winner takes all" basis. The proposal was immediately divisive; Burma's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), staunchly rejected the idea, while the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) all got behind it. The position of the military on this issue is still unclear.

The NLD rejected the proposal on the grounds that the current Constitution does not allow for the introduction of a new electoral system. While the military-drafted charter is largely contested and viewed by many as an illegitimate document in dire need of revision, Burma's politicians are keenly aware that they have to play by the rules.

Proponents of PR argue that the system would empower small parties that represent minorities because it would reduce "wasted votes" and ensure a more diverse parliament. Detractors, however, view the switch as an attempt to weaken the opposition's power by splitting it up into disparate factions. While Burma is known as an incredibly diverse country – populated by people of many ethnicities, faiths and cultures — many of the country's minority groups have allegiances to each other. The PR system, some analysts say, would weaken this unity and create competition among minorities which could do more harm than good.

Ensuring diversity and inclusivity in the political and social spheres is necessary as the country moves towards achieving democracy. That said, the idea of "diversity and inclusivity" should not be manipulated to overwhelm the legislature and flummox the general public, who, more than anything, crave unity.

National policies cannot be "diversely" implemented. If Burma's parliament attempts to establish such a system, a party run by cronies or by Buddhists could create self-serving policies, the opposition's policies will compete with each other, and the legislature will stagnate. Attempting to suddenly diversify the parliament will not actually bring about legal protections for the country's diverse population.

Diversity can only be maintained on a personal level, through one's own moral conviction. It is not a collective mandate. The principle of maintaining diversity suits smaller units of governance, such as village or township committees, but it would be preposterous to make diversity the top priority when electing union-level legislators. The most important quality for a political assembly in any democratic system is the ability to compromise. This is what we should look for in our leaders, and we should create a system that allows them to do that successfully in a way that meets the diverse needs of the country.

“A PR system, at this point in Burma's transition, would further institutionalise already strong interest groups like Buddhists, cronies and veterans… These interest groups do not seek compromise, they seek power”

Some people assume that a FPTP system is unfair because of its winner-take-all nature. This assumption is wrong; in a vibrant, competitive and fair election, the candidate who wins is the one most favoured by voters. It is the minority votes that tend to break ties in close, competitive races. They are the voters that swing elections, they choose the candidate best able to compromise on their behalf.

A PR system, at this point in Burma's transition, would further institutionalise already strong interest groups like Buddhists, cronies and veterans by ensuring their place in parliament while weakening their opponents. These interest groups do not seek compromise, they seek power. Benefitting them through electoral reform would contradict a fundamental ethic of law-making; laws exist to protect the weak from the powerful. Laws pave the way for preserving the common interests of the people.

In free and fair contests, legislators are elected because people trust their judgment and ability to make decisions that will benefit the community. Choosing leaders based on specific interests, a likely outcome of the PR system, could fracture those communities. Acknowledging the views of minorities is crucial to democracy, but allowing those views to be overpowered by other interest groups that are sure to be supported is unacceptable.

The PR system will entrench special interests in the parliament and create a political impasse, at the very moment when the nation needs general consensus to keep reforms moving quickly and smoothly. In Burma, where many of those interests — namely, faith-based, economic and military — are closely related to each other, they could become an overpowering political presence in the government, leaving the nation's people stranded.

The PR system is representative, but FPTP is responsible. The FPTP system elects the candidate that appeals to the broadest spectrum of voters, special interests aside. Proportional representation, at this point in time for Burma, runs the risk of empowering extremists and opportunists. Keeping Burma's reforms on track will require the critical capacity to choose leaders based on the common sense and common interest of the majority.

 

Dr Nyo Tun has worked as an international consultant for the EU, USAID and Gates Foundation-funded study projects which analyse strategies for national and global health issues. Prior to his international consultancy work, he led public health initiatives for providing health care to marginalised populations in various regions of Burma.

 The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB’s editorial policy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Decentralization or Co-opting Ethnonationalism: 8 States or 14 States and Regions?

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 09:32 PM PDT

Lately, the question of whether 8 States or 14 States and Regions should be used for the equitable power-sharing solution, in rebuilding a genuine federal union, has rear its head and come up again, as a main sticking point for the fusion of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), the two Shan political parties.

SNLD is headed by Hkun Htoon Oo, which had won the second place in 1990 nationwide election after Aung San Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy (NLD) and came out first in Shan State. SNDP is led by Sai Aik Pao, which came out third in 2010 nationwide election, after Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and National Unity Party (NUP).

1. THE MAKING OF 6 STATES AND MYANMAR PYI-MA 

First, let us go back to the historical backdrop of how the 6 Ethnic States and Pyi-Ma or Mother State come into being, after the British had left Burma, in 1948.

Chin:
On the eve of independence from the British in 1948, Chin Hills Special Division was carved out of Arakan Division, with the capital at Falam. On January 4, 1974, it was granted the state status and became Chin State.

Kachin:
The Burmese government under Aung San reached the Panglong Agreement with the Shan, Kachin, and Chin peoples on 12 February 1947. The agreement accepted "Full autonomy in internal administration for the Frontier Areas" in principle and envisioned the creation of a Kachin State by the Constituent Assembly. Kachin State was formed in 1948 out of the British Burma civil districts of Bhamo and Myitkyina, together with the larger northern district of Puta-o.

Shan State:
On 28 November 1885, the British captured Mandalay, officially ending the Third Anglo-Burmese War in just 11 days. But it was only in 1890 that the British were able to subdue all of Shan states. Under the British colonial administration, established in 1887, the Shan states were ruled by their saophas as feudatories of the British Crown. The British however placed Kachin Hills inside Mandalay Division and northwestern Shan areas under Sagaing Division. In October 1922, the Shan states, and Karenni states were merged to create the Federated Shan States, under a commissioner who also administered the Wa State. This arrangement survived the constitutional changes of 1923 and 1937.

During World War II, most of Shan States were occupied by the Japanese. Chinese Kuomingtang (KMT) forces came down to northeastern Shan states to face the Japanese. Thai forces, allied with the Japanese, occupied Kengtung and surrounding areas in 1942.
After the war, the British returned, while many Chinese KMT forces stayed inside Burmese Shan states. Negotiations leading to independence at the Panglong Conference in February 1947 secured a unitary Shan State, including former Wa states but without the Karenni states. More importantly, Shan State gained the right of secession in 10 years from independence.

Karenni:
The Constitution of the Union of Burma in 1947 proclaimed that the three Karenni States be amalgamated into a single constituent state of the union, called Karenni State. It also provided for the possibility of secession from the Union after 10 years.

In August 1948, the Karenni leader U Bee Htu Re was assassinated by central government militia for his opposition to the inclusion of the Karenni State in the Union of Burma. An armed uprising swept the state that has continued to the present-day.

In 1952, the former Shan State of Mong Pai (1901. pop - 19,351) was added to Karenni State, and the whole renamed Kayah State, possibly with the intent of driving a wedge between the Karenni (in Kayah State) and the rest of the Karen people (in Karen State), both fighting for independence.

Karen:
Since Burmese independence in 1948, the Karen relationship with Burma has been primarily political. The old Karenni states formed Kayah State, and in 1952 the Burmese government established Karen State with Pa-an as its capital. During the 1964 peace negotiations, the name was changed to the traditional Kawthoolei, but under the 1974 constitution the official name reverted to Karen State.

Mon:
In 1974, Mon State was created out of portions of Tenesserim Division and Pegue Division, partly to calm down the demand for rights of self-determination and separative tendency of the Mon resistance movement.

Arakan:
Arakan independence, spear-headed by the Arakan resistance movement have been ongoing, since the early 1950. In part to appease this sentiment, in 1974, the socialist government under General Ne Win constituted Arakan State from Arakan Division giving at least nominal acknowledgement of the regional majority of the Arakan people.

Burma Proper/ Pyi-Ma:
Various names have been in used concerning the homeland of Bama or Burman.  "Bama Pyi"-meaning: Bama State or Country-, "Myanmar Pyi" - Myanmar State or Country-, "Ministerial Burma, Burma Proper or Pyi-Ma", were used interchangeably. But the name Pyi-Ma is seldom used in official documents and instead used or refer to as "the remaining territories of the Union of Burma", in the 1947 Union of Burma Constitution.

According to Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, in his article " Putting Burma Back Together Again", writes :

In truth, the 1947 Constitution contravenes the Panglong Spirit. The principle contravention is the setting up of one state -- the Burma State or Burma Proper -- as the Mother State (Pyi-Ma, in Burmese).

What this means is that the Burma State, as the Pyi-Ma or Mother State, was the central power to which other member states of the Union were, or have to be, subordinated to. Clearly, such an arrangement is colonial in nature. And equally clear is the fact that the 1947 Constitution does not in any way, shape, or form fits in with the Panglong Spirit. A return to the 1947 Constitution or a similar kind of arrangement is therefore not adequate.

The understanding was that the peoples and leaders of the Frontier Areas would join with the Burman nationalist forces to jointly fight for independence, and that a federal Union (Pyidaungzu, in Burmese) of equal states, guaranteeing self-determination for all ethnic segments, would be established.

However, the constitution (the 1947 Union Constitution) which emerged was, from the viewpoint of the non-Burman leaders, not federal, but a centralized, or semi-unitary one. It was one where one constituent state, Ministerial Burma or Burma Proper, occupied the position or status of the mother-state (Pyi-Ma, in Burmese). The relationship was one like that which existed between England, the mother state, and Scotland, and Wales. The other seven states were not equal members of the Union, and were at best semi-autonomous, but subordinated entities vis-à-vis the Burman mother-state. Their status and competencies were defined not in the respective state constitutions— there were none— but in sections of the Union constitution which, in essence, was the constitution of Burma proper, the mother-state.

2. FOR AND AGAINST 14 STATES AND REGIONS CONFIGURATION

Recent set-up of 14 States and Regions, unitary system with some power devolving to the states; and 8 States-based federal arrangement, within the mould of federalism are two schools of thought, which are being considered to reach political settlement between the military-dominated government, the ethnic nationalities and democratic opposition groups.

Generally the non-Burman ethnic groups considered that in order to be a genuine and equitable federal union, there is no other way than creating a Bama State, as equal partner, in relation to the other ethnic states.

According to the NCGUB Border Office documentation, written in Burmese, on "Federal Proposal Petition", Sao Shwe Thaike tabled a personal letter to the Constitutional Amendment Committee, on 22 December 1960, which part of the letter writes:

"To observe the past 13 years of practical implementation of the Union of Burma Constitution, it seems like the constitutional law has allowed to practice the doctrine of "racism". Burma Proper or Myanmar Pyi-Ma has not function as a state, but seems to have administered and taken the place of the British colonial master. It is not like voluntary fusion of all the constituent states, but looks like becoming subordinate states under Myanmar Pyi-Ma domination. The States have to ask everything from it and there have been no rights of self-determination, under the constitution; and it is entirely up to the Union Government in the administration of the states."

He further pointed out: " The real essence of "Federation" should be that Myanmar Pyi-Ma should have equal rights and treated as an equal constituent state as all the other states. But according to the present constitution, Myanmar Pyi-Ma is having the advantage of usurping the power of union and that was why the other states were dissatisfied with it."
In a foreword written by the well known, Bama politician, Thein Pe Myint for an article written by U Htun Myint (Taunggyi) titled, "An equal Shan State within the Union", on 24 February 1961, writes: " If it is a union all states should have equal rights. To be equal, the first thing to do is to change and organize Myanmar Pyi-Ma into a state. The union will become genuine only when all equal states merge together."

The States Unity Organization, made up of all non-Burman ethnic groups within Burma, submitted a document in January 1962, which part of it writes:

1. To ensure that the Union of Myanmar becomes a true federal union,it must be based on the national stand that all states coming together to form the union are equal. Therefore a true federal union cannot be a combination of Myanmar Proper and the states. Myanmar Proper must be established as a state, after which a true federal union of states should be formed.
2. as the usurpation of the central powers of government by Myanmar Proper means a lack of equality, thereby creating dissatisfaction, we strongly desire the removal of this dissatisfaction by establishing a Union of Myanmar with Myanmar Proper as one of the constituent states. (Source: History of Shan State; by: Sai Aung Tun; page 443.)

Another school of thought, which have resigned to the thought that the military-dominated government would not budge from its presidential unitary system with 14 States and Regions, have devised some plans on how to make the best out from the existing situation.

Examples of what could be done to enhance the decentralized aspects of the present constitutional framework in order to strengthen its federal features - with or in many cases without  amendments  to the 2008 Constitution – would be:
  • to delegate more administrative and financial resources to the States and Regions, to delegate by union law the implementation of union legislation to States and Regions,
  • to boost their share in public expenditure,
  • to allow them a margin of deviation from national policy frameworks to adjust union norms to their particular social and geographic circumstances,
  • to allow State and Region governments to coordinate positions amongst themselves vis-à-vis the union government,
  • to develop a modern framework for decentralization of administrative services to the local level, both in urban and rural areas and move towards local self-government.
  • to allow States and Regions to take their own decisions facilitating the use of local languages beside Myanmar language,
  • to increase the availability of disaggregated data which should make planning and investments by sub-national governments more tailored to local needs,
  • to allow more genuine public participation of citizens and access to government at the local and Region/State level.
(Source: Constitutionalism and Legal Change in Myanmar Workshop, 13-14 Feb 2014 Singapore
Towards "genuine federalism"?- By: Marcus Brand)

Another gist guideline recommendation made by the Asia foundation on reform process are as follows:

Rationalize state and region government administration and human resources
  • Further clarify the roles and responsibilities of the state and region departments
  • Separate state/region departments from union ministry structures; programmes and incentives for relocating civil servants
  • Consider creating state/region civil service organizations
  • Support state and region ministers' and departments' independence from the General Administration Department
Issues:
  • Role of GAD as state/region government office in Constitution
  • Civil service reform & restructuring a challenge
Deepen the deconcentration process within union ministries
  • Policy framework for line ministries to further deconcentrate responsibilities across administrative levels
  • Capacity support to line ministries as they deconcentrate, and to state and region ministry offices as they take on new tasks
  • Ensure resources for functions at state/region level are predictable and transparent; modest budget deconcentration
  • Ensure offices engage in participation and outreach with state and region governments and hluttaws, as well as civil society and communities
Issues:
  • Care needed to avoid unfunded responsibilities
Broaden the scope of state and region government responsibilities
  • Consider including aspects of education policy and provision including hiring and language of instruction in state/region legislative or administrative list
  • Foster more state and region participation in the management of significant natural resources, and approval and oversight of natural resource extraction and development concessions and projects, possible involving state and region authorities in EITI
Issues:
  • Modification of Schedule Two, or addition of functions through union law
Strengthen public expenditure management, budgeting and resource allocation
  • Strengthen tax policy and administration at state and region level
  • Improve union public financial management capacity for fiscal projections
  • Revise allocation of the Poverty Reduction Fund & develop intergovernmental fiscal arrangements
  • Ensure donor programmes support state and region planning, budgeting and monitoring capacities
  • Support Union Financial Commission to develop and apply transparent fiscal policies
  • Improve clarity of national accounting and budget presentation
Issues:
  • Budget comprehensiveness challenge
Develop a transparent and rules-based intergovernmental fiscal system
  • Consider wealth sharing arrangements including what should be included, who collects, and the formula
  • Consider the overall transfer system including what functions must be financed, what equity and policy goals are important, and what will encourage good governance, revenue or service performance.
  • Policies for management of foreign financial flows in relation to states and regions
Issues:
  • Participation of peace process stakeholders
Strengthen the political autonomy of the state/region government
  • Support state and region hluttaws to function more effectively in legislative and oversight roles, especially for small hluttaws
  • Consider how to increase Chief Minister accountability to state/region
  • Comprehensive communication and constituency engagement strategies at the state/region level
Issues:
  • Rules on hluttaw formation or size
  • Rules on Chief Minister appointment
(Source: The Asia Foundation: State and Region Governments in Myanmar; September 2013)

3. THE BASIC ARGUMENT

The basic argument whether the 14 States and Regions configuration with the a built-in unitary system could accommodate the ethnic nationalities demand for full fledged federal system of governance is an open question.

The splitting of Burma Proper or Pyi-Ma into 7 Divisions, in BSPP era, and later changed to 7 Regions by 2008 Constitution, and the subsequent acceptance of the SLORC , SPDC and present Thein Sein government is to pre-empt the ethnic groups' bargaining position and ensure Bama majority superior posture in all political decision-making power. While the Bama military leaders like to portray this diversifying Pyi-Ma as an act of decentralization, the real motivation is more to balance the ethnic bargaining power.

The understanding that the federal union be formed, along the 8 major ethnic line, with built-in minorities' rights, has been the norm all along. And the splitting of Pyi-Ma into 7 Regions is a direct assault to the territorial-ethnic-based federal agreement, and replace it with just a territorial-based federal system. In other words, it is aimed at diluting the ethnic identities and co-opting ethnonationalism with the replacement of individual, civil and citizenship rights.

During a short-lived parliamentary era from 1948 to 1962, with the exception of care-taker, military rule from 1958 to 1960, the Bama have always been the majority in Chamber of Nationalities and also in Chamber of Deputies, under 1947 Union of Burma Constitution. In Chamber of Nationalities, the Bama-dominated areas were represented with 62 seats, while the combined ethnic states were just 63. In the Chamber of deputies, needless to say, the Bama, having the numerical majority within the country, dominates the parliament.

The one party system rule of BSPP era was a military rule, in fact, and the military is dominated by the Bama, as it is also the case now.

The present, military-backed Thein Sein regime also act like the parliamentary era, with the Bama-dominated military calling the shots in all aspects of political and social lives. No wonder, House speaker Thura Shwe Mann said that he would have no rejection on federal system governance installation, if 14 states and regions configuration is accepted. The ethnic nationalities see this as a pre-empt act to undercut the ethnic veto position in a federal set-up; and the successive regimes just follow the remake of Burma Proper for this is an advantaged position vis-a-vis the ethnic nationalities.

The argument of the ethnic groups today is still the same as the demand spelled out in 1961, documented by the Shan Federal Proposal, i.e., the creation of a Bama State, as an equal constituent state like all the others; amendment of the 1947 Union of Burma Constitution, according to the 1962 Shan Federal Proposal; and last but not least, to refine or fine-tune the whole process according to the existing political nature of the day.

4. INTRA-SUBSTATES' MINORITIES EMPOWERMENT AND PROTECTION

Whatever the case, whether the rebuilding of a federal form of governance happens within the mould of 8 States or 14 States and Regions, the empowerment and protection of the sub-states' or sub-national units' minorities have to be guaranteed constitutionally.

A geographical configuration of a federal state, including one that heavily relies on ethnicity in the making of sub-national units, don't leave us with separate ethnically pure territorial units. Be it indigenous ethnic groups (i.e. indigenous to the area they inhabit) or ethnic migrants, there will always be ethnic minorities that are scattered in the midst of regional majorities. It is also indicated that federalism may not adequately respond to the security and respect of intra-substate minorities. A federal arrangement that grants a mother state to a numerically dominant ethnic group within a territorial unit often exposes minority groups to discriminatory policies of the regionally dominant group. Such an arrangement would only move the locus of inter-ethnic conflict and tension from the central government to the level of the constituent units. Of particular importance in any multi-ethnic federation is thus the need to take into account the interest and rights of intra-substate minorities. Securing the rights of minorities which are created by autonomy arrangements is crucial for the long term success of any federal arrangement

It is submitted addressing the anxieties of regional minorities requires the state to accept that the constituent units are sharing with the larger state the same problem of accommodating ethnic diversities but only at a constituent unit level. In prescribing a particular response, however, a distinction has to be made between ethnic groups that are scattered throughout the country, on the one hand, and those that are territorially concentrated but do not have their own self-governing unit, on the other. For the former, the application of aspects of self rule and shared rule, owing to their territorial dimension, may not be appealing. The anxieties of such geographically dispersed ethnic groups can be addressed by adopting a judicially enforceable bill of rights. For geographically concentrated ethnic groups, on the other hand, the constituent units, recognising their multi-ethnic character, can apply, to the extent possible, processes and institutions of both self rule and shared-rule. (Source: IACL World Congress, Mexico 2010 - Federalism and intra-substate minorities: First draft)

In Burma context, Shan State's Pa-o, Palaung, Danu, Intha, Wa and the likes will fall into sub-national units' minorities. In Kachin State, the Red Tai will fall into this category. In Irrawaddy Region, the Karen will be the case.In Sagaing Region, Shan, Naga and Chin will be minorities, while the Bama will be in majority, and so on.

In short, any attempt made to transform the unitary to federal system will have to incorporate "self rule, shared rule and adopting a judicially enforceable bill of rights" for the sub-national units' minorities, if reconciliation and peaceful co-habitation is to be achieved in Burma.



NOTE: "The Making of 6 States and Myanmar Pyi-Ma" part is written with the reference of 1947 Union of Burma Constitution, 1974 BSPP Constitution, Chao Tzang Yawnghwe's various articles and numerous other sources.)



Friday, August 15, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Well-Known Burmese Painter Aung Myint Puts on Show in Rangoon

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 06:09 AM PDT

In his 14th solo show in Rangoon, titled

In his 14th solo show in Rangoon, titled "14 A.M," Aung Myint brings a new series of paintings called "Faces." (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Aung Myint is known as the father of contemporary art in his country, and his painting series "Mother and Child" made him the first Burmese artist to win the Asean Art Awards in 2002.

He has become an inspiration for younger artists, not only for his paintings, but also for his performance art and installations.

In his 14th solo show in Rangoon, titled "14 A.M," Aung Myint is featuring a new series of paintings called "Faces" and some installation art work. In the 18 paintings that he completed in 2013 and 2014, the artist offers a reflection in black, white and red colors on the trauma of a changing populace that is opening up to the world for the first time in decades.

"I'm afraid to use other colors because I don't know how to use them. If I use them wrong, I would feel bad," the 68-year-old artist said.

He is drawn to black and white because he believes the colors are attractive and easily convey a message. He sometimes uses red for composition.

"I'm not a good painter," he added.

Nathalie Johnston, director of exhibitions at Pun+ Projects, which organized the show, said she has known Aung Myint for five years, and that he has not had any solo shows in Rangoon since about 2005.

She said every artist she meets in the city refers to him as Saya, the Burmese word for master. "I feel very honored to be showing his work," she added.

Aung Myint has staged more than 60 shows in Burma and several foreign countries, including Japan, Singapore, Germany, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Finland. His works were also exhibited and collected by the Guggenheim Museum in New York.

His latest show will be on view from Aug. 15 to Sept. 20 at TS.1 Gallery on Lanthit Jetty, Seikkan Township, in Rangoon.

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Burma Govt Agrees to Include Federal System in Ceasefire Deal

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:54 AM PDT

Myanmar Peace Center Director Hla Maung Swe (left) and Nai Hong Sar, the head of the ethnic armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, give a press conference in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: JPaing . The Irrawaddy) 

Myanmar Peace Center Director Hla Maung Swe (left) and Nai Hong Sar, the head of the ethnic armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, give a press conference in Rangoon on Friday. (Photo: JPaing . The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Burmese government has agreed to include in a nationwide ceasefire agreement a pledge for the country to be governed in a federal system, participants in a meeting between government negotiators and rebel leaders said Friday.

The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which represents most of the country's rebel groups, met with the government's Union Peace-making Work Committee at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) in Rangoon on Friday.

One of the ethnic armed groups' key demands is for the country to adopt a federal system with more local autonomy in ethnic regions, and Burma Army representatives have previously expressed a willingness to include federalism in the nationwide ceasefire deal currently being negotiated.

But NCCT head Nai Hong Sar told a press conference that Friday's meeting was the first time the government side had firmly agreed to the demand.

"This meeting was good and there was a lot of improvement. The most important thing is that the government agreed to have a federal system, which means democracy, equal rights and self determination in the country. They agreed with what our ethnic leaders proposed," said Nai Hong Sar.

"The good message for the people is that we passed the main point already, and this is the really important point. The remaining points will be easy to discuss."

A single draft of the nationwide ceasefire agreement was completed months ago, but the wording of a number of key points remained disputed.

Talks on Friday and Saturday are being held to work through the draft ahead of a formal meeting including political parties and MPC members on Monday, at which plans for political dialogue to follow the ceasefire agreement will be discussed.

Nai Hong Sar said the issue of creating a federal army for Burma, another demand of the ethnic armed groups, would be part of the later political dialogue.

Hla Maung Shwe, a director of the government-linked MPC, confirmed that the government's negotiators had agreed to include wording about federalism in the agreement.

"I found there was a lot compromise, understanding and consideration from each side at the meeting. We reached agreement to have a federal system, which is important," he said.

Ethnic groups have long demanded for Burma to be governed under a federal system, but the military government that ruled the country until 2011 argued that granting too much autonomy to the border regions would lead to succession and the break-up of the nation.

The nominally civilian government that took its place in 2011 has signed ceasefire agreements with most of the ethnic groups and initiated national talks. Although conflict is still taking place in the northern part of the country—most significantly between the Burma Army and ethnic Kachin fighters—the government wants to wrap up the nationwide ceasefire agreement in September and conduct political dialogue ahead of elections late next year.

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President Thein Sein ‘Failing,’ Public Opinion Poll Finds

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:37 AM PDT

Win Myo Thu

Win Myo Thu

RANGOON — Burma's President Thein Sein is "failing" in the eyes of the public, according to a poll of more than 6,500 people conducted by a local environmental and social advocacy group.

Though receiving higher marks than in late 2012, the three-stage survey found that the president scored 27 out of a maximum score of 100 at the end of last year, down from the 32 that he scored when respondents were polled in mid-2013. Thein Sein scored 21 when the preliminary poll was conducted in late 2012.

The group Advancing Life and Regenerating Motherland (Alarm), which works on environmental conservation and social affairs research in Burma, on Thursday released the survey, which also gauged public opinion on the performance of government generally and members of Parliament.

"If we defined it like in schools—that the student who gets a score of 50 out of 100 passes the exam—the president failed the exam as administered by the public," Win Myo Thu, president of Alarm, said at a press conference in Rangoon. "We can say that in the middle of 2013, the score was up, but it didn't stay there for long. Public satisfaction of the president has declined."

The survey was made up of interviews with a total of 6,510 people from Rangoon and Mandalay in late 2012, mid-2013 and at the end of 2013. They were asked a series of questions about how they viewed the president's performance, with responses assigned numeric values ranging from 0 to 100.

Protests against an electricity rate increase, land disputes and Burma's ongoing civil war with ethnic minority groups were all deemed liabilities for Thein Sein by respondents. The arrest of activists protesting the controversial Letpadaung copper mine, the country's still unreformed Constitution and a visit by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to Burma in late 2013 were also cited as unfavorable developments.

Bolstering public opinion of the president's performance was his suspension of the Chinese-backed Myitsone hydro dam project, releases of political prisoners and the holding of bi-elections in April 2012 that were deemed free and fair, among other developments viewed positively.

The public satisfaction questionnaire covered Thein Sein's performance in areas of governance that included Burma's political reform program, and management of the nation's economy, health care and education sectors.

"We did the poll three times with the purpose to reflect public opinion—whether they have a positive view or negative view, whether their support is increasing or decreasing," Win Myo Thu said.

Survey administrators polled Rangoon and Mandalay because the two cities are home to the largest populations in Burma, he explained.

In an interview with media following the press conference, the Alarm president acknowledged, however, that the opinions expressed were likely to be largely those of the ethnic Burman majority, and might not reflect ethnic minority populations that largely reside in the country's peripheral regions.

Win Myo Thu said a cross-section of eligible voters—among them young people, the unemployed, monks and celebrities—were dissatisfied with the president performance, while most elderly respondents, government employees and members of the military were satisfied.

"Celebrities and monks, who influence the public, are more dissatisfied than young and jobless people. This means that the president has to make amends with them if he intends to run in the next election [in 2015] and needs to create job opportunities and persuade youths," he said.

The survey also found that public satisfaction with the government's implementation of its reform program, and development projects in business, good governance and education had all fallen by the end of last year, compared with the mid-2013 poll. Performance in the health care sector was the exception, with satisfaction rising, but still receiving the lowest score among the areas assessed—a lowly 3 out of 100.

The poll also shed light on a general lack of public awareness regarding the workings of the national legislature.

"Those who know the representative in their constituency along with their party name are really rare. And at most 17 percent take note of the performance of their members of Parliament," the survey said.

Khin Khin Linn, the secretary of the Myanmar Farmers' Development Party, told Thursday's press conference that the president's score would likely be even lower if Alarm had included respondents from outside Burma's urban centers.

"The president and government did not pass the exam, according to the survey. If more farmers in the villages were interviewed in the poll, who are facing a lot of land disputes, it would be worse than now," she said.

The results of the Alarm survey present a far less rosy picture for the ruling government than a separate poll released earlier this year.

The Washington-based International Republican Institute (IRI) conducted a survey from December 2013 to early February of this year, polling 3,000 people from across all 14 of Burma's states and division. In that survey, 88 percent of respondents indicated that they thought the country was heading in the right direction, compared with 6 percent who felt Burma was headed in the wrong direction.

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Bi Mon Te Nay Journalists Denied Bail

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 05:32 AM PDT

Thura Aung, an editor at Bi Mon Te Nay journal, leaves the Pabedon Township court on Thursday. (Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Thura Aung, an editor at Bi Mon Te Nay journal, leaves the Pabedon Township court on Thursday. (Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Four journalists and a publisher of Rangoon-based Bi Mon Te Nay weekly journal have been denied bail, as they continue to fight allegations of state sedition in court.

The Pabedon Township court on Thursday rejected the application for bail as premature, saying that relevant witnesses had not yet been questioned—a precondition for granting bail in sedition cases, lawyers say. The five defendants have been detained in Rangoon's Insein Prison since last month after their journal published an article that angered the government.

Aye Cho, a senior lawyer who is unrelated to the case, said bail cannot be granted to anyone charged of sedition under Article 505. "There are cases where the court can allow bail and cases it can't. In a matter of health failure, the court sometimes grants bail," he added.

Bi Mon Te Nay published an article on July 7 with a statement by a political activist group that falsely claimed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic political forces had been elected to serve as the country's temporary new leaders.

"They have not committed a crime," said Su Thet Hnin, a friend of one of the journalists, Kyaw Zaw Hein. "Bail should be granted to journalists. They write stories—they don't kill people."

Su Thet Hnin added that the court said it could not grant bail to two of the defendants who were arrested in Thailand, where they had fled. They are now staying in Insein Prison.

The defendants will appear in court again on Aug. 21.

Their lawyer, Robert San Aung, had advised against applying for bail before the witnesses were all questioned. He transferred the case to another lawyer, Kyaw Win, with consent from the defendants, who then submitted their application for bail.

Kyaw Win could not be reached for comment on Friday.

The defendants plan to apply again for bail at a district court, according to Su Thet Hnin.

A total of six employees of the journal were initially arrested. One editor of the now-defunct weekly was acquitted and released.

Special Branch Police first charged the defendants under the Emergency Provisions Act, which sets out lengthy prison sentences for affecting conduct of the public or undermining law and order. But the charges were later changed, to violation of Article 505, which carries a shorter maximum punishment of two years' imprisonment or a fine.

Su Thet Hnin said the Press Council has been urged to step in and help the journalists, who have sought to be tried under the country's media law rather than for alleged sedition.

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Security a Concern as Jade Mining Set to Resume in Hpakant

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 03:06 AM PDT

A vast wasteland of denuded hills and mountains has been created by jade mining around the once-verdant hinterland of Hpakant. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

A vast wasteland of denuded hills and mountains has been created by jade mining around the once-verdant hinterland of Hpakant. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Recent fighting between ethnic rebels and government troops in Kachin State's Hpakant Township has raised security concerns, with jade mining operations set to resume in the area next month.

Large-scale mining in the jade-rich hills of Hpakant was suspended in 2012, shortly after a 17-year-old ceasefire broke down and conflict erupted between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). For the past two years, only opportunists mining illegally on a small-scale have operated there.

But officials at the Ministry of Mines last month declared that operations would resume on Sept. 1, and companies with licenses to mine in the area began preparing to resume work.

However, fighting broke out last week, displacing about 200 civilians, when government troops entered a rebel-controlled ruby mining area in Hpakant, according to local leaders.

The violence has raised concerns about security for the companies preparing to restart mining, said Than Naing Oo, a representative of the Myanmar Thura jade-mining company.

"Though we haven't yet resumed work in the mines, some private mining companies are setting up their equipment there. We want to resume work peacefully."

Hla San, a National League for Democracy member based in Hpakant town, said that since there was no ceasefire agreement between the government and the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA's political wing, the situation was still tense.

"If the government army and the KIA have an agreement for peace, that area will be OK to resume, he said, adding that clashes in area had ceased since last week, and had resulted from a "misunderstanding."

A senior official at the state-owned Myanmar Gems Enterprise, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that mining was set to resume, regardless of the recent fighting.

"Since the announcement from the Ministry of Mines in July, a director from the ministry has been managing the resumption of work. As far as I know, there is no problem for mining companies due to recent clashes," the official said.

"The resumption date will not be changed at the moment. We will work as formerly announced."

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Villagers Plan Lawsuit After Shooting Leads to Schoolhouse Standoff

Posted: 15 Aug 2014 12:00 AM PDT

Local residents and police gather at a monastery in Mandalay Division's Nyaung Wun village on Thursday night to negotiate the release of police officers trapped in a local school. (Photo: Facebook / Ko Sein Than)

Local residents and police gather at a monastery in Mandalay Division's Nyaung Wun village on Thursday night to negotiate the release of police officers trapped in a local school. (Photo: Facebook / Ko Sein Than)

MANDALAY — Residents of Nyaung Wun village in Mandalay Division say they plan to take legal action against police here who fired into a crowd during a confrontation on Thursday in which three villagers and a police officer were injured.

"We are now planning to sue those policemen at the Sint Gu Township court," said Tin Naing, a villager. "We want justice for what happened here. We believe there will be rule of law and the police who opened fired will be punished for what they have done."

On Thursday, dozens of police officers were trapped for hours inside a village school after angry villagers surrounded the building in the shootings' aftermath. They were eventually allowed to leave the school unharmed, following negotiations at the local monastery late on Thursday evening between village elders and authorities from the Mandalay divisional police.

"The deputy police officer from the Mandalay divisional police office promised that he would take action against the police who fired into the crowd with live rounds," said U Pannita, a Buddhist monk who witnessed the negotiations. "The villagers handed back the police who were trapped in the school and also told the police that they would sue them to get justice."

Villagers said negotiations produced several promises from the police, including that they not act violently in the future; take care of the medical expenses of those injured; repair damages to the school compound resulting from the standoff; and take action against the officer who ordered police to fire on the crowd.

The injured woman, San Kyin Nu, has had to have a steel plate inserted into the leg through which a bullet passed and is currently hospitalized at a hospital in the city of Mandalay.

Two other villagers reportedly suffered minor injuries in the altercation on Thursday, and a police officer was wounded when he was struck by a stone hurled from the crowd.

The violence stemmed from a land dispute in the village, with local residents claiming the military had confiscated thousands of acres of their farmland in the 1980s. Protests against the land seizure have been taking place since June.

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From Gateway to Getaway?

Posted: 14 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT

A boy holds an inflatable ring on a beach near Dawei. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

A boy holds an inflatable ring on a beach near Dawei. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

DAWEI, Tanintharyi Region — For years, Dawei has been the promised land of Thai developers who have long dreamed of turning this southern Myanmar port city into a gateway to the Andaman Sea.

Located just 230 miles (370 km) west of Bangkok, it is ideally situated to become a new hub for Thailand's industrial heartland. Ambitious plans to build a special economic zone in the area have faltered, however, as rival projects at Thilawa, near Yangon, and Kyaukphyu, in Rakhine State, have generated more interest among deep-pocketed Japanese and Chinese investors.

But none of this has deterred smaller operators from betting big on Dawei's future.

According to Steve Bushby, a New Zealander who has lived in Dawei for more than a year, the number of hotels in the city has tripled in the past year, from just four in April 2013 to 12 now (with another three under construction).

It seems that even as the big money stays away, another avenue of opportunity has opened up—tourists, whose arrival has been facilitated by the construction of roads originally built to serve the proposed SEZ.

Long an almost-forgotten backwater because of its inaccessibility, Dawei is now a short

flight or a long bus ride away from Yangon. And it's just a minibus ride away from the Thai border at Phu Nam Ron, in Kanchanaburi Province. Others coming from Thailand can, if they are adventurous, take a speedboat ferry that can get them there in eight hours from Kawthoung, opposite the southern Thai town of Ranong.

Those who make the trip like what they find: long, pristine beaches that rival much of what you'll find along Thailand's famed coastline and the better-known strands of Ayeyarwady Region.

It was not so long ago (until last August, in fact), that Dawei's seaside charms were almost entirely unknown to foreigners. The only way foreigners could reach the city was by air, and when you got there, you had to stay within a six-mile (10-km) limit. Now, however, you can travel overland all the way from Mawlamyine to Kawthoung—something that was impossible just a year ago.

According to Mr. Bushby (whose website, southernmyanmar.com, is an invaluable resource), this once remote part of the country is already finding its way onto the region's travel circuit. "People who do the north of Myanmar and want to finish in Bangkok or Phuket are coming here," he says.

Dawei sits at the northern end of a 40-mile (65-km) peninsula, with the Andaman Sea coast to the west and the Dawei River to the east. Beaches line the coastal side, offering an almost unbroken stretch of white sands punctuated by the sight of golden pagodas.

One of the nicest beaches is Teyzit Beach, about 20 miles (35 km) away from Dawei. Like many others, it is at the end of a dirt track. It is several miles long, with a few moored fishing boats bobbing in a clear sea; just beyond them, you can see two small islets, each surmounted by a pagoda. The only people to be seen are a few fishermen and local children playing in the sea.

Nearer to Dawei is Nabule Beach, another sandy expanse several miles long with a temple at one end, which is easily reachable by road. But its future as a beach is uncertain, as this is the site of the proposed deep-sea port. Behind the beach there is a showroom with pictures and models of the still non-existent port with an industrial park larger than Singapore behind it.

Whatever the fate of the project, Dawei is clearly destined for greater regional prominence. If you want to experience its beaches before they succumb to investment on a massive scale or are overrun with tourists, you would be well-advised to visit sooner rather than later.

Other Information

Getting There: The easiest way to reach Dawei is by air from Yangon. You can also catch a modern air-conditioned inter-city bus from Yangon to Mawlamyine and on to Dawei for around $18. (The road south of Ye about halfway between Mawlamyine and Dawei is very poor and the going is slow). You can also travel to Dawei from Thailand by crossing the Thai-Myanmar border at Phu Nam Ron (accessible by bus from Bangkok) and taking a minibus (approx. US$30). And you can catch a speedboat ferry from Kawthoung in Thailand for about $40.

Places to Stay: For budget accommodation, the Sein Shwe Mo Guesthouse ($7 for a clean single room with outside bathroom) is a good option. For $10, the Dream Emperor offers single rooms with fans and attached bathrooms.

For the best mid-range value, the Shwe Moung Hotel has clean, modern double rooms with air conditioning and attached bathrooms starting at $15.

The Zayar Thet San is the best business hotel in town, with rooms for $40-$60.

Getting to the Beaches: You can rent a motorcycle for about $8-10 per day or take a taxi (around $15 for a round trip by motorcycle or $70 by car, depending on the distance). The best way to arrange transportation is to ask one of the motorcycle taxi drivers outside the supermarket by the hotels.

For more info: The website www.southernmyanmar.com has lots of useful information for visitors.

This article first appeared in the August 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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The Price of Peace

Posted: 14 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT

The government's peace negotiating team and leaders of ethnic armed groups meet in the Kachin State capital, Myitkyina, in November 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The government's peace negotiating team and leaders of ethnic armed groups meet in the Kachin State capital, Myitkyina, in November 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

The ceasefire agreements signed during the 1990s between Myanmar's military government and various armed ethnic groups allowed for the de facto existence of semi-autonomous areas such as the "special regions" in Shan State controlled by the United Wa State Army and a very ambiguous situation in other places such as Karen, Karenni and Mon states, where state authority and ethnic armed groups coexist, with the latter sometimes managing separate businesses, schools and health care systems.

These ceasefire agreements have reduced violent armed conflicts, but have not established peace. In addition, some of these agreements have been violated since the new government took office in 2011. Decades of violence has disenfranchised a large portion of the population, while a politically powerful few on all sides have exploited the situation for their own economic benefit through legal and illegal means.

The fault line in Myanmar society starts with the very nomenclature of the States and Regions. Myanmar's Constitution confers "every citizen equal rights, liberty and justice" before the law. But the nomenclature of the seven States as administrative units identifying ethnic minority residents and seven Regions as ethnic Burman-majority territories is discriminatory and continues to identify people by their ethnic origin, thus propagating an ethnocentric sociopolitical stratagem that has its roots in Myanmar's British colonial history. This ethnocentric nationalism dominates Myanmar's political landscape and continues to challenge the authority of the central government.

Since independence, many territories and people therein have been administered and exploited by various armed groups seeking autonomy in the name of ethnic nationalism, while the military has continued to dominate the rest of Myanmar. Even after more than 60 years of independence, socioeconomic development in Myanmar has been totally undermined by this myopic, ethnocentric nationalism, despite abundant natural resources and excellent human resource potentials within the country. As a principle of inclusion, all subnational administrative units should have a common name—such as State or Region or Division—signifying equality without any ethnic identification or affiliation.

The ongoing ceasefire talks involving all major armed groups appear promising and could provide a basis for a permanent peace. A permanent peace, however, can be achieved only by addressing political grievances of all ethnic groups through political means. This will mean power sharing and resource sharing so that every citizen can enjoy the same citizenship status, irrespective of their ethnic, linguistic or religious background. This is not a new issue, but steps to get to this point have not been defined clearly. In spite of the wishful thinking of many, the military will not suddenly disappear from Myanmar's political scene. Its role will gradually diminish over time, as it did in Indonesia and South Korea, where militaries used to dominate the countries' political economies for decades. Myanmar's people must live with this reality for the time being.

The current Constitution of Myanmar provides a broad base for power sharing through the formation of various political parties and decentralized governance with Union and State/Regional governments. However, all leaders representing various political parties must realize that a government formed based on ethnic identities would continue to pose a risk of fragmentation and destabilization as the interests of political actors would be limited to a certain constituency. There is a need for genuine compromise between the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and ethnically based political parties. The USDP, which has dominated Myanmar's political landscape through military supremacy, must convince minority parties that they will not be assimilated politically, culturally, economically or socially. There is no other way to build trust between the USDP and other political parties.

The Constitution allows full authority to the subnational governments to engage in all policy except defense, foreign affairs and education curricula. This provides opportunities for subnational governments to be engaged in nearly all aspects of development. The best way for minority political parties to test the intent of the government is to contest in the national electoral process and participate in national and subnational governance structures. In this process, all political parties will be able to contribute in developing their constituencies in any field they choose. This could be a way to initiate power sharing and contribute to the lasting peace that people so desperately desire.

In recent years, sharing of revenue from extractive industries has been raised in different forums, but no clear proposal has been forthcoming on "what and how much to be shared." With the ongoing liberalization of the economy, including establishing special economic zones, large hydro-power plants, offshore drilling for gas, oil pipelines and extraction of minerals, it would be prudent to consider allocating part of the income generated from these ventures to the local governments of the host States and Regions. The deep mistrust that exists between the government and the public in general, and minority groups in particular, must be addressed through transparent discussion on resource sharing. The discussion must also address social and environmental concerns related to extractive industries. Investment of such revenue in States/Regions will help develop rural areas and benefit local populations.

The price of peace for the government is to ensure that military elites are no longer a political and economic threat to ethnic minority groups. All ethnic minority groups must be assured and shown in practical ways that they will be treated fairly and given equal opportunity in all aspects of Myanmar's political and economic destiny. The price of peace for armed ethnic groups is to disarm and take part in the political process through national elections. There cannot be separate armies or militia within the boundaries of a sovereign nation.

The minority ethnic nationalities in Myanmar have enjoyed political support from many quarters, especially the West. In the broader geopolitical context, given Myanmar's location linking South Asia with Southeast Asia, ethnic minority leaders must realize that this support is not so much to fulfill their aspirations, but largely to harass the Myanmar government and military. With the gradual opening of Myanmar, such support will decline as the government enters into economic and military cooperation with the West. It is therefore in the broader interests of ethnic nationalities too that a permanent peace is achieved. This process will be very difficult for some of the groups that remain in control of border trade and mining, but for a viable future there is no other option.

The bottom line is that the government as well as its people should not be distracted by the short-term economic benefit that seems to be on offer at the moment. The political transition that started in 2011 can be completed only with settlement of longstanding political and economic disputes between the government and ethnic nationalities. It will require a certain amount of give and take from all sides. An uncompromising mentality among any of the parties involved will only ensure that more time, resources and lives are lost before Myanmar achieves its long-awaited peace.

Ramesh Shrestha is a former Unicef country representative to Myanmar.

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Pope Makes Tough Sell on Materialism in South Korea

Posted: 14 Aug 2014 10:17 PM PDT

Pope Francis greets faithful as he arrives for the Holy Mass at Daejeon World Cup stadium August 15, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Pope Francis greets faithful as he arrives for the Holy Mass at Daejeon World Cup stadium August 15, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

DAEJEON, South Korea — Pope Francis urged Asia's Catholic youth on Friday to renounce the materialism that afflicts much of Asian society today and reject "inhuman" economic systems that disenfranchise the poor, pressing his economic agenda in one of Asia's powerhouses where financial gain is a key barometer of success.

Francis received a boisterous welcome from tens of thousands of young Asians as he celebrated his first public Mass in South Korea, a country with a small but growing church that is seen by the Vatican as a model for the rest of the world.

Francis took a high-speed train to the central city of Daejeon, where Catholic youths from across Asia have been meeting for the Asian version of World Youth Day.

In his homily, Francis urged the young people to be a force of renewal and hope for society.

"May they combat the allure of a materialism that stifles authentic spiritual and cultural values and the spirit of unbridled competition which generates selfishness and strife," he said in Italian that was translated into Korean. "May they also reject inhuman economic models which create new forms of poverty and marginalize workers."

His message will be a tough sell in South Korea, which has grown from the destruction and poverty of the Korean War of the 1950s into one of Asia's top economies. Many though link success with ostentatious displays of status and wealth. Competition among the young, especially for places at elite schools, starts as early as pre-kindergarten and is fierce. The country has one of the highest suicide rates in the world.

Francis said that in such "outwardly affluent" societies, people often experience "inner sadness and emptiness. Upon how many of our young people has this despair taken its toll!"

Daejeon's soccer stadium has a capacity of 50,000 and was nearly full hours before Francis arrived. Handkerchief-waving crowds led in chants of "Viva il papa!" welcomed him as his open-sided vehicle, with a simple canopy overhead, made its way slowly to the stadium and then inside.

Before Mass got under way, Francis met with about a dozen survivors of South Korea's April ferry disaster and relatives of the dead who are demanding a government inquiry into the sinking.

Most of the more than 300 people killed were high school students on a class trip. Their relatives are pushing lawmakers to set up an independent, transparent probe. The ruling party is opposed because it says a parliamentary committee doesn't have the power to indict.

The Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, has said Francis wouldn't intervene in the issue but would merely offer comfort to the families. A banner outside the stadium featured a photo of the pope and read "Please wipe the tears of the Sewol families."

Lombardi didn't provide details of the content of the meeting.

After Mass, Francis was to lunch with some of the youth festival participants and then visit an 18th century sanctuary where Korea's first priest was raised.

South Korean Catholics represent only about 10 percent of the country's 50 million people, but their numbers are growing. Once a country that welcomed missionaries, South Korea now sends homegrown priests and nuns abroad to help spread the faith.

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Japan PM Sends Offering to War Dead Shrine, Cabinet Ministers Visit

Posted: 14 Aug 2014 10:11 PM PDT

A group of lawmakers including Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lawmaker Hidehisa Otsuji (3rd L) and Sanae Takaichi (2nd L), LDP policy chief, is led by a Shinto priest as they visit the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo August 15, 2014, to mark the 69th anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War Two. (Photo: Reuters)

A group of lawmakers including Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lawmaker Hidehisa Otsuji (3rd L) and Sanae Takaichi (2nd L), LDP policy chief, is led by a Shinto priest as they visit the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo August 15, 2014, to mark the 69th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War Two. (Photo: Reuters)

TOKYO — Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on Friday sent a ritual offering to a Tokyo shrine to war dead but did not join cabinet ministers in a visit, seen as an effort to avoid further inflaming ties with China as he seeks a summit with Beijing.

Abe's offering to the Yasukuni Shrine on the 69th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War Two was still likely to anger China and South Korea, where bitter memories linger of Japan's actions before and during the war.

Abe visited the shrine in December, sharply chilling ties with China and South Korea. Sending the offering is part of a delicate dance between trying not to worsen tensions with both nations while upholding a conservative ideology that takes a less apologetic tone towards Japan's wartime past.

Koichi Hagiuda, an Abe aide and lawmaker, presented the ritual offering, which was made in Abe's name as leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party.

"He wants to express his respect and to pay homage to the people who sacrificed their lives for the nation, while praying for a lasting peace," Hagiuda told reporters.

Tokyo hopes that if Abe stays away on the emotive anniversary it could send a signal to China of his desire to ease tensions and help pave the way for a summit with Chinese leader Xi Jinping. Recent tentative moves to meet have yet to bear fruit.

Ties between the two nations are strained over a host of issues, included a territorial row over a set of remote islands and China's declaration late last year of an air defense identification zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea.

Cabinet Ministers Visit

The shrine honors 14 Japanese leaders convicted as war criminals by an Allied tribunal, as well as Japan's war dead.

Two cabinet ministers visited the shrine within hours of its giant gates opening, joining other lawmakers and scores of ordinary people.

"I think it's natural to pay homage to the people who sacrificed their precious lives for this country," said Keiji Furuya, whose portfolios include the National Public Safety Commission, told reporters at the shrine.

"I am a member of parliament but I am also a Japanese citizen, so while praying for world peace I offered my respects."

Internal Affairs Minister Yoshitaka Shindo, whose grandfather Tadamichi Kuribayashi led Japanese forces on Iwo Jima and featured in Clint Eastwood's movie "Letters from Iwo Jima", said he was not worried that his visit would cause diplomatic tension.

"Many valuable lives perished in the war. I came here to pray so that something like this will never happen again," he told reporters.

School children, suited businessmen and elderly people in mourning clothes bowed their heads and prayed under a blazing sun amid the buzz of cicadas. Men in military uniforms marched behind a Japanese flag and a banner honoring the Emperor.

Shigeyo Oketa, 80 years old and a maker of traditional geta sandals, said he had been visiting the Yasukuni shrine since his older brother was killed in battle in 1945.

"It's natural for us to come here, we're all human and we should pay respect," he said, cradling a black-and-white photo of his younger self and his mother. "It's none of any other countries' business. Everyone should just be friends."

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Police Test Mental Health of Daughter of American Tourist Killed in Bali

Posted: 14 Aug 2014 10:04 PM PDT

 Heather Mack, the daughter of an American woman found dead inside a suitcase on the Indonesian island of Bali, gestures while in custody in a police station in Denpasar on Aug. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Putu Setia)

Heather Mack, the daughter of an American woman found dead inside a suitcase on the Indonesian island of Bali, gestures while in custody in a police station in Denpasar on Aug. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Putu Setia)

DENPASAR, Indonesia — Indonesian police on Thursday ran psychiatric tests on the teenage daughter of an American woman found dead inside a suitcase on the resort island of Bali.

Police arrested the daughter, Heather Mack, 19, and her boyfriend, Tommy Schaefer, 21, on Wednesday after a taxi driver found a battered body in a suitcase outside the St. Regis luxury hotel in Nusa Dua, Bali.

The body was identified by hospital officials as Chicago-based Sheila von Wiese-Mack, 62.

Neither Mack nor Schaefer has been charged but police have detained them as suspects.

"We have done blood and psychiatric tests to try to find out their motive in the case, maybe they are mentally unstable," Djoko Hariutomo, police chief for Bali's provincial capital Denpasar, told reporters.

"So far we haven't gotten any information on what is behind the murder. Is it financial or something else? We don't know."

Television broadcast images of Mack, dressed in a pale gray hoodie and denim shorts, laughing and telling a group of reporters following her, "You are crazy," as she walked between rooms in the police station.

Police said the young couple on Tuesday left a bloodied suitcase and other luggage in the taxi, and went to check out of the five-star hotel, where a single room can cost as much as $1,340 a night.

The couple did not return, so the taxi driver checked the luggage and found the body. An official at the hospital that conducted the autopsy said von Wiese-Mack had been repeatedly hit on the face and head with a blunt object.

A St. Regis hotel official said the incident was believed to have taken place in a room booked by Schaefer.

Mack and Schaefer were apprehended on Wednesday at a budget hotel about 1 mile from the St. Regis hotel after a day-long search by police.

Staff at the Risata Bali resort said they were immediately suspicious of the couple after they checked in without luggage.

Risata Bali security confirmed their identities after Schaefer asked resort staff for a voucher to use the Internet and they alerted authorities, said Nyoman Wija, a hotel manager.

Police have appointed an Indonesian lawyer to represent the couple, but they have asked for US legal representation.

"She doesn't want to comment on the incident and she declined to give any information," Haposan Sihombing, an Indonesian lawyer appointed by police to represent Mack, told Reuters late on Wednesday.

"She kept asking to be represented by a lawyer from the United States," Sihombing said.

The US State Department is aware of reports of a US citizen's death in Bali and the arrests of two people in connection with the case, said a State Department spokeswoman, Marie Harf.

She declined to give details due to privacy considerations.

"Obviously we are monitoring it and will provide any consular access as appropriate," Harf said.

An official with the US consulate general in Bali, who met Mack at the police station on Thursday, declined to comment after the meeting.

The Mack family lived for a number of years in the Chicago suburb of Oak Park, Illinois.

Oak Park spokesman David Powers said on Wednesday police responded to 86 calls from the Mack home due to incidents between mother and daughter from 2004 through to June 2013.

No arrests were ever made from the calls, which were a combination of reports of domestic violence, theft, missing person and 911 hang-ups, Powers said.

Von Wiese-Mack more recently had moved to a condominium in Chicago. Her husband, and Heather's father, classical music composer James Mack, died in 2006.

Laura Voigt, a pianist in Oak Park and friend of James Mack, said she remembered seeing mother and daughter fight outside the local high school one morning.

"I was worried about Sheila," Voigt said.

Von Wiese-Mack had worked as an editor for famed oral historian Studs Terkel and later studied with Nobel literature laureate Saul Bellow at the University of Chicago.

Georgia Parchem, a neighbor and friend in Oak Park, said von Wiese-Mack was a "lovely, charming woman" and the Macks often held parties involving "artists and friends from all over the city."

Additional reporting by Wayan Sukarda in Nusa Dua.

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