Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Michaungkan activist sentenced to 8 months
• Call for Burmese peacekeepers to monitor ceasefire
• Bullet Points: 21 August 2014
• Court orders S Korean factory to pay dismissed workers
• New homes ready for displaced Meikhtila villagers
• Thai junta gives stalled Dawei SEZ the green light

Michaungkan activist sentenced to 8 months Posted: 21 Aug 2014 06:01 AM PDT Land rights activist Sein Than was sentenced to four months in prison on Wednesday, lengthening his term to eight months following another ruling issued on Tuesday. Sein Than was convicted of violating Burma's Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act in two separate townships for spearheading an unpermitted protest against an alleged land grab in Michaungkan, Rangoon Division. The activist's daughter, Nay Nwe, told DVB on Thursday that Rangoon's Bahan Township issued the second ruling for the same offence he had already been convicted of. Sein Than led a group of protestors to the home of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to deliver documents and plead their case. "My father was charged under Article 18 [the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act] for leading a rally in front of Daw Suu's house, where we went to hand her documents about our case and ask for her assistance," said Nay Nwe. He has faced the same charge in several other townships, including Pabedan and Latha, all pertaining to his activism surrounding the Michaungkan land-grab case. In March, Sein Than helped organise an encampment in front of Rangoon's Maha Bandoola Park, where hundreds of protestors participated in a sit-in that continued until they were forcibly removed by authorities. Periodic re-occupations have since resumed as the 24-year struggle to retrieve the disputed land continues. The protestors say they were evicted from their homes in the suburban Rangoon township in a land grab by the Burmese military in 1990. Related Stories Bullet Points: 21 August 2014 Court orders S Korean factory to pay dismissed workers Bullet Points: 20 August 2014 When Sein Than appeared in a Latha court on Tuesday, around 80 protestors showed up in matching t-shirts to support him. Lawyers and activists have criticised the government for allowing the trial to proceed in multiple townships for what is essentially the same charge. Robert San Aung, a well-known attorney in Burma who often defends activists, argued that the multiple trials contravene the country's penal code. "According to the Code of Criminal Procedure, Article 234, a person must undergo only one trial for three different counts of the same kind of offence if they are committed within one year," he said. "This is against the law." Aung Thein of the Myanmar Lawyers Network said that a defendant has the right to appeal to a higher court and upon doing so, can request to have the sentences combined. "The defendant faced charges by police in several townships, but he has the right to appeal to the district court to concurrently serve sentences for the same offence," said Aung Thein. Sein Than is still awaiting verdicts for similar charges in two other townships.

Call for Burmese peacekeepers to monitor ceasefire Posted: 21 Aug 2014 05:14 AM PDT Hopes for a genuine truce to end decades of civil war in Burma were boosted this week by an agreement to form a ceasefire maintaining task force. As the peace process progresses through five rounds of negotiations – frequently involving days-long talks, painstaking dotting i's and crossing t's – ongoing fighting in the northeast of the country has lent a disquieting note to discussions between the government and ethnic armed groups. Yet in the latest round of negotiations in Rangoon this week, stakeholders struck a breakthrough agreement on a ceasefire monitoring strategy. Leaders reportedly agreed that the creation of a peacekeeping task force should be written into the final ceasefire agreement, drawing on representatives from ethnic armed groups as well as the government. Salai Lian H Sakhong, a winner of Sweden's Martin Luther King Jr. peace prize, is a Chin representative on the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, an ethnic alliance of 16 armed groups. He says the need for a joint ceasefire monitoring team runs to the core of the peace process. "If, after signing the agreement, there is no one to monitor the ceasefire,then it would be meaningless," he said. "That is why we must form a committee to recruit a joint peacekeeping task force." He opined that the committee would consist of government and ethnic leaders, as well as civil society representatives. "We would like international representatives to take part as observers." The need for an outfit to monitor a future ceasefire has been made all the more stark by continuing skirmishes between several of the parties present at the ceasefire talks. One civilian was reportedly killed, and another wounded, during fighting between the Palaung National Liberation Army and the Burmese army on Monday, as ceasefire negotiators reported their progress to political parties in Rangoon. The Kachin Independence Organisation and Shan State Army- North are also pivotal members of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, yet they remain in conflict with Burmese government forces. Related Stories Bullet Points: 21 August 2014 Bullet Points: 19 August 2014 Route home blocked for child soldiers Salai Lian H Sakhong spoke of the crucial role that peacekeepers may play in a future Burma. "Armed groups can encounter unexpected problems," he said. "This [peacekeeping] committee is therefore necessary in order to prevent clashes from breaking out again and to stop issues escalating." Many Burma watchers second the opinion that a joint ceasefire monitoring team would boost hopes for a constructive political dialogue, which hinges on the warring parties' ability to maintain a truce. Observers close to the process say that a final draft ceasefire document could come out of talks between the government and the NCCT scheduled for September.

Bullet Points: 21 August 2014 Posted: 21 Aug 2014 05:10 AM PDT On today's edition of Bullet Points: A labour tribunal in Rangoon decides South Korean-owned footwear factory Master Sports must provide severance pay to 750 former employees. Hopes for a true end to decades of civil war boosted this week by the agreement to form a ceasefire maintaining task force. The ruling Thai junta will push ahead with the stalled Dawei Special Economic Zone. You can watch Bullet Points every weeknight on DVB TV after the 7 o'clock news.

Court orders S Korean factory to pay dismissed workers Posted: 21 Aug 2014 02:17 AM PDT South Korean shoe manufacturer Master Sports has been ordered by a Rangoon court to compensate more than 750 factory workers who were suddenly laid off in June. A former employee of the company, Tun Tun Naing, told DVB on Wednesday that the Rangoon Division Labour Tribunal decided in favour of the dismissed workers, ordering  Master Sports to pay severance of three months salary plus full payment for the month of June. "The tribunal decided that the factory must provide severance equal to three months of pay plus the June salary for workers who were employed for more than one year. For those who have worked there for three to ten months, the company must pay the June salary and two months beyond that," Tun Tun Naing said. A deadline for the payment has not been set, but will be determined by the township-level labour department. Tun Tun Naing said that workers met with Burma's minister of labour on Saturday, who assured them that the ministry has summoned the factory owner to appear in a Burmese court. "The minister said the government has already sent two letters to the factory owner through the South Korean embassy ordering his presence in court. If he doesn’t appear, his assets will be seized and dispensed as compensation," Tun Tun Naing said. Related Stories Michaungkan activist sentenced to 8 months Bullet Points: 21 August 2014 Bullet Points: 20 August 2014 The whereabouts of the company's owner and his affiliates are currently unknown, as they left the country shortly after shutting down the factory on 26 June. The factory's employees, who claim they were not given advance notice of the closure, received assistance from the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Security to seek legal recourse. The ministry eventually brokered a deal through with the help of the South Korean embassy whereby the company agreed to offer one month's pay as severance; however only 56 of the 755 dismissed workers accepted the package. Workers protested at the South Korean embassy in July, demanding more compensation. They later claimed the company had coerced some employees into signing predatory agreements relinquishing severance. The case is thought to be the first ever instance of Burma's Ministry of Labour bringing a lawsuit against a company on behalf of workers.

New homes ready for displaced Meikhtila villagers Posted: 20 Aug 2014 10:24 PM PDT Around 1,500 people displaced by communal violence in central Burma's Meikhtila have been awarded homes in a newly built housing complex, according to a project official. Khin Nan, supervisor of the government-backed housing project, said that 350 new one-story homes in Chanayethar ward have already been allocated to displaced families, awarded by lottery on 19 August. "Of the 350 homes, 250 are complete and ready for move-in.  For the other 100 houses, residents will have the choice of moving in now or waiting until construction is complete," he said. Upon completion, each house will have two water tanks, solar panels, an electric meter box and electrical wire connections. Each household is granted a 30×40 ft plot of land. The project is part of an ongoing effort to resettle the thousands of mostly Muslim residents who have been living in one of five displacement camps since riots broke out in the city in March 2013. More than 10,000 people were initially displaced after Buddhist mobs ransacked a Muslim neighbourhood following a quarrel in a gold shop. Dozens were killed in the violence, and reports have suggested that authorities stood idly by as 20 Muslim students were massacred. Khin Nan said that about 2,000 people now remain in two displacement camps. Construction is underway for a 171-unit apartment complex to accommodate the remaining refugees, which is due for completion in December. The project implementation experienced some setbacks last year as many refugees, most of whom were farmers before the riots, opposed being relocated to an urban apartment complex. Recipients of the new houses, however, say they are satisfied with the arrangement.   Related Stories Arakan High Court rejects appeal in Taunggup lynching case Mandalay curfew to be lifted One dead in violence at Arakan refugee camp

Thai junta gives stalled Dawei SEZ the green light Posted: 20 Aug 2014 09:41 PM PDT Thailand's military regime has given Dawei development the go-ahead, saying the project will help to smooth investment between Thailand and Burma (officially known as Myanmar). The National Council for Peace and Order has agreed that development of the project should proceed as scheduled, said Perames Vudthitornetiraks, vice-president of the Neighbouring Countries Economic Development Cooperation Agency and director of Dawei SEZ Development (DSEZ). A 50:50 joint venture registered in Thailand, DSEZ is a special-purpose vehicle with a 75-year concession from the Burmese government to develop the special economic zone and a deep-sea port, replacing Italian-Thai Development Plc, which had received the concession from Burma in November 2010. “Myanmar wants to push the project forward swiftly, as it has been stalled for a long while,” Mr Perames said. “In comparison, the Thilawa Special Economic Zone, a joint venture between Myanmar and Japan, is moving ahead at a rapid pace.” Related Stories Bullet Points: 21 August 2014 Burma’s fish stock in severe decline Bamboo could be Burma’s next big export The terms of reference (ToR) for the first-phase bidding of the Dawei project are set to be drafted next month, with potential investors to become clearer in October. The first phase, located on one-fifth of the Dawei project’s total area, will include roads, a port and industrial estates. The Dawei project, located in eastern Burma, has been delayed since ousted Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra dissolved parliament last December. A source recently said Thailand's National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB) would soon report on updated development to the junta and ask for guidelines on whether and how to proceed. Two consultancies have also been hired to revise the ToR to make the project more attractive to foreign investors. Under the original schedule, DSEZ had planned to open the bidding for three construction jobs this past February and announce the results this month. NESDB secretary-general Arkhom Termpittayapaisith warned that the project would prove difficult to develop if the Burmese and Thai governments failed to invest in infrastructure and utilities. Normally, investment in megaprojects or large industrial towns is handled by the government. The state invests in utilities and infrastructure while offering privileges to persuade the private sector to set up factories. Thailand and Burma last November officially agreed to push the ambitious scheme forward.   This article was first published in the Bangkok Post on 21 August 2014.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Parliament Speakers Consider Revision of Penal Code for Journalists
• Ethnic Minorities Question US-Burma Military Ties
• Burmese Consumer Group Makes Bonfire of Illicit Snacks
• Rangoon Land Protest Leader Gets 8 Months in Prison
• Clay as a Weapon
• Definition of Political Prisoner Sought With Govt, Activists at Odds
• Has the United States Forgotten Suu Kyi?
• ‘Nationwide Ceasefire Will Happen This Year’
• Network Rejects Burma’s Imminent National Education Bill
• Thai Junta Leader Appointed PM by Hand-Picked Parliament
• Indian Firms Tool Up for Defense Orders on Modi’s ‘Buy Indian’ Pledge

Parliament Speakers Consider Revision of Penal Code for Journalists Posted: 21 Aug 2014 04:27 AM PDT Interim Press Council members talk with President Thein Sein at an earlier meeting in Naypyidaw earlier this month. (Photo: Interim Press Council / Facebook) RANGOON — Speakers of both houses of Burma's Parliament "generally agree" on the need to revise century-old sections of the country's penal code that have been used to jail journalists, according to a leading member of the Interim Press Council. Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann and Upper House Speaker Khin Aung Myint told press council members that they would consider the legal revisions during a meeting in Naypyidaw on Wednesday, one day before charges were dropped against dozens of journalists in Rangoon. "The council proposed abolishing sections 499 and 500 of the penal code, which cover defamation but were taken by the British [colonial powers] 100 years ago. India does not include these sections in its penal code anymore; instead, they are part of civil law," council member and veteran journalist Thiha Saw told The Irrawaddy, recounting the meeting. "Someone can be jailed under the penal code but they only need to pay a fine under civil law. We asked whether it would be possible to make the change, as other countries have done. …Both parliamentary speakers generally agreed to do so." On Thursday, charges against about 50 journalists in Rangoon were dropped, according to a report by 7Day News, a Burmese-language news agency, which cited a police officer. The journalists had been accused of violating the Peaceful Assembly Act after a silent demonstration. Thiha Saw said the parliamentary speakers also agreed to cooperate in holding a forum of media and government officials, likely in September. "The forum is to increase understanding between the four pillars—the legislative, administrative and judiciary bodies, along with the media, and to solve misunderstandings, if there are any," Thiha Saw told The Irrawaddy. He said council members and the parliamentary speakers spoke about the Public Service Media Bill as well. In particular, he said council members criticized the plan to include newspapers as public service media. The Interim Press Council has finished drafting bylaws for its Media Law, which was approved by Parliament and signed by President Thein Sein in March. The bylaws will be sent to the Attorney General's Office and must receive approval from the president, Thiha Saw said. Council members met earlier this month with Thein Sein in Naypyidaw and with Information Minister Ye Htut in Rangoon. The president agreed to give the council greater rights to mediate over disputes involving the media. Both meetings were held at the request of the council, following the jailing of several journalists in recent months. The post Parliament Speakers Consider Revision of Penal Code for Journalists appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Ethnic Minorities Question US-Burma Military Ties Posted: 21 Aug 2014 04:11 AM PDT Burma's armed forces take part in a ceremony to honor the 65th anniversary of independence from British rule in Naypyidaw on Jan. 4, 2013. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — As the United States insists that military engagement with Burma is crucial to promote political reforms, human rights activists and ethnic minorities are raising some questions. Among them: Who will take responsibility if US assistance to Burma's armed forces is used to oppress, rather than help, the Burmese people? Tom Malinowski, the US assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labor, met with the commander-in-chief of the Burmese military during his visit to Naypyidaw in June. Washington has repeatedly sought to assure critics that military engagement in Burma would not involve training of combat forces or the exchange of weaponry systems, but would instead focus on promoting respect for human rights and professionalism. But ethnic minorities in Burma, who have for several decades been the victims of brutal military campaigns, are not so convinced. Thirteen ethnic groups from Shan State sent a letter to the US Consulate in Thailand's Chiang Mai last month, saying they believed US military engagement in the country was premature. "What if ethnicities are attacked with US-provided technologies? That's the question," said Khun Htun Oo, a prominent Shan leader, adding that the uncertainty of Burmese politics was reason for caution. "We don't even know what will happen in 2015. We don't know whether the election will be free and fair. Now, proportional representation (PR) is being debated and we don't know how things will develop." Khon Ja, an activist from the Kachin Peace Network, also opposes US-Burma military engagement, saying she wonders what will happen if the Burmese army does not follow ethical rules after undergoing training, especially if the United States does not continue to monitor it. During half a century of dictatorship, the military committed more rights abuses than the Burmese government, said Cherry Zahau, an ethnic Chin human rights activist. "There is no consensus in regards to how to engage with the Burmese military, which keeps on committing human rights abuses," she said. The military has signed bilateral ceasefires with most ethnic armed groups since 2012, but over the past three years clashes in northern Burma have left more than 100,000 people displaced. The Chin activist accused the United States of strengthening ties with the Burmese military not to further political reforms, but due to the geopolitical importance of Burma for US national security. "The military has continuously been a hindrance to reforms. It has impeded the progress by waging battles. It is ridiculous that [the US] says it's engaging with the Burmese military to encourage reforms," she said. Because the United States is a mature democracy and a superpower, Mya Aye from the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society says he believes US mentorship for the Burmese military would not be problematic, if the focus was on preventing further rights abuses. "US's military ties with Burma could help build democracy in Burma, but only when it takes the human rights situation in the country into consideration," he said. The post Ethnic Minorities Question US-Burma Military Ties appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Consumer Group Makes Bonfire of Illicit Snacks Posted: 21 Aug 2014 04:06 AM PDT A bonfire of food products that the Consumer Protection Association of Myanmar says may be dangerous to health. (Photo: Consumer Protection Association of Myanmar / Facebook ) RANGOON — A Burmese consumer advocacy group has launched a campaign to confiscate and incinerate food products believed to be harmful to health. In smaller versions of Burmese authorities' regular ceremonies to burn large caches of seized narcotics, the Consumer Protection Association of Myanmar (CPAM)—a privately funded nongovernmental organization—is making pyres of packets of noodles and other snacks that it says are dangerous. Director Ba Oak Khine said the group is working with municipal authorities in Burma's major cities to enforce laws on food standards that are otherwise ignored in the campaign that began in Naypyidaw on Aug. 15. "We will start the campaign in Rangoon within this month," said Ba Oak Khine. "We are still coordinating with the Mandalay municipal committee to launch the campaign in Mandalay." He said the products being confiscated were mostly readymade food including moldy packaged food, snacks made using banned chemical dyes, soft drinks with stimulant additives and imported food products that do not have their ingredients written in English or Burmese—which should not be sold in Burma, according to the Consumer Protection Law passed this year. "We've seen that some sausages imported from China are marked in Chinese as dog food on the package," said Ba Oak Khine by way of an example. "But those sausages are sold for people here in Burma. The people buy the sausages because they do not understand the Chinese on the food package." Food products that are endangering people's health have been cheaply and widely available in Burma for more than a decade, according to Ba Oak Khine, who blames ineffective countermeasures taken by the authorities. Burma does have a Food and Drugs Association (FDA) charged with enforcing the rules around food products on sale in the country. And officials insist that they carry out regular surveys in markets and school canteens to look for potentially dangerous food, but identifying illegal products can take time. "We usually send food samples back to the lab to test whether it includes harmful ingredients. Sometimes we do on-the-spot tests, like testing for chemical food coloring," said a deputy director at the FDA, who spoke on condition of anonymity. "Whenever we find some dangerous food that is not fit to be consumed, we put notices about those foods in the state newspaper." So far, there has not been any collaboration between the FDA and CPAM, despite their common goal. "We cannot be sure whether every kind of food that is being confiscated by CPAM for being harmful to consume is actually dangerous or not," the FDA official said. Ba Oak Khine insisted that the group only confiscates products in breach of the Consumer Protection Law. "According to the law, any readymade food product that is allowed to be sold within the country must have manufacturing date, expiry date and ingredients all displayed in Burmese or English on the package," said Ba Oak Khine. "The foods that we've confiscated all do not have these displayed on their package. Therefore we believe these foods are not suitable for people to consume." He added that CPAM targets the main distributors in big cities such as Rangoon and Mandalay. "The large scale distributors in big cities are the main sources from which smaller shops around the country get these dangerous food products," said Ba Oak Khine. "If we target these distributors first, then we can reduce the availability of these products within the country while also cutting off the inflow of these products from the border regions." The post Burmese Consumer Group Makes Bonfire of Illicit Snacks appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Rangoon Land Protest Leader Gets 8 Months in Prison Posted: 21 Aug 2014 03:54 AM PDT   A woman ties on a headband identifying her as a former owner of land in Michaungkan village, in Rangoon's Thingangyun Township, which protesters say was confiscated by the Burma Army in the early 1990s. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) Two courts in Rangoon have handed down a total of eight months in jail terms to the leader of land rights activists who have for months camped out in the city's downtown in protest over land seized by the Burmese military. Sein Than is the most prominent member of the community who until the early 1990s lived in Michaungkan village, Thingangyun Township, and have over the past two years persistently demonstrated to have the Burma Army return their land. In March, after Parliament's land committee failed to solve the dispute, the former residents set up a camp adjacent to Mahabandoola Gardens near City Hall and have occupied it ever since. Sein Than was detained in late July and is facing charges in multiple courts in the former capital under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, which criminalizes gatherings that do not have the prior permission of the authorities. Two courts sentenced Sein Than to four months in jail each this week, said his daughter, Nay Nwe Than. "On Wednesday, he received four months in prison from the Bahan Township Court under Article 18," Nay Nwe Than told The Irrawaddy. "Prior to that, on Aug. 18, the Pabedan Township Court sentenced him to four months imprisonment with hard labor [under the same charge]." Sein Than also appeared before Kyauktada Township Court on Thursday, facing another charge for protesting without permission, and is due to appear on Friday at Latha Township Court, where he is charged under municipal law. Sein Than was jailed on the same charge in 2013, but released during an amnesty granted by President Thein Sein on Dec. 31. Nay Nwe Than said her father was not represented by a lawyer at the courts, but the family has sought legal advice from lawyers like Robert San Aung, who represents people fighting human rights cases. Robert San Aung said Sein Than's trials were swift, with no time given to the accused or lawyers to put forward a defense. "The hearing is quickly done so we are not able to defend him before the judge," he said. The controversial Article 18 was recently amended to force authorities to grant permission to demonstrators who request it ahead of time, but the law does not allow for long-term sit-in protests of the kind staged by the former Michaungkan residents. The amended Article 18 says bail should not be more than 30,000 kyat ($30.80), and punishment should be no more than six months in prison. The Pabedan and Bahan township courts did offer bail to Sein Than ahead of the sentencing, but it was set at 30 million kyat ($30,800) and 60 million kyat, respectively, so the family and supporters were unable to pay. Robert San Aung said the judges' handling of Sein Than's cases showed the weakness of rule of law in Burma. "The judges' decision [for bail] should not be that high. How could he and his family pay that? He is just one of the victims of a land grab," he said. Upper House lawmaker Thein Nyunt, who represents the Thingangyun constituency and sits on the Judicial, Legal Affairs and Public Complaint Assessment Committee, said it was common for courts to set exorbitant sums for bail. "It is unacceptable to ask such an enormous amount for bail—not only in this case, but in other cases as well," he said.     The post Rangoon Land Protest Leader Gets 8 Months in Prison appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Clay as a Weapon Posted: 21 Aug 2014 01:30 AM PDT Burma's retired Snr-Gen Than Shwe: Meet General Than Satan, decked out in his array of distinguished medals and ribbons honoring the general for his significant talents and accomplishments. The 'B' medal for Brutality, for instance, 'G' for Genocide, 'L' for Lies, and so forth. (Photo: Jim McNalis) Political satire can be used as a powerful tool to focus attention on human absurdity, corruption, hypocrisy and injustice. Political satire takes many forms. Those of us in the visual arts use images—drawings, paintings and sculptures—to shine a light on our subjects. Unlike words, images attract attention and trigger an immediate reaction. A strong image should require no explanation. The most striking satirical images combine irreverence with humor. The image alone should present the artist's complete intention. My preference is to do caricatures of the people I am going after. But there must be more than just a recognizable caricature of the person. There must be story value; an idea, a statement to be made. When Kim Jong-un succeeded his father, I knew I had a new subject to caricature. His unique features lent themselves to caricature, but it was not until he was declared a "military genius" that my sculpture took form. My sculpture presents him as a child with a toy airplane and a slingshot and he is dwarfed by an enormous nuclear missile that looms up behind him. In political satire, art becomes an extremely powerful form of protest, especially in countries and under regimes where dissent and freedom of speech are forbidden. Dictators and totalitarian rulers are irresistible targets for the political satirist. These kinds of dangerous, unjust egocentrics are used to having their way without opposition or feedback. Because of this they have a very unrealistic view of the real world and how it operates. They become ideal candidates for caricature because such egos cannot tolerate being humiliated or insulted. Images can help us remember political prisoners; those who have been punished and imprisoned for having the courage to stand for what is right. Art can also shine a light on those who inspire us and provide leadership to oppose injustice in the struggle for basic human rights. Art can reach people who might not be reachable by other means. Artists who feel a responsibility for those in need of help can use their talents to play a part in the dangerous and unjust aspects of life. Jim McNalis is an American artist and former Walt Disney art director who lives in the US state of Florida. His views do not necessarily reflect those of The Irrawaddy. All captions are provided by the artist. The post Clay as a Weapon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Definition of Political Prisoner Sought With Govt, Activists at Odds Posted: 21 Aug 2014 01:12 AM PDT Lawmaker and former political prisoner Sandar Min, left, speaks at a workshop to define what constitutes a political prisoner, on Sunday in Rangoon. (Photo: Facebook / Assistance Association for Political Prisoners) RANGOON — A workshop was convened this week in Rangoon to decide what constitutes a political prisoner, taking on a divisive issue that continues to weigh down on Burma's reform narrative. The government and political activists have been at odds over the definition of the term, a disagreement that has implications for a pledge made by President Thein Sein last year that all prisoners of conscience in Burma would be released by the end of 2013. More than 100 representatives from NGOs and political parties, as well as activists, lawmakers and lawyers, gathered for the two-day workshop on Aug. 17-18 at the Dhamma Peya monastery in Rangoon's Thingangyun Township. Jointly organized by the Rangoon-based Former Political Prisoners Society (FPPS) and Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), the discussion also included former political prisoners who were granted amnesty under Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government. "The definition of a political prisoner is necessary to articulate because the government is denying that there are any political prisoners who remain behind bars," Tun Kyi of the FPPS told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. He said that Aung Thein, a President's Office deputy minister who also serves as secretary of the government-backed Political Prisoners Scrutinizing Committee, has maintained that all political prisoners were released by the end of 2013, in fulfilment of Thein Sein's promise. "So we decided to hold the workshop and invited international organizations like ICTJ [International Center for Transitional Justice] and ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross], activists, lawyers and lawmakers to define the definition of political prisoners and to enforce the law on that," he said. Thein Sein has granted amnesties to more than 1,000 political prisoners since he took office in 2011, as part of a democratic reform program that has won the president international praise. But Tun Kyi said authorities have continued to make politically motivated arrests and prosecutions, repeatedly using alleged criminal charges that have allowed them to stifle dissent or limit freedom of expression in other ways, while purporting to uphold the rule of law and follow due process. The definition states that anyone arrested, charged or sentenced for directly or indirectly supporting movements for freedom, justice, equality, or human rights, or for participating in demonstrations or other forms of dissent against the government, would be considered a political prisoner. "According to the definition that came from the workshop, a political prisoner is anyone who is arrested on political charges or other penal code-based violations, if they were protesting against the Constitution or the government's conduct, including the president and all government officials," he said. Activists have decried the intimidation, arrest and prosecution of dozens of people this year, ranging from activists and farmers to journalists and politicians. Often they are charged under laws still on the books but considered undemocratic, such as the Peaceful Assembly Law, which until recently required pre-approval from local authorities to stage a protest. Aung Myo Kyaw, a spokesman for the AAPP, said workshop participants would submit the finalized definition of political prisoners to Parliament. "The government no longer recognizes political prisoners [as still existing]. So now we have a definition, which was agreed upon by the various organizations and will be sent to Parliament to get recognition from the government," he said. He said that previously, the reformist government mainly considered releasing political prisoners based on the charges for which they were incarcerated, which were generally made under Burma's repressive former military regime. The releases were not informed by a specific definition of what constituted a political prisoner, he added. "A definition would help to release political prisoners remaining behind bars and to avoid including those who are not political prisoners in amnesties, and to ensure rights and assistance to political prisoners during and after their imprisonment," Aung Myo Kyaw said. "By the end of July, there were 70 political prisoners, including 29 political prisoners from 2013, incarcerated, and around 114 activists awaiting trial," Tun Kyi of the FPPS said. "Since the definition of political prisoner has been agreed to, some [additional] activists will be counted as political prisoners. So we will compile a new list of political prisoners." The post Definition of Political Prisoner Sought With Govt, Activists at Odds appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Has the United States Forgotten Suu Kyi? Posted: 20 Aug 2014 11:00 PM PDT US Secretary of State John Kerry meets National League for Democracy chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi at her lakeside villa in Rangoon on Sunday evening. (Photo: Simon Lewis / The Irrawaddy) Nobody seems to realize that Aung San Suu Kyi is disappointed with US policy in Burma, especially its policy of military-to-military engagement. She hasn't said so in public, but according to a source close to the opposition leader, she believes it is not yet time for the Obama administration to strengthen ties with Burma's armed forces, which has committed war crimes against ethnic minorities for decades. Her opinion is shared by many leading dissidents and ethnic leaders in the country, among them prominent Shan leader Khun Htun Oo as well as Mya Aye of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society. But who cares what they think? Not only the United States, but also the United Kingdom and Australia appear convinced that military engagement is crucial in this time of political reform. They have all already sent military leaders to meet with top-brass officials from the Tatmadaw, mostly to discuss professionalism and human rights. The United States, for example, says its military relations with Burma will focus on non-combat concerns, such as training for disaster assistance to ease the suffering of people, as well as education on ethics and rule of law. When US Secretary of State John Kerry visited Rangoon earlier this month, he spoke with Suu Kyi about specific plans like these for military engagement. The source close to Suu Kyi recently confided in me that, despite the opposition leader's general disapproval, she remained relatively quiet in regard to his proposals. She could not object because the plans for military engagement are already in motion, but at the same time, she refused to offer support. Obviously, the Obama administration and other Western countries are eager to work with Burma's nominally civilian government. After half a century of military dictatorship, they say they want to encourage political reforms and more equitable development for the country's people. Suu Kyi and other dissident leaders clearly do not oppose these goals, or the diplomatic engagement that is likely necessary to achieve them. But whether the international community should go so far as to engage with Burma's military is a major question, especially lately, when it increasingly appears that the government's political reforms have stalled. Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org. Just before Kerry's trip to Burma, more than 70 US lawmakers urged the White House to "undertake a significant recalibration of US policy" toward President Thein Sein's government because "conditions in Burma have taken a sharp turn for the worst." Some members of Congress have also initiated laws to restrict further US military cooperation with Burma. Their letter to Kerry underscored the continuing military abuses against ethnic minorities, the recent jailing of journalists and the need for constitutional change. But after the trip, Kerry spoke positively about the trajectory of reforms. "In Burma last week, I saw firsthand the initial progress the people and the government have made," he told an audience in Hawaii at the East-West Center, a think tank. "And I'm proud of the role—and you should be, too—that the United States has played for a quarter century in encouraging that progress." Kerry added that Burma still had a long way to go to solve challenges such as civil war, human rights issues and constitutional change. "The United States is going to do everything we can to help the reformers in Burma, especially by supporting nationwide elections next year," he said. During their meeting, Suu Kyi reportedly told Kerry that Burma's Union Election Commission lacked independence and would pose a problem for free and fair elections next year. The chairman of the election commission, Tin Aye, is a former lieutenant-general and a protégé of ex-junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe, with close ties to Thein Sein as well. Critics are worried that under his guidance, the election next year will be rigged, as it was in 2010, when the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide victory. In April, Tin Aye promised that the 2015 election would be "systematically free and fair," but he went on to say that he wanted it to be held in "disciplined democracy style." He added, "The military MPs make up 25 percent of Parliament. To be clear, we have them because we don't want a coup." In the past, when Suu Kyi said something, world leaders listened. Their policy reflected well on her words. But now, the situation is different. These days, Washington and other Western governments seem to need Thein Sein more, while Suu Kyi is becoming a mere symbol for the international community. Foreign diplomats aren't missing meetings with the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, but their meetings are more and more appearing as courtesy calls. When Kerry visited Burma, he kept Suu Kyi waiting at her Rangoon home well into the night because he was busy all day in Naypyidaw, talking with the president and other government officials. When his staff called to make the appointment with Suu Kyi, they told her that he would not be free until after 8 pm, and she turned down the meeting because the time was too late. Concerned diplomats begged her to reconsider and she did, much to their relief. It would have been problematic for Kerry to leave the country without touching base with her. He could be criticized for rolling out a one-sided engagement policy with the government. It is important to listen to both sides. Suu Kyi and other dissidents have not forgotten that top Burmese officials are skilled manipulators, that genuine democracy is not on their agenda, and that the military here still enjoys economic and political privileges. If the United States and others in the international community do not pay attention to these warnings—if they continue to court the president and the armed forces—sooner or later they will be fooled. The post Has the United States Forgotten Suu Kyi? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘Nationwide Ceasefire Will Happen This Year’ Posted: 20 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT Nai Hong Sar, head of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), speaks during recent talks with government negotiators in Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The Burmese government's Union Peacemaking Working Committee (UWPC) and ethnic rebel groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) met to discuss the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement in Rangoon last week. The two sides have since announced that they will convene again next month to continue efforts to draft a single-text ceasefire accord that would bring Burma one step closer to national reconciliation after decades of civil war. Following the meeting, The Irrawaddy spoke to Nai Hong Sar, the head of the NCCT, to discuss the current state of peace negotiations and future prospects for a nationwide end to hostilities between government troops and armed ethnic rebel groups. Question: Some say the peace process has bogged down in recent months. Can you tell me what difficulties negotiators are facing and why progress appears to have slowed? Answer: Every chapter from the single-text [ceasefire] requires a thorough discussion. It wasn't very easy to get this far either. I know what the people are saying and I understand why. I want to ask them to be patient. At this point, we don't have many difficulties left in the process. Q: What do you think of the government's peace efforts? A: It has been great, but the ethnic people have identical points of view, and the government side doesn't have the same opinions. It is formed of the military, Hluttaw [Parliament] and the government, so yes, I understand there could be different views. However, I have found that the recent meetings have been much improved. Q:What were some of those differing opinions? A: For example, the military didn't want to approve use of the word 'federal,' just as they were not fond of wording like 'equal rights' and 'self-determination.' They didn't seem to feel like amending these things. Q: But now the UWPC has accepted the federal framework. Do you mean to say the military is not fully in support of this? A: We will only know whether they accept this or not at the upcoming meetings. Q: I've heard that some are worrying that the ethnic rebels will declare a revolution once the military has stopped firing. What can you say of such speculation? A: If we don't discuss, the shots will continue to be fired. If the meeting goes well, we do not have to fight anymore. It's already been over 60 years [of conflict]. We are negotiating to cease the fire. We can ensure our word, and the government also needs to give us some guarantee [that it will honor a nationwide ceasefire]. Q: The government says everything is on the table, except anything that might compromise the integrity of the Union. How do ethnic minority groups view the issue? A: Our ethnic rebel forces haven't asked for secession, but rather federalism and equality. If we can't have them, we will need to remain as armed rebel forces. If needed, we will secede. None of the ethnic rebel forces are looking to secede if they can get what they ask for. That's the truth. Q: Among the government, military and Hluttaw, which party has been most difficult to negotiate with? A: Of course, it's the military. All of them [military representatives] come here along with orders from their commander in chief. Things are a little bit more difficult since they have those orders from their superiors. Q: Do you think a ceasefire would be durable, given that you've just now said it has been hard to negotiate with the military? A: The Army is one of the three parties discussing it, along with the government and Hluttaw. Because they can't be divided, I think they will accept this in a very short time. Q: Then why is there still no response from the military? A: It's because they need time. We have a lot of things to go through precisely and thoroughly. What we have discussed so far has been very general. Q:Do you honestly think that a genuine ceasefire can be achieved? A: I can say that it will happen this year. But still, we haven't decided who will join and be the witnesses yet. The post 'Nationwide Ceasefire Will Happen This Year' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Network Rejects Burma’s Imminent National Education Bill Posted: 20 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT Members of the National Network for Education Reform give a press conference in Rangoon on Tuesday. (Photo: Yen Snaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A network of educational organizations has rejected a new bill approved by Parliament last month, saying it does not remove Burma's education system from central government control. The National Network for Education Reform (NNER)—which is formed of educational, political and religious organizations—issued a statement Tuesday saying the current draft of the National Education Bill did not include many of its key recommendations. NNER has held discussions nationwide over the past two years on education reform in Burma, and said it strongly disagreed with nine key parts of the current draft. The bill—passed by the Union Parliament on July 30, but not yet approved by the president—is meant to overhaul Burma's education system, which has suffered from underfunding and overbearing control under previous governments. The bill calls for the formation of a National Education Commission (NEC) and a Higher Education Coordination Committee, two powerful bodies that NNER said were "not necessary" and would only preserve central government control of education. "Universities and colleges must be autonomous and, by necessity, they may cooperate on democratic principles. For academic quality to be assured, assessments must be done by a team of independent specialists," the statement said. Arkar Moe Thu, secretary of Myanmar Teachers' Federation, told The Irrawaddy that the NEC, which will be headed by a Union-level government official, was simply a reincarnation of previous government bodies that centrally controlled—and stifled—Burma's education system during military rule. "They have put the NEC in the bill just to change the name," he said. Measures in the bill guaranteeing autonomy to higher education institutions were undermined by the creation of the coordination committee, which will have ultimate control over establishing and closing universities, Arkar Moe Thu said. "They say they will give autonomy to universities, and they want to claim that the Higher Education Department will not exist," he said. "Then, they substitute it with Higher Education Coordination Committee, which will control the finances." NNER said the current bill ignores calls for mother-tongue languages to be used in instruction in ethnic states, and is discriminatory in its articles dealing with children with special educational needs. The bill also contains a definition of education that is reminiscent of Burma's authoritarian history. "National Education is to cherish, protect and promote the essence of all ethnicities' languages, literature, culture, arts, traditional customs and historical heritage, and to nurture human resources who have good moral and character and who are able to think correctly, and education that helps state development according to the needs of the age," the bill reads. ThuThu Mar, education policy coordinator at NNER, said the bill's definition "belittled" education and raised concerns about education serving the political system. Thein Lwin, spokesman of the National League for Democracy's education network, said that since Basic Education schools would remain under the direct management of the Ministry of Education, central control would persist. "It's limiting our teachers' rights and creativity like in past years," he said. "We object to this. We want our schools to be free and democratic. We want the schools to be freely managed, in accepting students, the appointment of new teachers and in drawing up the curriculum." The statement by NNER recommends that "the ministry rather should play the role of facilitator; the school management should be done by the respective school boards which constitute the school principal, the teachers, parents and respectable citizens." President Thein Sein has sent the current draft of the National Education Bill back to the Union Parliament with 25 points of for further discussion. According to the Constitution, the president may send a bill back to Parliament within 14 days of its passing, but if it is approved again by lawmakers it will pass into law automatically within seven days, with or without presidential approval. The post Network Rejects Burma's Imminent National Education Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Junta Leader Appointed PM by Hand-Picked Parliament Posted: 20 Aug 2014 09:54 PM PDT Thai Army chief Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha gestures in a traditional greeting during the start of a National Legislative Assembly meeting at parliament in Bangkok on Aug. 18, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Chaiwat Subprasom) BANGKOK — Thailand's coup leader Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha was appointed prime minister on Thursday by a legislature he hand-picked, giving the army chief a veneer of legitimacy even while the military presses on with efforts to silence its critics. The army seized power on May 22 in a bloodless coup following six months of sometimes deadly street protests that contributed to the ousting of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, whose populist government was opposed by the Bangkok royalist establishment. Although Prayuth's appointment paves the way for an interim government to be set up in the coming weeks, power will remain firmly in the junta's hands. The general has said he plans to press ahead with a year of political reforms before a new election that he said will take place by late 2015. "It is designed to give him the power to run the country according to the law. The premier position will give him legal power in the Thai governance system," Gothom Arya, a lecturer in human rights studies at Mahidol University, told Reuters. The nomination comes as no surprise—the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) that chose Prayuth is largely considered little more than a rubber stamp parliament tasked with enacting sweeping reforms under the army's watch. The 60-year-old Prayuth will retire as army chief in September but will stay on as head of the junta, formally known as the National Council for Peace and Order. His appointment will need to be endorsed by Thailand's king. In the weeks leading up to the coup, Prayuth denied rumors that the military was planning to take control, but a Reuters report in May revealed the army had a plan ready that ran through various scenarios and how the military should respond. Yingluck, the sister of self-exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, had already been forced to step down on May 7, after a court found her guilty of abuse of power, but the army said its putsch to remove the remnants of her government two weeks later was necessary to restore order. Prayuth, who was not present at Thursday's vote in the legislature, has said he will hand over power once a three-phase roadmap of reconciliation, an interim government to oversee reforms and elections is complete. Since launching the coup, Prayuth has displayed signs of authoritarianism. A draft 2015 fiscal budget was approved on Monday in a unanimous vote, with only three abstentions by the NLA president and deputies according to convention. "Nobody had any problem. Nobody disagreed," Prayuth said after the vote on Monday. Australia, the United States and the European Union downgraded diplomatic ties with Thailand after the coup and Western diplomats Reuters spoke to said the appointment amounted to little more than a public relations exercise. "The prime minister title is just a cosmetic change and the nomination is not unexpected," said one Western diplomat in Bangkok, who declined to be named. "Prayuth is a soldier and not a democratically elected politician and Western nations will continue to press Thailand for progress toward free and fair elections. Right now, we are more concerned about Thailand's human rights record." The army detained scores of politicians and activists following the coup. Most have since been released although the army has yet to release official figures on the total number of people summoned, detained and released. An opposition activist has alleged she was tortured in military custody. The military has denied the allegations, which it said were "100 percent fabricated." Thailand has been bitterly divided for years between supporters of Yingluck and her brother Thaksin, a telecoms billionaire who was himself ousted by the army in 2006, and the traditional establishment in the capital and the south. Many of Prayuth's reform plans echo demands made by the anti-government protesters who hounded Yingluck and played a hand in her downfall. They wanted the electoral system to be redrawn to eliminate the influence of Thaksin. Since taking power, the junta has purged many officials linked to Thaksin in the civil service and the police force. An outspoken leader, Prayuth became commander of the First Army Region, which oversees Bangkok and the central plains, in 2006 and became commander-in-chief of the army in 2010. Mahidol University lecturer Gothom said it was hard to predict what Prayuth would do next. "If he doesn't respect the timing of reforms, interim government and elections then we will be in trouble," he said. Additional reporting by Pracha Hariraksapitak. The post Thai Junta Leader Appointed PM by Hand-Picked Parliament appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Indian Firms Tool Up for Defense Orders on Modi’s ‘Buy Indian’ Pledge Posted: 20 Aug 2014 09:48 PM PDT Indian Army's Arjun MK-I tanks (MBTs) are driven for display during the Republic Day parade in New Delhi January 26, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) NEW DELHI — Some of India's biggest companies are pouring billions of dollars into manufacturing guns, ships and tanks for the country's military, buoyed by the new government's commitment to upgrade its armed forces using domestic factories. India, the world's largest arms importer, will spend US$250 billion in the next decade on kit, analysts estimate, to upgrade its Soviet-era military and narrow the gap with China, which spends $120 billion a year on defense. Under the last government, procurement delays and a spate of operational accidents—especially dogging the navy—raised uncomfortable questions over whether India's armed forces are capable of defending its sea lanes and borders. Even before his landslide election victory in May, Prime Minister Narendra Modi promised to assert India's military prowess and meet the security challenge posed by a rising China and long-running tensions with Pakistan. Within weeks of becoming prime minister, he boosted defense spending by 12 percent to around $37 billion for the current fiscal year and approved plans to allow more foreign investment into local industry to jump-start production. Launching a new, Indian-built naval destroyer last week, Modi said: "My government has taken important steps in improving indigenous defense technology…. We can guarantee peace if our military is modernized." This build-up comes as Southeast Asian nations expand their own defense industries, spurred by tensions with China. India, reliant on a state defense industry that often delivers late and over budget, risks being caught flat-footed. "The opportunity is huge," said M.V. Kotwal, president (Heavy Engineering) at Larsen and Toubro Ltd, one of India's biggest industrial houses. "We really expect quicker implementation. There are signs that this government is very keen to grow indigenization," added Kotwal, referring to increasing domestic production. Tata Sons, a $100 billion conglomerate, said last month it will invest $35 billion in the next three years to expand into new areas with a focus on a handful of sectors including defense. Larsen is putting $400 million into a yard to build ships for the navy, while Mumbai-based Mahindra Group is expanding a facility that makes parts for planes, including for the air force, and investing in armored vehicle and radar production. The companies are being lured by the prospect of lucrative returns on their investments as the Modi government has pledged to make "buy Indian" the default option for future orders. Larsen is targeting a fourfold increase in annual defense revenue to $1 billion within the next five years. Critics of indigenization argue that producing gear—especially in the lumbering state sector—is more costly than buying from abroad. Such deals can add layers of bureaucracy, increasing risks of corrupt dealings. Indian industry is renowned for its ability to adapt, yet questions remain whether the private sector can come up with the solutions needed to bring armed forces into the 21st century without sufficient access to world-class foreign technology. Delays Some companies are also skeptical of the government's commitment to grow the private market given New Delhi's history of delays and order cancelations, and the traditionally strong ties between the military and state-run manufacturers. They cite the case of a $10 billion Future Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV) program. Conceived in 2009, the defense ministry invited three private players and the Ordnance Factory Board, a state entity, to bid for the 2,600-vehicle contract but suddenly withdrew the letter of intent in 2012. Bidders included Mahindra and Tata, which is developing a vehicle along with Lockheed Martin Corp and General Dynamics Corp that could compete for a future contract, said Rahul Gajare, an analyst at Edelweiss Securities. A quick decision to relaunch the program would demonstrate Modi's resolve, said S.P. Shukla, who heads Mahindra's defense business. Past tenders have stalled amid wrangling over whether or not to allow state manufacturers to bid and under what terms. Larsen's Kotwal said its Kattupalli shipyard in south India has yet to receive any orders for warships or submarines despite being designed to do just that and despite past government pledges to build at least two submarines in private yards. In the meantime, the yard has switched to constructing and repairing commercial vessels. "The policy in India has been right since 2006. The problem has been implementation," said Rahul Chaudhry, CEO at Tata Power SED, which makes rocket launchers, sensors and radars. Local firms have captured a fraction of the Indian defense market since it first opened to private participation in 2001. Consecutive governments have handed orders to state factories or to foreign giants like Boeing, Lockheed and BAE Systems . Gajare at Edelweiss estimates total India private sector revenues from defense, including overseas orders, at below $2 billion last year, less than 6 percent of the country's defense spending. The post Indian Firms Tool Up for Defense Orders on Modi's 'Buy Indian' Pledge appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Shan IDPs Petition for Army to Vacate Occupied Village
• Burmese Facing Human Trafficking Charges in Malaysia
• Burmese Banks Fret Over Foreign Competition
• Burma Tests Man Returning From Africa for Ebola
• A Murky Story
• Regional Links Aiding Drug Syndicates in Burma: UNODC
• Thai Coup Leaders Trigger Oil Investment Rush Into Burma
• Reading the Future
• Remains of Malaysian MH17 Victims to Be Flown Home
• American Slain in Bali, Daughter Had Troubled Past 
• Japan’s Polarizing PM Abe Learns the Long Game

Shan IDPs Petition for Army to Vacate Occupied Village Posted: 20 Aug 2014 04:50 AM PDT Displaced children eat a meal at the Wan Wat village monastery in Kyaythee Township, northern Shan State. (Photo: Hsenpai News Journal /Facebook) RANGOON— About 300 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in northern Shan State's Kyaythee Township plan to submit a petition asking the Burmese Army to withdraw from their village, which troops have occupied since clashes with Shan rebels broke out more than one month ago. Hla Shwe Thein, who is a committee member for the ethnic Shan IDPs in Tar Pha Saung village, told The Irrawaddy that all of those displaced wanted to go back to their homes, but were afraid to return because the military had set up a base there. The signature campaign is urging the Union and state governments to order the army to completely vacate the village. "We collected around 300 signatures from the refugees. … We will send it to the Shan State government and Union government, and President Thein Sein, and [military commander-in-chief] Min Aung Hlaing," Hla Shwe Thein told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. He said the villagers did not dare return with the army presence, which now includes defensive bunkers dug since the villagers fled. Troops have taken up residence in the villagers' homes, he added. The 300 IDPs have been staying at a Buddhist monastery since shortly after the fighting between the Burmese Army and Shan State Army-North broke out in late June. Another clash between government troops and the SSA-North rebels took place on Aug. 8, according to local sources, forcing another 40 IDPs to seek refuge at the monastery. Since then conditions in the area have become more stable, leading the villagers to consider returning to their homes—but not while the military remains. "The Burmese Army told them [the displaced villagers] to come back, but they do not dare to stay together with the army, and therefore they have not returned to their houses," said Sai Hlaing Khan, who is chairman of the Shan National League for Democracy's Kyaythee Township branch. Exacerbating the anxieties of the homeless villagers are concerns that they may not have enough food to eat in the future because their displacement prevented them from planting crops during this year's rainy season. The villagers hope to return to their homes in time to plant, but the window of opportunity to do so is shrinking. The Burmese Army and SSA-North have occasionally clashed despite the two sides having signed a ceasefire agreement in January 2012. SSA-North leaders have claimed that the fighting has been due to Burmese Army encroachment in the rebel armed group's area of control. The post Shan IDPs Petition for Army to Vacate Occupied Village appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Facing Human Trafficking Charges in Malaysia Posted: 20 Aug 2014 04:43 AM PDT Returning Burmese migrant workers queue at the immigration checkpoint of Rangoon International Airport in 2013. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The trial of three Burmese agents from a migrant workers' employment agency who have been charged with trafficking 60 of their compatriots into Malaysia has been postponed, after the presiding judge told prosecutors that they had not gathered sufficient evidence against the accused. The defendants appeared before a Kuala Lumpur district court on Tuesday, but the judge decided to move the trial to Friday of this week. "They will have to appear for the trial on August 22," according to Lin Maung Maung, the assistant to the secretaries of the Burmese Embassy in Malaysia, "because the lawyer of one of them said there is still a lack of evidence to proceed against his client." A total of 72 Burmese were detained at Malaysia's Kuala Lumpur International Airport on July 8, after they were stopped by immigration authorities and accused of holding forged visa documents. Twelve of the 72 detained Burmese nationals did hold valid tourist visas. Among the three agents, one also holds an invalid visa, Lin Maung Maung said. "As far as I know, they [the alleged invalid visa holders] did not register at labor agencies [as foreign workers], but traveled on tourist visas." A Malaysian court sentenced 52 of the Burmese nationals to one year's imprisonment under the country's immigration law on Aug. 12. An elderly detainee and seven children who were among those stopped at the airport will not face charges due to their respective senior and juvenile statuses, but they are still being held at the Kuala Lumpur airport detention facility, together with the 12 Burmese holding valid tourist visas. The Burmese Embassy in Malaysia said in a statement on Monday that it is providing assistance in the cases through both legal and diplomatic channels. Lin Maung Maung said Burma's ambassador to Malaysia had been in contact with the Malaysian Foreign Affairs and Home ministries, and immigration officials, for the releases of the 20 detainees not due to face trial. "Those 12 will have to appear in court as witnesses. They can only return [to Burma] after the agents' trial is finished," he said. "We are advocating for their immediate release." He added that the embassy was also providing legal assistance in the appeals process by hiring lawyers for the 52 Burmese sentenced last week. The post Burmese Facing Human Trafficking Charges in Malaysia appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Banks Fret Over Foreign Competition Posted: 20 Aug 2014 04:39 AM PDT A stack of 1,000 kyat banknotes is seen, as employees count money at Yoma Bank in Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Private Burmese banks are calling on the country's Central Bank to be more transparent in plans to grant limited operating licenses to foreign banks next month. After decades of isolation under a military junta, Burma's banking sector is opening to foreign competition in a bid to attract foreign investment into the economy. Executives at local banks are worried that their own operations will be affected by the change, but say they have been unable to prepare because the government has been opaque with its plans. "We only know what's been reported in the media," said Than Lwin, vice chairman of Kanbawza (KBZ) Bank. Earlier this year, Reuters reported that an official document had been sent to more than 30 foreign banks with representative offices in Burma, showing that as many as 10 of them would be granted licenses by the end of September to set up one branch each to provide restricted services, including granting loans to foreign corporates. But the Central Bank has yet to make a public announcement or send a notice to local banks about the number of foreign banks that will receive licenses and the services they will be allowed to offer. Local bank executives are concerned foreign competition will create a human resources nightmare by pulling away the best staff. "The main trouble is we don't know what they are doing—whether they will allow only one branch or more for foreign banks. If they allow more, it will be a major concern for us," Than Lwin of KBZ said. "If [foreign banks] are allowed to open branches in other cities, they will definitely recruit our skilled employees, so we need to prepare for this." Zaw Lin Htut, a banking expert in Rangoon, said foreign banks would likely recruit wholesale banking experts from local banks. "The human resources problem is no matter for other countries, but for us it's a big issue," he said. "We have a very limited number of skilled workers here." Chit Khine, chairman of Myanmar Apex Bank, agreed that it would be best from a human resources perspective if foreign banks were limited to operating just one branch. "That would be no problem. They can bring their expertise from abroad, and Burmese bankers already working overseas can even come back to be employed here. But we still don't know what the Central Bank will allow—that's the major difficulty." "There will definitely be a salary problem," he added. "Even if they don't recruit our labor, their pay scale will be higher." The Central Bank could not be reached on Wednesday to confirm reports that it has sent a list to President Thein Sein with foreign banks that have been nominated to receive licenses. Based on recommendations from the World Bank, a minimum paid-in capital of US$75 million will be required by selected foreign banks, according to Reuters. The post Burmese Banks Fret Over Foreign Competition appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma Tests Man Returning From Africa for Ebola Posted: 20 Aug 2014 01:07 AM PDT A photo posted the official Facebook page of Burma's Centers for Disease Control and Prevention shows the response after a man arrived at Rangoon's airport with a fever amid Ebola fears. (Photo: Myanmar Centers for Disease Control and Prevention / Facebook) RANGOON — A 22-year-old Burmese man is being tested for the virus Ebola after he arrived at Rangoon from West Africa suffering from a fever and malaise, a Health Ministry official confirmed Wednesday. The Ministry of Health's rapid response team—which has been conducting thermal-imaging checks on passengers arriving at Rangoon International Airport—sent the man and four family members to the Waibagi Hospital in the city's North Okkalapa Township, which specializes in infectious diseases. A post on the official Facebook page of Burma's Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on Thursday night said the man had just come back from Guinea, and "had history of traveling to Guinea and Liberia." Both West African countries have seen cases of the deadly Ebola virus during an unprecedented outbreak this year that has killed more than 1,200 people in total, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). "He has pain in his body and has a fever. He came back from Guinea, where he was a worker," Ministry of Health Deputy Directory Nu Nu Kyi told The Irrawaddy. The four family members, who met the man as he arrived via Bangkok, have no symptoms, but are currently under observation, she said. Burma does not have the equipment to check whether the man has Ebola, so a sample of his blood has been sent to India, said Nu Nu Kyi. "We sent the blood test to India, which has a WHO-recognized laboratory. It will take three days to get the result of the blood test back. Our country does not have a modern laboratory to test this blood," she said. The Ebola virus is contracted by direct contact with bodily fluids from an infected person, and it manifests early on with symptom similar to the common cold, including fever and malaise. As the disease progresses, an infected person can experience internal bleeding. The Ministry of Health installed a team equipped with thermal imaging scanners at the country's international airports earlier this month as governments worldwide battle to prevent the Ebola virus from spreading. The post Burma Tests Man Returning From Africa for Ebola appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Murky Story Posted: 20 Aug 2014 12:54 AM PDT An artist's rendering of the storied Dhammazedi Bell. (Illustration: Totty Swe) YANGON — "Multi-beam Echo Sounding Survey." "3D Seismic Survey." "GPR–Ground Penetrating Radar." The language in an official method statement proposing the recovery of Myanmar's famed Dhammazedi Bell owes everything to technology and science. But this is a story in which star billing goes not to science but to superstition, and a supporting cast of dreamers, schemers and assorted would-be heroes. Superstitious government leaders are just some of those who believe that the discovery of a bell said to have sunk to the bottom of the Yangon River off Monkey Point more than 400 years ago could be the key to the country's rise from its current status as one of Asia's poorest nations. Believers' romantic desires to tie the Dhammazedi Bell with the national destiny has resulted in several failed missions over recent decades to reclaim the bell, believed to be one of the biggest in the world. Hollywood star Richard Gere's purported interest in the bell was never more than a rumor. But over the years a motley crew of individuals and companies from the United States, Australia, Japan and Singapore has expressed interest in joining a search that for Myanmar Buddhists would be the equivalent of a quest for the Holy Grail. Non-believers, including former political dissidents, once thundered that any attempt to salvage the bell (reckoned to lie in the mud under 40 feet of water in a strong current), would only serve to legitimize an illegal military regime. The former junta, for its part, decreed that only citizens of the country had the right to search for the bell because finding it was a "national issue." Why such a frenzy? For answers, we need to look at the bell's fabled history. A Bad Foreigner The bell was named after King Dhammazedi, who ruled the Mon-speaking Hanthawaddy Kingdom from 1471 to 1492. A devout Buddhist, Dhammazedi had the bell cast in 1490 as a donation to Shwedagon Pagoda, Myanmar's most sacred shrine. Made from more than 290 tons of copper, gold, silver and tin alloy, it is said to have been more than twice as heavy as the Bell of Good Luck, a Chinese temple bell that at 116 metric tons has held the world record since it was cast in 2000. The bell remained at its intended home until 1608, when the ruler of Thanlyin, on the opposite shore of the Yangon River from Yangon (then called Dagon), decided he had a better use for all that metal. At the time, Thanlyin (or Syriam) was under the control of Filipe de Brito e Nicote, a Portuguese mercenary who in 1599 had led a Rakhine force that had sacked Thanlyin and Bago, then the capital of Lower Myanmar. De Brito (better known in Myanmar as Nga Zinga) had already earned the ire of local people by melting down several bells to forge cannons. But it was his decision to steal the Dhammazedi Bell for this purpose that ensured his infamy in this country for centuries to come. Using elephants and forced labor, he had the bell moved to the Yangon River, where it was placed on a raft for transport to Thanlyin. However, much to the satisfaction of onlookers, de Brito's plan to turn a sacred object into weapons of war failed when the raft fell apart and deposited the bell far below the river's surface. Five years after this episode, King Anaukpetlun of the Taungoo dynasty recaptured Thanlyin and had de Brito impaled on a stake—a punishment reserved for defilers of Buddhist temples. But 400 years after the Portuguese governor of Thanlyin met his ignominious end, the story of how he tried, and failed, to steal the Dhammazedi Bell continues to resonate in the imaginations of Myanmar citizens and foreigners alike. King Dhammazedi donated this much smaller bell to the Shwe Maw Daw Pagoda in Bago. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Gong-Ho Since then, there have been many attempts to retrieve the bell, but poor visibility, silting, nearby shipwrecks and four centuries of shifting currents have so far made the task impossible. But everybody "knows" that it is still there—as late as the 19th century, some claimed that it was visible at low tide—and so the search continues. Some who have tried and failed, including tycoons and powerful generals, now say the quest is cursed. Jim Blunt, an American diver from California, was told as much when he made his own attempt in 1995 with the cooperation of the Myanmar authorities. "Several divers had already died looking for the great bell, including two Myanmar Navy divers who became trapped inside a wreck and died horribly. Consequently, the search [began] for outside expertise," Mr. Blunt told the London-based newspaper The Independent. Mr. Blunt carried out 116 dives over a period of two years. In a documentary film about his experiences, he claimed that he banged his fist on the bell and was rewarded by a metallic sound. Historian U Chit San Win has made it his mission in life to relocate this lost artifact of Myanmar's past. Since 1987, he has led a number of searches, including one in 1996 that was supported by then Military Intelligence chief Gen. Khin Nyunt. During one attempt in the 1990s, U Chit San Win lost a son to rabies. However, when asked what he thought about the curse that many believe is on the bell, he declined to give a direct answer. Others have been less reticent about their concerns. At a recent meeting between U Chit San Win and a government minister that was observed by a senior member of The Irrawaddy's staff, the minister attentively listened to a detailed method statement and proposal to launch another search, but in the end declined to back the project because, he said, he feared for the safety of his family. Saving the Nation Despite such misgivings, some remain determined to find the bell that they believe will save the nation. In October, U Khin Shwe, a leading Myanmar businessman and politician, announced a plan to fund another hunt for the bell, saying that he would spend more than US$10 million if necessary to return it to the glittering Shwedagon Pagoda. "We've already hired big ships to salvage the bell. If we succeed, we will put it on display at Shwedagon," he told The Irrawaddy. "One foreign expert predicted that the whole operation would cost between $5 million and $10 million. Whatever the cost, I'm ready to spend it." Some suspect U Khin Shwe's agenda. As a powerful member of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party sitting in the Amyotha Hluttaw, or Upper House of Parliament, he is regarded as a controversial figure. Both he and his Zaykabar Company, a conglomerate with interests in the construction and telecommunications industries, have been on the US sanctions list since 2007, and more recently he was involved in a highly publicized land rights dispute with farmers on the northern fringes of Yangon. U Khin Shwe first came to the attention of policy makers in the West in the 1990s, when he paid the Washington, D.C.-based public relations firm Bain and Associates more than $20,000 a month to help burnish the image of Myanmar's military junta. To return the favor, state media proudly proclaimed him to be a "doctor" with an honorary Ph.D. from "Washington University of the United States," which turned out to be an unaccredited degree-mill incorporated in Hawaii but operating from a post office box in Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania. Never one to miss a chance to improve his public image, U Khin Shwe (who is related to powerful Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, or Union Parliament, Speaker U Shwe Mann through his son's marriage to the daughter of the former top general) has more recently joined other junta cronies in attempting to cozy up to opposition leader and Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Many suspect, then, that his high-profile plans to find the Dhammazedi Bell are little more than just another PR exercise designed to enhance his personal status. Mystical Powers vs. High Tech In any case, if he is serious about finding the bell, he has no shortage of people willing to offer words of encouragement. One well-known monk from Mon State has suggested that his mystical powers could ensure the success of the mission. But as a veteran of the quest, U Chit San has more practical advice: Go high-tech. "I don't believe the bell can be recovered without the use of the latest technology, because according to my experience, using local technology won't work," he told The Irrawaddy last year. Nearly two years ago, it looked like U Chit San Win's dream might finally come true. At a seminar held in Yangon in June 2012, a Singapore-based trading company, SD Mark International LLP Co., said it was willing to spend up to $10 million to finance a non-profit project to find the bell and convey it back to Shwedagon. The search was expected to take 18 months to complete. But since it was first announced, nothing has come of it. According to a source familiar with the project, it was quietly shut down by the Ministry of Culture, which had planned to participate, because of concerns about a lack of funding. U Chit San Win said he has no intention of giving up. "It has to be out there somewhere," he said. Even as he said these words, however, he looked somber, as if he were reflecting on his past failures and on the loss of his son. Now in his late sixties, he seemed resigned to the possibility that he might not be around to witness the day the bell is restored to its former glory. One hurdle, he acknowledged, is that many in the country don't want the bell to be found by foreigners. That's why he supports U Khin Shwe's mission, he said. The bell, he says, is a beacon of hope. "Our country is so poor and plagued with conflict. Many people believe that if the bell is found, it will bring us peace and prosperity," he said. But will the spirits that many believe saved the Dhammazedi Bell from being turned into cannons now allow it to fall into the hands of shady businessmen? Many might argue that if that is to be its fate, perhaps it is better off where it is—submerged in mud, far from the grasp of mortal men and their schemes and dreams. Kyaw Hsu Mon contributed reporting. This article first appeared in The Irrawaddy's May 2014 print edition. The post A Murky Story appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Regional Links Aiding Drug Syndicates in Burma: UNODC Posted: 19 Aug 2014 07:15 PM PDT Bags of methamphetamine pills seized by Thai authorities are displayed in Ayutthaya province, nearly 80 km (50 miles) north of Bangkok, in June 2013. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Regional integration offers greater opportunities to narcotics producers and traffickers in Burma, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) said on Wednesday, at a time when Asia's demand for methamphetamines shows signs of accelerating. The warning represents a darker take on a regional push to better connect infrastructure and economies, and facilitate the trans-border movement of people. That integration is typified by efforts to create an Asean Economic Community by 2015 and extends to projects aimed at better linking Burma to its giant Asian neighbors China and India. "Organized crime groups are well positioned to take advantage of regional integration agreements to expand the trafficking of synthetic drugs and precursor chemicals" said Jeremy Douglas, the UNODC's regional representative for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, according to a statement. "Capacities to ensure the rule of law vary greatly across the region, and this evolving and growing threat diverts increasing amounts of scarce state resources away from efforts to develop and improve governance," he added, ahead of a regional anti-narcotics conference that began on Wednesday in Rangoon. Citing "significant volumes" of drug seizures made in neighboring nations and traced to Burma, the UNODC said the country remains a major source of methamphetamine pills, known locally as yaba, and crystal methamphetamine. The country is Southeast Asia's largest producer of synthetic drugs, with smugglers transporting precursor chemicals into Burma and shipping the finished products out, taking advantage of the country's porous borders. "While most of the methamphetamine produced in East and Southeast Asia is consumed within the region, large quantities are also being trafficked to nearby major markets like Japan, Australia and New Zealand, and more recently to neighboring South Asia," the UNODC said, adding that transnational criminal syndicates were diversifying their trafficking routes and methods of drug production. A top Burmese anti-narcotics official on Wednesday called for greater cooperation among regional governments to combat the problem. "No country can tackle these challenges alone, and there is no doubt we need improved training and support for frontline law enforcement and justice officers, especially along the Mekong corridor and in remote areas of the region," said Police Lt-Gen Kyaw Win of the Ministry of Home Affairs' Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control. Earlier this week, the UNODC warned that the narcotics trade endangered Burma's reform program and put fragile peace negotiations with ethnic armed rebel groups in border regions at risk. "Criminal activity in Myanmar is undermining development efforts, increasing human insecurity and threatening the peace process," the UNODC's Douglas said on Monday. That warning came as the UNODC signed a 2014-17 country program with Burma's government, focusing on five broad areas of concern: transnational organized crime; anti-corruption; criminal justice; drugs and health; and alternative development for opium poppy farmers. In addition to the methamphetamine woes highlighted by the UNODC on Wednesday, Burma is the world's second largest producer of opium, the precursor to heroin. Eastern Burma is part of the so-called "Golden Triangle," along with Thailand and Laos. The mountainous hinterlands—and in particular Shan State—have for decades been home to the region's most intensive opium cultivation. The post Regional Links Aiding Drug Syndicates in Burma: UNODC appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Coup Leaders Trigger Oil Investment Rush Into Burma Posted: 19 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT Workers are seen awaiting customers behind a PTT logo at a fuel station in Bangkok. (Photo: Reuters) The military takeover in Thailand is prompting a new push by the country's oil companies to press for business in Burma, an industry analyst said. The state-owned Thai Oil Plc disclosed it is bidding for a contract to renovate and operate the Thanlyin refinery near Rangoon and make other investments, and PTT Global Chemical has announced plans to expand into neighboring countries. "You are seeing a spurt in activity by the Thai oil and gas industry, which is overwhelmingly in the hands of government agencies, with the takeover of Thailand by the military following the coup," Bangkok-based energy analyst-consultant Collin Reynolds told The Irrawaddy this week. "Senior Army personnel have been appointed to the board of PTT which is the parent company of the likes of Thai Oil. Thailand's economy has suffered from the political instability leading up to the coup [in May] and the military is clearly attempting to revive it through state-owned business influence." Burma has been forced to increase expensive imports of fuels such as petrol and diesel because the country's three small refineries are in urgent need of repair and modernization. The refineries have a theoretical production capacity of no more than 55,000 barrels per day (bpd) but are believed to be delivering only one-third of this because of old equipment. Demand in Burma for diesel and petrol has risen above 70,000 bpd, said industry sources. Thai Oil produces 275,000 bpd at its refinery near Bangkok. It has teamed up with PTT, which owns a 49 percent share, to bid for the Thanlyin contract from Myanmar Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE). "Through a partnership with MPE, a long-term plan is for developing refining and petrochemical capacity to serve Myanmar's growing domestic consumption," the Bangkok Post quoted Thai Oil chief executive Veerasak Kositpaisal saying. "[Burma] is our target country for expanding our investments abroad. The company has worked well with officials there, and they are waiting for us to submit future investment plans," Veerasak said without giving any details. A decision on refinery renovation contracts by MPE is expected by the end of this year. Meanwhile, another PTT subsidiary, PTT Global Chemical, has announced plans to expand as the start of the Asean 'single market' era draws near. PTT Global, which is 49 percent owned by PTT, is Thailand's biggest refiner as operator of a 280,000 bpd plant near Bangkok. It also produces olefins and polymers and other petrochemical products used in plastics. PTT Global announced last week it was seeking to raise US$3 billion to fund ventures in Southeast Asia, although initially this will be in Indonesia where it plans a refinery-petrochemical project. PTT's overseas oil and gas arm, PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP), which earlier this month began pumping gas from its offshore Zawtika field in Burma's Gulf of Martaban, recently described Burma as its second home. "The growing interest by Thailand's energy and petrochemicals industries in expanding abroad, especially into a new market like Myanmar, is two pronged. First and foremost it's about energy security; Thailand needs to secure more supplies of natural gas for its domestic market. Second, it sees opportunities in a greenfield business market such as Myanmar. "Overseas expansion plans by PTT and its subsidiaries have been stifled for a year or more because of the political uncertainty at home which caused a lot of business dithering especially in state-controlled industries. The coup has changed that atmosphere completely." PTTEP was already operating in Burma long before the coup in Thailand but it has also recently taken on a more gung-ho business attitude to its neighbor. In addition to the Zawtika field— which is Thailand's biggest single gas production enterprise among operations in nine countries—PTTEP is the majority stakeholder in five other exploration and production projects in offshore and onshore locations in Burma. Its offshore M3 and M11 exploration blocks, also in the Gulf of Martaban, cover a sea area of 11,700 square kilometers and hold prospects for more gas and some oil. PTT, which is listed on the Bangkok stock exchange but is majority owned by Thailand's Ministry of Finance, is still eyeing the possibility of developing a roadside fuel oils retailing chain in Burma, said industry sources speaking on condition of anonymity. The post Thai Coup Leaders Trigger Oil Investment Rush Into Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Reading the Future Posted: 19 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT U Thant Thaw Kaung on a recent visit to the USA. (Photo: Whitney Legge / The Asia Foundation) Publisher U Thant Thaw Kaung, head of the Myanmar Book Aid and Preservation Foundation and the mobile library project under the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, recently visited the United States as part of a three-week study tour as the Asia Foundation's Chang-lin Tien Visiting Fellow. The Foundation's In Asia editor Alma Freeman sat down with Dr. Thant Thaw Kaung to discuss Myanmar's vibrant reading culture and how he helped keep books and literary life alive in Myanmar during decades of isolation. Question: At 95 percent, Myanmar's literacy rate is among the highest in the region, but access to quality books and reading remains a challenge. Why? Answer: The literacy rate is high as a result of a few big campaigns that the government started in 1975 where volunteers and college students went to rural areas across the country promoting the value of reading and books. The government received an award for this campaign from UNESCO, and it has continued until recently. People are able to read in Myanmar. But accessibility to quality books and affordability are our two biggest challenges now. When we began the mobile library we found out that people were eager to borrow a lot of books – they want to read. That's why the mobile library project under the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, named after the late mother of noble laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, is successful: it goes to people's homes; they don't have to go to the library. So far, the library has had 90,000 checkouts and we have 8,000 members. Q: Where does the enthusiasm for reading and education come from? A: In the villages and at every corner of the road you will find at least one book-lending shop. People really appreciate the value of education in Myanmar. In fact, in the 1930s and '40s, students from Southeast Asian countries wanted to attend Yangon University as a first choice, and still today they are proud to say they are alumni from there. The monasteries have also played an enormous role in teaching rural children how to read from a very early age. As such, Myanmar's education system was historically very strong, but from 1962-1988 and from 1988 to 2010, after the military coup, the country was ruled under a socialistic and military system until the recent political shift. These governments did not give attention to the quality of education. Moreover, teaching methods have followed a rote learning and memorization style of teaching and learning, rather than on approaches that encouraged critical thinking. The government is trying to introduce a more "student-centric" approach, but that will take some time to change. Q: Myanmar's budget for education remains extremely low. What challenges does this present? A: This shows that the government is emphasizing defense over health, which accounts for 3 percent, and education, which accounts for just 5.4 percent of the budget (compared to Vietnam which allocates almost 21 percent to education). Myanmar defense's budget is almost 23 percent of the total budget. There is a big discussion in Parliament about this now, and in January, the government announced that the budget for health and education would increase slightly. By the time the teachers' salary is paid, which is also very low at only about $100 a month, the education budget is used up. Myanmar is also poor: 26 percent of the population is still living under $1.25 a day. And there's a severe lack of electricity. Because of poverty, school dropout rate is high: there are 8 million students studying right now from K-12. But there are only 400,000 students in university which means there is an 85 percent dropout rate from kindergarten to high school and only 5 percent reach university-level. Q: While in New York, you received the prestigious Jeri Laber International Freedom to Publish Award for your leading role in keeping books and literary life alive in Myanmar. Can you talk about how the environment has changed since you began? A: In those days, the censorship board could confiscate books at any time if they felt that they were sensitive. According to the law, every single book had to get the approval from the censorship board. The board could require that a word, paragraph, or even a whole page be torn off if they declared it to be too sensitive. For example, even a tiny photograph of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not allowed. Sometimes, they asked us to use white ink to blot it off. Our books were carefully checked and sometimes we had to withdraw them from the shelves. Many times we even thought of closing down our business. We had doubts initially in 2010 whether the government would loosen censorship over publications and the media. But they did it step by step, initially lifting the censorship of weekly journals, on health, sports, and education. Two months later, they introduced more categories, including news journals. The government's recent decision to abolish the censorship board had an enormous impact on the entire publishing industry and we all welcome this. We have donated over 800,000 books to over 800 libraries. Q: 70 percent of Myanmar's population lives in rural areas, and as you say, paved roads and other basic infrastructure services are still largely missing in these areas, including electricity for libraries, making it difficult for rural communities to benefit from the rapid development experienced by the country's urban centers. A: We are starting to see these big gaps. Most of the 70 percent of rural residents are farmers. Most of the working age groups now work overseas – 2 million are working in Malaysia or Thailand – where they are more highly paid. There is a shortage of manpower even for farming. In order to narrow this gap, we need to create jobs for them so they work at home and don't migrate. That's why we are involved in rural libraries because they can play a major role in access to information in rural areas. At present, we are constructing rural libraries and equipping them with books and computers. Moreover, we are offering training opportunities for modern librarianship to public librarians. While English-language books are sought after in the urban centers, there is a great need for local-language books in rural libraries. To meet this need, we have arranged with our donor to be able to sell 30 percent of our donated English language books so we can buy local books. We hold what we call book buffets twice a year in urban centers where people can buy books at low rate. Q: While only 2 percent of Myanmar's population has access to the Internet, mobile penetration is rising sharply. How do you see technology playing a role in improving access to education? A: Mobile penetration is now at 10 percent, and could be nearly 50 percent in just one year. The younger generation is leapfrogging straight to smart phones, which are becoming very popular in urban centers. At present, we are negotiating with local and international partners such as Beyond Access and Ooredoo to provide internet and computers at public libraries in rural areas. People are can now access a far broader range of topics, such as health, education, and the economy. This article originally appeared in the In Asia section of The Asia Foundation's website, www.asiafoundation.org. The post Reading the Future appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Remains of Malaysian MH17 Victims to Be Flown Home Posted: 19 Aug 2014 10:46 PM PDT A woman takes a photograph of wreckage at the crash site of Malaysia Airlines Flight MH17 near the village of Hrabove (Grabovo), Donetsk region July 26, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) KUALA LUMPUR — The remains of at least 15 Malaysians killed when a jetliner was shot down over Ukraine will be returned to their home country this week, the first Malaysian victims of the disaster to be flown home, the country's defense minister said Tuesday. All 298 people on board died when Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was shot down on July 17. The plane was heading to Kuala Lumpur from Amsterdam and was shot out of the sky over an area of eastern Ukraine controlled by pro-Russia separatists. The victims included 43 Malaysians and 195 Dutch nationals. With fighting between the rebels and Ukrainian forces ongoing near the crash site, victims' remains were gathered and sent to the Netherlands for identification. Malaysian Defense Minister Hishammuddin Hussein said Tuesday that 28 Malaysian victims had been identified so far, including 15 passengers and 13 crew members. The remains of at least 15 Malaysians and a Dutch national who was married to a Malaysian will arrive in Kuala Lumpur on Friday, Hishammuddin said at a news conference, adding that the exact number to arrive would be known later in the week. The government has declared Friday a national day of mourning. Hishammuddin said Malaysia would not be competing with the Netherlands in terms of how the bodies are received. The Netherlands observed a minute's silence and solemn ceremonies were held when the remains of the victims arrived in the country last month. Dutch authorities said last week that they had identified 127 victims in all. The separatists have been widely blamed for firing a missile that brought the Boeing 777 down, but have publicly denied responsibility. The Netherlands and other countries have launched criminal investigations. Malaysia Airlines has been hit by two major disasters this year, adding to its longstanding financial woes. In March, Flight 370 from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing disappeared with 239 people on board after flying far of course. That jet still has not been found despite an exhaustive ongoing search in an area of the southern Indian Ocean where it is believed to have gone down. The post Remains of Malaysian MH17 Victims to Be Flown Home appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

American Slain in Bali, Daughter Had Troubled Past  Posted: 19 Aug 2014 10:41 PM PDT Heather Mack, the daughter of an American woman found dead inside a suitcase on the Indonesian island of Bali, gestures while in custody in a police station in Denpasar on Aug. 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Putu Setia) CHICAGO — A Chicago woman whose beaten body was found stuffed in a suitcase on the Indonesian resort island of Bali was repeatedly and violently abused by the daughter who has been arrested in her killing, according to police reports. A Chicago-based lawyer for the 19-year-old daughter, Heather Mack, meanwhile, says he is concerned for her well-being after she told him she has been sexually assaulted in custody. Indonesian police deny any mistreatment. The body of Sheila von Wiese-Mack, 62, was found last week inside a suitcase in the trunk of a taxi in front of the upscale St. Regis Bali Resort in Bali's exclusive Nusa Dua district. Her body is expected back in the United States on Wednesday. An autopsy found she died of asphyxiation after her nose was broken by a blunt blow. Other bones were broken in her head and face, and wounds on her hands indicate she tried to defend herself, Indonesian authorities say. Mack and her boyfriend, Tommy Schaefer, 21, also of Chicago, have been arrested in the killing. Neither has been charged, but Indonesian police say they are investigating it as a possible case of premeditated murder, which carries a maximum sentence of death. Police in the Chicago suburb of Oak Park were called 86 times in 10 years to the house where the young woman and her mother once lived. The Chicago Sun-Times obtained the police reports through an open records request. The reports detail repeated episodes in which von Wiese-Mack said her daughter attacked her and stole her credit cards, money and jewelry. One report says the daughter was arrested in 2011 on suspicion of knocking her mother to the floor and breaking her arm. In another, the woman accuses her daughter of locking her in her room and preventing her from calling 911. In 2010, she reported that her daughter punched her already-broken ankle during an argument over household chores. Mack's US attorney, Michael Elkin, said she has told him by phone from Indonesia that she's been sexually assaulted at least three times in custody and was being drugged. "Heather stated in our last conversation that she found what appeared to be needle marks on various areas of her body," he said in a written statement, adding that she sounded dazed and incoherent at times. She's also told him that she's not getting enough water and that she is two months pregnant, he said. Elkin said in an interview Tuesday that he is concerned for Mack's safety. Col. Djoko Hari Utomo, the police chief in Bali's provincial capital, Denpasar, denied the sexual abuse claim. "We never treat her like that," Utomo said. "We even treat her better than treatment for other detainees here." Haposan Sihombing, an Indonesian lawyer assigned to accompany the couple, also denied the abuse allegations. Addressing her reported pregnancy, Utomo said she would be provided health care. Von Wiese-Mack's body was to be flown home early Wednesday on a Korean Air flight, said Ida Bagus Putu Alit, head of forensics at Sanglah Hospital in Denpasar. An FBI agent who arrived in Bali on Friday and investigated possible criminal activity by the couple in the United States saw the handover of von Wiese-Mack's body on Tuesday afternoon, Alit said. Associated Press writer Ali Kotarumalos contributed to this report from Jakarta, Indonesia. The post American Slain in Bali, Daughter Had Troubled Past  appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Japan’s Polarizing PM Abe Learns the Long Game Posted: 19 Aug 2014 10:30 PM PDT Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe speaks to the media after visiting a shopping street in Shimonoseki, western Japan, in this photo taken by Kyodo on Aug. 13, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Kyodo) TOKYO — Shinzo Abe is one of Japan's most polarizing prime ministers in decades. He may also have a good shot at becoming that rarity in Japanese politics—a long-serving leader. Whether that proves to be the case depends on whether Abe, who surged back to power 20 months ago for a second shot at Japan's top job, can temper his conservative ideology with pragmatism and keep his pledges to end two decades of economic stagnation. Abe's first term ended when, suffering ill health and facing political deadlock, he quit in 2007 after one troubled year. His focus then was on a controversial agenda that included turning the page on Japan's wartime past and easing the limits of the pacifist constitution. That agenda failed to resonate with voters worried about jobs and pensions. This time, aides are seeking to soften Abe's image as an ideologue and convince foreign investors and domestic voters his top priority remains reviving the economy. Abe's inner circle is well aware that success hinges on keeping that balance, interviews with dozens of aides, advisers and allies show. "Mr. Abe himself understands well what he must do as prime minister—and that is not simply to forge ahead with his own agenda," said a senior ruling coalition lawmaker. Abe's support rates have rebounded to just over 50 percent after slipping below that level last month, after the cabinet eased some of the pacifist constitution's limits on the military. Any fresh declines could erode his ability to tackle tough reforms many say are needed to engineer growth for Japan's ageing and shrinking population. Abe faces several hurdles in the coming months. He is expected to reshuffle the cabinet in early September, although core members of his team—including Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, a veteran of his first term—are set to stay on. He must also decide whether to go ahead with raising the sales tax to 10 percent next year, and faces a string of local elections. Navigating those political shoals with his popularity intact will be key to victory in a ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) leadership race a year from now, which Abe needs to win to gain a second three-year term until 2018. No one who knows Abe thinks he has abandoned his conservative agenda. But he and his aides stress his top focus is the economy, which has been jolted by last April's sales tax hike to 8 percent. Last quarter, the economy suffered its biggest contraction since the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami. "It is the economy that is the well-spring of energy for society," Abe wrote in an article published in the monthly Bungei Shunju magazine. But he added: "Security and the economy are not matters of a different order, and in reality, it could be said that they are two sides of the same coin." Less Is More Abe has sought to temper his image as a security hawk whom critics accuse of gutting Japan's pacifist constitution, as he pushes to ease the limits imposed on the military by the US-drafted charter's war-renouncing Article 9. On July 1, his cabinet adopted a resolution reinterpreting the constitution to drop a ban on collective self-defense, or aiding a friendly country under attack. The decision to drop the ban, which has kept the military from fighting abroad since 1945, marked a historic change in Japan's security policy. It also fulfilled a cherished goal for Abe, who inherited much of his conservative agenda from his grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, a prewar cabinet minister who was jailed but never tried as a war-crimes suspect. Kishi became premier in 1957, but had to resign three years later after ramming a US-Japan Security Treaty through parliament despite mass public protests. In a classical Chinese-style poem written by hand with ink and brush and presented to Abe privately, Hisahiko Okazaki, a former diplomat and long-time Abe confidant summed up what the policy shift meant for those who shared Abe's world view. "Unprecedented defeat destroyed our spirit. To whom should we entrust the security of the people? Three generations of patriots. Finally, collective self-defense. Justice," he wrote. Although Abe was determined to achieve the goal that eluded him in 2006-07, he also demonstrated early on a willingness to compromise on the security issue to get a deal with the LDP's junior coalition partner, the more dovish New Komeito. Insiders said the stage for compromise was set months before the deal was clinched, when LDP Vice President Masahiko Komura floated the idea of allowing a "limited" exercise of collective self-defense. "Basically, the prime minister wanted to do everything, but once Mr. Komura came up with the concept of 'limited' [change], we realized that this was pretty close to the New Komeito's thinking and in that context the prime minister made the final decision," said a government official close to Abe. After receiving proposals from his security advisers, Abe at a May 15 news conference ruled out sending Japanese troops to fight with like-minded nations in far-flung military operations such as the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. "He narrowed the scope, saying there would not be a 'full model change,'" the coalition lawmaker said. Washington welcomed the move, which US officials have long urged as necessary to allow Japan to take on more of the burden for the security alliance. Abe's liberal detractors, though, say the reinterpretation paves the way for further weakening of the constitution's pacifist Article 9 without attempting a politically tougher task of amending the constitution in parliament. The charter has not been amended since its adoption, although successive governments have stretched its limits. "If I were Abe's advisers, I'd reassure the international audience, especially American policy-makers, that he is a pragmatist pursuing a reformist agenda," said Sophia University professor Koichi Nakano. "He is doing this quietly, in a way that is not jarring to international observers." History Lessons Nowhere has the tug-of-war between Abe's conservative ideology and pragmatism been clearer than in the handling of the legacy of Japan's wartime past. Abe's Dec. 26 visit to Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine, where Japanese leaders convicted by an Allied tribunal as war criminals are honored along with war dead, stunned the United States and outraged China and South Korea, where memories of Japan's wartime aggression run deep. It was a rare defeat for the pragmatists in the Abe camp, such as Chief Cabinet Secretary Suga and his executive secretary Takaya Imai, a career trade and industry bureaucrat who by some accounts had vowed to physically prevent Abe from going. "For him, it is like visiting his parents' tomb. He felt he hadn't visited his parents' tomb for a long time, so he went," said Okazaki, the former diplomat. "It's a question of faith." Since the last visit, Abe has confined himself to making ritual offerings without visiting the shrine in person. "I think he will make a political decision whether to go every year or whether, having expressed his beliefs [by going once], he should exercise self-restraint with a pragmatic line for a while," said Koichi Hagiuda, a special aide to Abe in his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Abe, who has visited 47 countries since taking office, usually with business executives in tow, has been unable to hold summits with Chinese and South Korean leaders partly because of the shrine issue. He has recently renewed his calls for a summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping. Abe also invokes Japan's ancient traditions as a rationale for his economic policies—using a fuzzy concept known as "Mizuho no Kuni Capitalism." The phrase, which translates as "Capitalism in a Land of Abundant Rice," harks back to Japan's traditional rice farming culture. It seeks to differentiate that cooperative approach from what is viewed as Western profit-grabbing greed. Those closely involved in formulating his economic policies, however, say those ideas play little direct role in crafting Abe's pro-business growth measures. "Achieving growth through competitiveness policies, deregulation, competition—these are things which must be done and they are just common sense," said economist Heizo Takenaka, a member of a government economic advisory panel. With local elections looming later this year and next, some advisers worry that political operatives may be tempted to opt for old-style tactics such as wooing rural voters with pork-barrel projects and shy away from tackling reforms that could hurt LDP support groups such as farmers. Pressure from LDP lawmakers persuaded Abe's economic team to include a reference to "Local Abenomics" in a policy package unveiled in June to persuade those outside Tokyo that they were not being ignored by a growth strategy that had mostly benefited big companies and cities. "What is important is not to go for 'safe driving' but to go on the attack," Takenaka said. "That is easy to say, but requires courage from those in charge." The post Japan's Polarizing PM Abe Learns the Long Game appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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