Shan Herald Agency for News

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To Hopeland and Back (X) Posted: 25 Aug 2014 05:12 AM PDT Day One. Sunday, 17 August 2014. The trip begins with the long-awaited but unexpected good news from Rangoon where the armed resistance movements' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) made an announcement on Friday, 15 August, the first day of their latest formal meeting that Naypyitaw had accepted the country should be a federal state. "With the agreement on Federalism, the main obstacle has gone," one NCCT member was reported as saying. "The rest will be just technical details." It is, without doubt, a historic breakthrough considering the fact that the country has gone through 52 years of hell, beginning 1962 when the armed forces staged a coup citing federalism (equated with secession) to justify it. I'm, by nature, always in my element when things go wrong, because I tend to confidently look for the silver lining in the clouds. But when things look bright and promising, I become uneasy and try to look for a catch in them. So when I was invited to attend the tripartite meeting—government, armed resistance movements and political parties—which is to be held tomorrow, I knew I had to go at least to see, hear and get the feel of things. My plane is a new one, Mann Yadanarpon Airlines (MYA). Departure time is 16:30 (Burma Standard Time), half an hour later than Thailand's. Check-in time is 14:30, So I find myself plenty of time to kill when I get there. Fortunately, I have brought three books: ·       China: A History by John Keay (ordered by phone by Sao Khwan Mong in Taunggyi) ·       Three Presidential Frontrunners for 2015 in Burmese (Guess who?) ·       Dhammapada ("The Way of Nature" a manuscript for proofreading) And here are some of the quotes I would like to share with you: ·       He who does not forget the past is the master of the present.        Sima Qian, China: A History ·       The conqueror gets enmity       The defeated lies down in distress       Only those who give up both victory and defeat rest in peace        The Dhammapada By the time we arrive at Mingaladon airport, it is already 20:00, because the plane, as most airlines are in Burma, does not fly directly to Rangoon but had stopped by at Mandalay before continuing to Mingaladon.   It takes another hour to pick up our bags, hire a taxi and arrive at the hotel, Summer Palace, near the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) where the meeting is going to take place tomorrow. I go white when the reception tells me it will cost me 55,000 kyat (1,800 baht/$60) per night. But my friend who had booked the room and noticed the funny look on my face gently advises me, "This is not Chiang Mai and you should count yourself lucky and thankful to get it." The upshot of it is that I pay my rent for two nights and meekly let myself led to my room in the 6th floor by a hotel porter. As I the elevator climbs up, I notice that it has a ground floor (instead of 1st floor) but no 4th floor. So each of us is a freak in his/her own way after all.

BURMA PEACE PROCESS: As defining moment nears, concept of federalism looms larger Posted: 25 Aug 2014 12:22 AM PDT The latest round of peace talk held from 15 August to 17 August has not been able to thrash out all the differing views between the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) and Union Peace-making Work Committee (UPWC), although it was said to have almost reached all agreement on most points, quite a number of issues still needs to be tackled. According to both NCCT and UPWC sources, from 122 points, only 4-5 points remains to be resolved. They are transitional period of the Ethnic Armed Organizations' (EAOs) – from signing of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) to the duration of political discussion phase - sustainment and livelihood; how many groups should be involved in the NCA discussion; recruitment; which ethnic armed groups will be eligible to sign NCA; and who should be invited to sign as witnesses to the signing ceremony. It is becoming quite clear that the acceptance of federal system by the government side is not that all clear, according to Nai Hong Sar, also known as Nai Han Tha, top NCCT negotiator and leader of the New Mon State Party (NMSP). In an interview with The Irrawaddy, Burmese section, on 21 August 2014, he said. " The ethnic nationalities are of the same opinion - regarding the peace process -, but the government side doesn't seem to be the same. The military, the parliament and government sometimes don't seem to have the same opinion. But this recent discussion has become a lot more better." He further said:" At the earlier stage, the military has stood on its original ground of not accepting the ethnic nationalities' demand for equality and rights of self-determination, and didn't want to change their position. Now they are not mentioning or taking stand on the issue of federalism. They come to the discussion in the capacity of National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) and accepted the federal issue in principle, but don't elaborate much. Whether they definitely accept or reject would be known only when the political dialogue takes place. At this moment, they have not spoken their stance on federalism and could be generally taken as being accepted." Transitional period EAOs' sustainment The sticking point on how the transitional period sustainment for the EAOs is likely to be formidable. For it involves infringement on sovereignty clause, where the opinion of government or the military is concerned. But which the EAOs see it quite differently and take it as their rights to be entitled to the shared-sovereignty, leading to the principle of shared-rule. In other words, the government is of the opinion that the EAOs should not extort protection money - from the point of EAOs it is levying revolutionary tax -, involve in extraction of natural resources, and illegal trading and so on. The government takes it as forcible or coercively exercising power-sharing or infringement of its sovereignty monopoly, which is supposed to be solely its domain. But the crux of the problem is that the sustainment of EAOs' troops depend solely on such revenue, without which their armies would face extinction. This would be a major hurdle for the two parties to overcome. A military-published Burmese language, Myawaddy newspaper wrote in an opinion piece, written by Ban Aung Hla, titled " Only if implemented according to the current existing laws", on 19 August 2014, as follows:- " Currently, some armed ethnic groups are engaged, as if they are government, miserably in extortion of protection money, selling teak woods and other natural resources, and illegal importation of goods. Because of their new recruitment - for their armies - young people in the villages could not even conduct their livelihood and have to flee." Also elsewhere in the same opinion piece, it blames and accuses the ethnic armed groups that, although the government is conducting the peace process, according to the international norm, " Some armed groups are engaged in new recruitment, building new base camps, manoeuvring outside their designated areas, acting as if trying to protect their territories." How many parties should participate? On the issue of political framework, especially how many actors should be involved, the NCCT and UPWC have some discrepancy. While the NCCT insists that the government, army and parliament should be one party, the EAOs as one party, and other political parties combined as one party, to conduct a tripartite dialogue, the UPWC side is for, at least, 8 parties meet, which would include the government, the parliament, the military, EAOs, political parties, civet society organizations, intellectuals and people from business sector. According to an opinion piece in Eleven Media Group of 19 August 2014, the 8 parties dialogue could lead to the similar situation like the Nyaungnabin constitutional drafting process, where the military bullied its way and stage-managed to promulgate the military-drawn 2008 Constitution. Who should sign the NCA? Another crucial issue is the criterion of who should participate in the signing of NCA. The government side seems to be only ready to include 14 EAOs that have signed the state-level and union-level ceasefire agreement, plus the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Ta-ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which have not inked the agreement. The NCCT is for all-inclusiveness, except the government-supported militias, which have been combating the EAOs, together with the Burma Army all along. One of the he 10-point guidelines of the NCCT published by the SHAN, on 5 August 2014, indicates: " Ethnic Armed Group signatories must meet the requirements set out at the Law Khee Lar Conference: Signatories to the Laiza Conference, having concluded a ceasefire with the Government, possessing "required attributes" of an ethnic armed group, not being an armed group under control of the Government, and not being an armed group fighting a foreign government." Who should be invited as witnesses? The last issue is who should be involved as witnesses to sign the NCA. According to NCCT, the government side is reluctant to accept Aung San Suu Kyi as a signatory, whereas the NCCT is keen to have her as a witness. The Irrawaddy report of 19 August 2014 writes that ethnic leaders say they want her to participate more in the peace process, even perhaps as an eyewitness during the signing of the nationwide ceasefire accord, which could come as early as October. "We proposed this to the government already, but there has been no response yet," said Hkun Okker, secretary of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), another alliance of ethnic groups. According to SHAN report, on 5 August 2014, the NCCT week-long Laiza conference of the 18 armed organizations that concluded on 31 July had proposed Japan and Norway be invited as signatory witnesses to the planned nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) signing, according to sources returning from the Sino-Burmese border. The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), set up by the first Laiza conference in November, had already proposed 7 other dignitaries and nations as witnesses: ·       Secretary General, United Nations ·       Secretary General, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) ·       United States ·       People's Republic of China ·       India ·       Thailand ·       United Kingdom Federalism deciding factor for durable political settlement The bigger picture is, as always, the position or acceptance of the federal union, as a governing system, which is the heart of ethnic nationalities demand. According to the interview conducted by The Irrawaddy, on 21 August 2914, Nai Hong Sar responded to the question of how the ethnic nationalities see the government insistence of adhering to the sovereignty and integrity of the union as below: "Our ethnic rebel forces haven't asked for secession, but rather federalism and equality. If we can't have them, we will need to remain as armed rebel forces. If needed, we will secede. None of the ethnic rebel forces are looking to secede if they can get what they ask for. That's the truth." As it is, the question of whether the peace process would be successful or not would solely depend on the military's political will to accept the concept of federalism in words and deeds. And employing decentralization or devolving some decision-making power, within the mould of the present unitary system, wouldn't be able to satisfy the non-Burman ethnic nationalities' aspiration and would only further delay the peace process, and might even push the situation back to an all-out military confrontation across the country. For now, the ball seems to be in the military court and the progress of peace process will solely depend on how it is going to handle it.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Another wrong turn in Mong La
• BUSINESS WEEKLY – 24 August 2014
• Growth at any cost: Strategic direction or tunnel vision?

Another wrong turn in Mong La Posted: 24 Aug 2014 06:04 AM PDT Let's raise a glass to celebrate that the BBC has discovered Mong La and brought us the news that it is "Myanmar's lawless region where anything goes" (See Jonah Fisher's 18 August installment). Now let’s have another glass to help dull the pain that the BBC's reportage not only produces Orientalist narratives but also takes an unsophisticated pro-statist view which ignores that "anything" also goes in Burmese government-controlled areas. Instead, it attempts to elicit shock from viewers with a visual postcard of "un-Burmeseness" in an area beyond the clutches of the state. Burma's recent reforms have created an atmosphere of journalistic possibilities, but many foreign journalists have failed to capitalise on the opportunities presented by access to areas previously restricted to engage in more extensive coverage of ethnic politics. Many Burma-based correspondents remain unfamiliar with the historical context of their subjects, their editors also share this ignorance and limited budgets often restrict reporting to the confines of the capital and the former capital, preventing them from developing a keener understanding through on-the-ground contacts. The recent BBC story on Mong La is emblematic of a larger malaise that tarnishes reporting of events beyond Rangoon and for this reason the following article critically examines the report. The Mong La story is not new. The Trouser People by Andrew Marshall includes one of the early journalistic accounts of the area and its publication in 2002 inspired countless other journalists to head up to Mong La. Covering this topic and others, such as a comedy troupe in Mandalay, has become a rite of passage for those trying to draw attention to their journalistic prowess by reporting on events taking place beyond Rangoon. But, their stories are essentially an unwitting repackaging of older ones, as these writers often appear unaware that theirs is a well-trodden path. Related Stories Drugs and development in the Wa region Bullet Points: 22 August 2014 Bullet Points: 18 August 2014 The attempts in the recent BBC report to ascertain the political conditions that allowed for the emergence of Mong La are amateurish. The author employs descriptive exoticism, referring to the "weird wild world of Mong La”. There's nothing weird or wild about Mong La when one considers how it came into existence and that many of its illicit features are also present elsewhere in Burma. It is useful to point out that the Burmese government did not give the territory of Mong La to its present leaders, but recognised their authority to administer it. In fact, central government leaders have exercised only limited control over the area. In the early independence period, the Chinese Kuomintang remnants exercised control over this area. In the early 1970s, the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) extended their control over the region and established the "815 War Zone". After a mutiny triggered an internal revolt within the CPB, four separate self-administered regions emerged in its place as the result of ceasefire negotiations with the military.  The 815 War Zone became known as Special Region Four, which is now known as Mong La – its administrative center. The three other special regions that emerged were administered by ethnic Wa, Kokang and Kachin organisations. The so-called "secretive leadership" of Mong La is headed by Lin Ming Xian, one of several Chinese volunteers from the adjacent area of Yunnan, who joined the CPB in the late 1960s. He is Sino-Shan and also has a Shan name, Sai Leun, and became one of the CPB's  most effective military commanders. After the mutiny he established control over this area and formed the organisation now known as the National Democratic Alliance Army. Fisher's covert nighttime foray into the jungles of eastern Burma to find a "hidden, illegal" gambling complex conjures memories of The Secret Life of Walter Mitty. When one leaves Rangoon for reporting upcountry, the likelihood of discovering illegal gambling halls increases dramatically. And gambling by proxy – the gist of the "headset scoop" – has been commonplace in the border casinos of Laos, Burma and Cambodia for almost a decade. “When foreign journalists resemble travel writers in their coverage of ethnic areas, one of the few potential sources of independent analysis on the situation in ethnic areas is lost.” One of the most disturbing aspects of this Mong La report is its lack of context. The story leans on a crutch common to bad travel writing – the superlative. The implicit treatment of Mong La is that it is the "unique-est" in terms of lawlessness. But are drugs, gambling, Chinese-ness and the illicit trade of endangered wildlife unique to Mong La? To argue so would be on par with the tomfoolery of suggesting that ngapi is bland. Moreover, the suggestion that we should be shocked that the lingua franca, the currency, the electricity and cell phone system are Chinese belies an innocence of how borders operate and ignorance that such dynamics are commonplace across Burma's border with China in both government and non-government controlled areas. Like many others, the author has gone for the low hanging fruit – the Mong La story – and  revels in revealing the outrage of its Sino-centrism to us. Such is a tired tale oft repeated over the last twenty-odd years. What is at stake is that when foreign journalists resemble travel writers in their coverage of ethnic areas, one of the few potential sources of independent analysis on the situation in ethnic areas is lost. Part of the problem is that  journalists often know little about ethnic issues and, instead, may sometimes construct stories framed in terms of the exotic. In doing so, they fail take into account that many of the dynamics they report on are commonplace in other parts of Burma and operate under the awareness of officials. In contrast to Mong La, there are many places where the Burmese government and other complicit parties do not tolerate nosing around by journalists. This is evidenced by the jail sentences recently issued to journalists from the Unity Weekly journal for their reporting on an alleged secret weapons factory in central Burma. But myopic perspectives, such as that of the BBC, fail to acknowledge that these dynamics are symptoms of a larger crisis of governance, rather than their cause. Instead, they imply that government rule is more desirable than that of non-state actors. In the case of Mong La, the leadership's efforts at creating a multi-cultural community — in part through the use of multiple ethnic languages and support for the cultural rights of its non-majority ethnic groups — is unusually open for Burma. But more to the point, important issues regarding ethnic politics critical to the future of Burma remain insufficiently addressed by the media. But let's not throw the baby out with the bathwater. The report draws attention to the trade of endangered wildlife in Mong La. Although, again, the trade in endangered wildlife is pervasive, and most journalists do not report on it unless it is right under their nose. One need not go to the lawless land of Mong La to find the trade, but look to the high-end aquariums and zoos across Southeast Asia. Bottoms up.   Danny Deck frequently travels to Burma and has visited Mong La. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB's editorial policy.

BUSINESS WEEKLY – 24 August 2014 Posted: 23 Aug 2014 11:40 PM PDT   Ups and downs Burma's currency was stable again this week; the buying rate for Burmese kyat on Friday was still 971 to the US dollar, while also selling at 971. The price of gold fell from 676, 500 kyat per tical to 669,000 kyat. Fuel remains the same as last week: petrol 820 kyat; diesel 950 kyat; and octane 950 kyat per litre. High-quality Pawsanhmwe rice remains at 1,300-1,700 kyat per basket, while low-quality Manawthukha rice is still set at 900 kyat per basket at most Rangoon markets.   China aims to legalise Burmese rice imports Chinese officials will enter discussions geared towards allowing the legal import of Burmese rice, according to Yu Ding Cheng, chairman of the Chamber of Commerce in Yunnan, China. Seizures of illegal rice have led to a steep decline in value. Yu Ding Cheng said that he met with Burma's Federation of Chambers of Commerce in efforts to boost cross-border trade on 14 August. The Myanmar Rice Federation said that they do not expect to meet this year's target of exporting two million tons of rice, as value and demand have both dropped.   UK to supply Rangoon airport with refueling vehicles Flightline Support Ltd, a UK-based manufacturer, has secured export contracts worth over UK£600,000 in Burma and Morocco, the British government announced on Thursday. "Flightline Support are among the first UK companies to clinch orders in [Burma] since the trade sanctions were lifted 12 months ago", the government website said, noting that the British firm will supply Rangoon airport with two 20,000-litre aircraft refuelling vehicles. Ray Harris, Managing Director of Flightline support, recently visited the re-opened British embassy in Rangoon to meet UK Trade & Investment staff. According to the government website, they discussed "forging stronger ties with Myanma Petroleum Products Enterprise and the Myanmar Ministry of Energy".   Muse economic zone to be complete by 2017 A Central Economic Zone planned for Muse, on the Burma-China border, will be complete by 2017, according to a project official. State media reported that project director Ngwe Soe said in a televised announcement on Sunday that the project will be implemented by the Shan State regional government and New Star Light Construction Co. About 18 real estate developments are planned, including housing, hotels and jade trading facilities. The zone will require more than 300 acres of land and will cost 50 billion kyat (US$50m), the report said.   Malaysian firm to supply bulldozers to Hpakant Malaysia's UMW Group has reportedly secured contracts worth US$63 million to supply more than 60 units of Komatsu equipment to jade mining firms in conflict-ridden Hpakant in Kachin State. According to Malaysia's The Star on Friday, UMW Engineering Services Ltd secured contracts to deliver Komatsu equipment – presumably excavators, caterpillars and bulldozers. Jade-mining activities were suspended in May 2012 in Hpakant due to security reasons, but Burma announced recently that the suspension will be lifted on 1 September.   Telenor expects to follow Ooredoo roll-out within a month Following the official launch of Qatar-based telecoms giant Ooredoo in Burma last week, Norwegian rival Telenor, the only other international player in the country's lucrative telecoms market, announced that it will roll-out next month. Speaking exclusively to DVB, Myanmar CEO Petter Furberg said Telenor would be operational in Rangoon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw "sometime in September" and would cover every region in the country within the first year. He said the firm was launching both 2-G and 3-G networks to cater for Burma's geography and social conditions. See full interview: https://www.dvb.no/news/dvb-talks-to-petter-furberg-ceo-of-telenor-in-burma-2/43435   Korean firm to provide electrical components South Korean electrical firm LSIS, part of the LS Group conglomerate, has signed a contract to supply high voltage distribution panel boards to Burma's Asia General Electric (AGE) over the next five years, the Korea Times reported on Friday. Under the agreement, LSIS will also provide more than 3,000 vacuum circuit breakers (VCBs), the report said. AGE, which supplies key electrical parts to Burmese state-run forms and other companies, will reportedly manufacture complete switchgears using VCBs at its Burmese plant.   Burmese SMEs in line for bank loans Thailand-based Small and Medium Enterprises Development Bank has pledged for provide 20 billion kyat (US$20 million) this year in loans for small and medium businesses in Burma starting from 27 August. According to an announcement by the bank last week, a business can apply for a loan of 20 million to 50 million kyat at an interest rate of 8.5 percent. More than 120,000 SMEs are registered in Burma making up over 99 percent of the country's enterprises. Read more: https://www.dvb.no/news/smes-to-receive-loans-after-eligibility-survey-burma-myanmar/42786 https://www.dvb.no/analysis/burma-must-boost-smes-myanmar/43353

Growth at any cost: Strategic direction or tunnel vision? Posted: 23 Aug 2014 10:46 PM PDT A lot has changed in Burma since the country's transition began in 2011. This remains an indisputable – albeit somewhat overplayed – fact. Keen to participate in the country's uneven process of opening up, uncomfortable compromises have had to be made on all sides – something which seemed unthinkable only a few years ago. In the realm of macro-level policies shaping the future of Burma, though, the power players dominate. There is a marked asymmetry between the traction given to voices propounding a tried-and-tested model of 'development', and those pushing for a more heedful and cautious approach. Despite the coverage afforded to Burma in recent years, few people seem to be asking either why this is, or what the consequences might be. For more than 50 years, the world largely looked away as torture, ethnic cleansing and acute poverty stalked Burma. Compulsion to leave the bloody past behind by engaging with Burma's oligarchs is, perhaps, understandable in the world of realpolitik. Alongside this, though, account must be taken of the coterie of actors keen to pursue a model of development that prescribes quick fixes to economic and social problems, ensuring the demand for their expertise and safeguarding their role in Burma's future at a stroke. Slow and steady no longer wins the race. Put simply, the quicker these issues can be rendered in language comprehensible to policy makers, the quicker solutions can be identified. The national census undertaken earlier this year was the clearest evidence yet of the international community's resolve to "understand" the country – and the subsequent violence a stark reminder of the cost of subsuming wider social cleavages to it. What we do understand, though, is that Burma's natural resource-reliant economy is pressed by the twin needs of economic diversification, and rationalisation of its regulatory environment. Far less clear is the causal relationship between a resolute focus on these economic fundamentals and dramatic improvements to social welfare. Moreover, there is a very real risk that giving primacy to rapid economic growth over social welfare fans the flames that make the reform process so unstable. More haste, less speed The potential for natural resource exploitation to fuel further conflict is clear, not least in border regions where the brutalisation of civilian populations has continued unabated since President Thein Sein took office in 2011. With a number of important issues unresolved – including how the distribution of resource dividends might take place on an equitable basis – the auctioning off of some of Burma's most valuable assets is proceeding apace. Despite Burma's welcome application to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the ongoing reluctance of companies involved to disclose information relating to their ownership structures does not bode well for those championing accountability as attendant of foreign capital investment. Related Stories Politicians, activists criticise Thein Sein's address on corruption Ooredoo's services lacking, customers say Burma must boost SMEs Of course, this investment will be central to the diversification of Burma's economy in the future – itself vital if the cadre of well-connected oligarchs are to have their virtual monopolies challenged. Without this, the provision of public services cannot be improved, and the country's gaping income and wealth inequality cannot be bridged. Recognition of the singularity of recent Burmese experience should, then, be evident in the policies proposed to address these issues. Yet such thinking is not forthcoming. Instead, the proposed direction going forward centres on tourism and garment manufacturing. The rise in foreign visitors to Burma in recent years has been dramatic, straining the country's tourist infrastructure. Increasing the capacity to cater for this deluge seems like a quick win – it will create jobs, bring welcome tourist dollars into the economy, and let potential investors get to know the lay of the land. Policies capitalising on these facts are almost incontrovertible, and can be implemented rapidly. This, in part, explains the ease with which institutions, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), have been able to fund luxury hotels and urban renewal projects. But apprehension remains that the jobs created by these programmes will be reserved for a tiny minority of well-educated Burmese, with promises exaggerated to legitimise the building of what the World Bank's private sector investment arm, the International Finance Corporation (IFC), calls "critical business infrastructure". Concerns have also been raised about the potential of such projects to serve the interests of oligarchs and strongmen, rather than creating opportunities for the country's largely unskilled labour force. Yet it is the creation of these jobs that must underscore a more sustainable and equitable recalibration of Burma's economy in the future. President Thein Sein's agricultural reform strategy is sharpening this need even further. In essence, the government is prioritising modernisation through market liberalisation and mass land confiscation, aimed at driving vast numbers of the population towards other forms of work. The government is keen to show that internal economic migrants will find work through the development of labour intensive industry. Neighbouring Cambodia and Bangladesh are examples of how this can create jobs, and form the backbone of an export-oriented strategy designed to engage with the global economy. They are also vivid examples of how the pursuit of rapid economic growth in a weak regulatory environment can threaten the rights, lives and livelihoods of the most vulnerable. Scrutiny of this growth model has thus far been limited, despite the clear risks associated with genuflection to it. The possibility that Burma's transition is nurturing an authoritarian plutocracy in the guise of a market democracy is very real. A slew of questions remain unaddressed. Should we be confident that global retailers like Gap will be at the vanguard of standard setting, given its response to last year's Rana Plaza tragedy? What is the likelihood that companies relying on scale and volume will work with local small-and-medium enterprises to build the domestic economy, adhere to international standards in their supply chain management, and consult communities adversely affected by their investment? Consultation of recent history is not encouraging here. Given the close association of the majority of Burma's most influential businessmen with the military, these concerns have a strong foundation. Ongoing forced relocation of communities affected by the flagship Thilawa Special Economic Zone, and the government's draconian response to their protests have been well documented. The administration's backsliding on its amnesty for political prisoners,complicity in crimes against humanity in Arakan State, and crimes committed by the military all evidence the international community's willingness to prioritise fast-tracked economic reforms, hoping improvements to social welfare will be a positive externality. This is an enormous risk. To mitigate against this, the pace of engagement with Burma's ruling elite must be tempered, and be made conditional on road-maps that redefine and subsequently reward concrete progress over time. Quid pro quo? Perhaps the most pressing issue to be resolved is the country's ongoing civil war. The difficulties standing in the way of realising a comprehensive, nation-wide peace settlement should focus the efforts of all stakeholders to making a settlement workable, not provide a basis for kicking the can down the road. Rather than finding ways to circumvent security issues, human rights abuses, and regulatory loopholes, the leverage of the international business and aid communities must be put to use here. Withholding investment from areas of ongoing conflict as long as military spending remains high and reports of human rights abuse surface, would be a good start. “The pursuit of rapid economic growth in a weak regulatory environment can threaten the rights, lives and livelihoods of the most vulnerable” The experience of other governments who have faced the "resource curse" should also be drawn upon and considered independently, rather than refracted through the ideology of international financial institutions and recast to fit their prescriptions. A resource-sharing agreement between national and sub-national governments will be the cornerstone upon which Burma's future is built. Reaching an agreement will require consultation, debate and compromise. Currently, there is little pressure on stakeholders to reach this type of agreement from investors or international governments. Without establishing such an agreement, though, the likelihood is that the spoils of Burma's resource endowment will be appropriated by a tiny elite, and that capital investment and the provision of public services will remain impoverished. Furthermore, evidence of an improved regulatory environment must be demonstrable. Putting in place the mechanisms for local governments to tax effectively, remain accountable for their practices, and more generally build trust between citizens and the state machinery are long-term projects. The argument that foreign investment drives up standards has its merits – at least in some sectors – and the same could be said of infrastructure projects of bodies like the ADB. But this is no substitute for the maturation of local level institutions, and the skill development of indigenous personnel to staff them. The advanced industrial economies of the world took generations to build this institutional infrastructure; can we seriously contend that this revolution will take place in Burma over the course of a few years? Whether our focus is on institution building, economic diversification, or improving the climate of human rights, meaningful consultation with stakeholders at every level is crucial. Building bridges with Naypyidaw at the expense of civil society organisations and grassroots activists will result – indeed, is resulting – in a parochial understanding of the fundamental issues facing the country. Governments, businesses and aid organisations retort that the immediate focus must be establishing trust at the highest levels of government to effect any change. The grain of truth in this should not obscure the fact that without actively building relationships with grassroots organisations we risk both legitimating and building a more efficient, authoritarian regime whose record speaks for itself. In a climate in which haste trumps prudence, the responsibility to tread with care often gets muted. Up to now, the nature of international engagement with Burma has been geared towards formulating quick fixes to deeply complex issues. An absence of forethought as to how these policies will affect the welfare of Burma's diverse peoples risks both upsetting the country's already fractious social balance, and entrenching the role of the military as a result. How will our willingness to reward rapid economic reform while ignoring egregious human rights abuses play out? Only time will tell.   David Baulk holds an MSc in Development Studies from the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, and is a former researcher for Burma Campaign UK. He now works for a Burmese women’s rights organisation in Chiang Mai, Thailand. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB's editorial policy.

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National News

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Leprosy sufferers struggle in Mon State Posted: 22 Aug 2014 01:58 AM PDT High in the hills of Myanmar's war-torn borderlands, a clutch of new leprosy cases among communities virtually cut off from medical help is a sign that the country's battle with the ancient disease is far from over.

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Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Charges dropped for 50 media activists
• Possible Ebola patient has malaria
• Drugs and development in the Wa region

Charges dropped for 50 media activists Posted: 23 Aug 2014 04:33 AM PDT A case filed against more than 50 journalists in mid-July for a demonstration demanding greater media freedoms has been dropped, according to Rangoon's Kamayut Township police. The journalists had previously been identified, questioned and charged with violating Article 18 of Burma's controversial Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act, for participating in an unpermitted demonstration. The protestors assembled in front of the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC) on 12 July during a visit by President Thein Sein, demanding amnesty for five employees of the Unity Weekly news journal who had just been sentenced to ten years in jail with hard labour for an investigative report alleging the existence of a chemical weapons facility in central Burma's Magwe. The group, donning shirts that read "stop killing press", taped their mouths shut and put down their recording devices as the president met with celebrities on the MPC premises, which was established as venue for the country's peace negotiations. Deputy Station Officer Maung Maung Oo, who levied the charges, told DVB that the case was dismissed on 21 August, but that future demonstrations will be treated similarly. Related Stories Bullet Points: 22 August 2014 Politicians, activists criticise Thein Sein's address on corruption Michaungkan activist sentenced to 8 months "We haven’t brought the case to court, and we have stopped the police investigation. But as we all have to live under the law, anyone who breaks the law again will be charged,” he said. Shwe Hmon was one of the 50 journalists who were charged. He said that the case shows abuse of power and that the authorities are not transparent enough about their processes. "Authorities always use their power… They didn’t send us official letters about the charges. Now they have dismissed the case without informing us. We, the media, can't understand the laws and systems of power in our country," he said. The case was dismissed after President Thein Sein met with members of the Ministry of Information and the Interim Press Council earlier this month, at which the president vowed to do his best to ensure protection for journalists. Recent jailing of journalists in Burma has prompted international outcry and warnings that the country could be backsliding on reforms. While major media reforms, such as the disbandment of Burma's notorious pre-publication censorship board in August 2012, caused a wave of early optimism, disputes over new regulations and an apparent targeting of media workers has cast doubt on the government's commitment to establishing a free press.

Possible Ebola patient has malaria Posted: 22 Aug 2014 11:17 PM PDT A Burmese man who is being tested for the Ebola virus has been diagnosed with two types of Malaria, the Ministry of Health has confirmed. The young man was identified as a possible Ebola carrier by a screening team in Rangoon's Mingalardon International Airport when he arrived with a high fever and fatigue on Wednesday. He and four other passengers have since been quarantined in Rangoon’s Waibagi Hospital. The man is currently being treated for malaria and has shown some improvement, officials told state media on Friday, but the diagnosis does not preclude Ebola and test results for the virus are still pending. “We cannot say it is not Ebola yet. Two types of malaria were found. We are treating him for malaria," said Dr Toe Thiri Aung, deputy director of disease control under the Ministry of Health, speaking to DVB by phone on Friday. After working in west Africa for several months, the man was travelling back to Rangoon along with four of his colleagues. All five are still in the hospital's isolation ward. The patient's medical samples are being tested in a World Health Organisation (WHO) facility in India, as Burma lacks the equipment necessary for diagnosis. Burma's Ministry of Health established screening checkpoints at international airports, seaports and border crossings after a recent outbreak escalated in west Africa. An epidemic that is believed to have begun in late 2013 was not detected until March 2014. The WHO has reported 2,473 suspected cases and 1,350 deaths resulting from the outbreak as of 18 August 2014, making it the worst Ebola outbreak since the disease was first discovered in 1976. Ebola hemorrhagic fever, or Ebola virus disease, can be transferred via contact with the blood or other body fluids of an infected animal. There is no known cure for the disease, which has an estimated fatality rate of up to 90 percent, according to the WHO. No confirmed cases of Ebola have been reported in Southeast Asia to date.   Related Stories Bullet Points: 20 August 2014 Bullet Points: 30 July 2014 Burma President ‘allowed’ ministers to step down

Drugs and development in the Wa region Posted: 22 Aug 2014 09:03 PM PDT United Wa State Army (UWSA) spokesman Aung Myint speaks to DVB about drugs, development and education in the Wa region. Q: What role do you think the UWSA will play in the drug eradication programme that Burma has agreed to implement with the United Nations? A: Needless to say, we realised once we made peace with the Burmese government in 1993 that growing opium as a business venture does not improve the lifestyle of our people; in fact, it is more likely to harm them, especially children. Drugs could lead to our extinction. From that point, we adopted a policy to propagate, persuade and lead our people in the right direction. In 1995, we adopted a ten-year programme for opium eradication. In 2005, we were completely opium free –we substituted opium plantations with rubber, tea and other cash crops such as sandalwood. Also, we use the best of our limited knowledge to mine minerals. But we have now completely eradicated the opium the English brought to us more than 100 years ago. As a result, we have seen much more development in our region than, say, 20 years ago. Back in those days, we had no roads. Over the past 25 years, we have upgraded dirt tracks into gravel roads. We are now working on a five-year plan to further upgrade them – stretching about 700-800km in total – into two-lane, tarmac roads. Once this is completed, transportation in the region should be a lot more efficient and convenient. Related Stories Bullet Points: 18 August 2014 UN finalises 'landmark agreement' to fight drugs in Burma School in session for Mandalay street kids If we can operate transportation correctly, local businesses will gradually grow. Now we have rubber plantation projects in many villages, which is creating income for many households. Nowadays many Wa people can afford to own motorbikes. This is a clear mark of improvement in the region's economy. Q: Can you tell us more about the two-lane road construction? When did it start? A: We are now in the second year of a five-year plan to build two-lane roads over a stretch of about 700 km. So far, we have paved tarmac on about 200 to 300 km. We have also levelled the terrain, which is a large-scale project. Q: So this may lead to the opening of schools, and further development in the region? A: We have opened schools in many villages and towns in the Wa region. In the past, we did not have high literacy. Many adults were uneducated and could not even speak Burmese. I think we now have about 300 schools in the Wa region. Our education policy is not restricted –if a teacher specialises in Burmese language, then he or she may open or run a Burmese language school, and the same applies for Shan, Wa and Chinese language lessons. We believe that education is worthwhile no matter which language is taught. We also encourage the study of mathematics and such. What we are trying to do is to develop middle and high schools that can accommodate students from different language backgrounds. So far we have about nine high schools like that.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Burmese Pageant Agency Grooms Five Ladies for World Stage
• In US, Burmese Sushi Chef Crafts New Career on Incubator Farm
• The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 23, 2014)

Burmese Pageant Agency Grooms Five Ladies for World Stage Posted: 22 Aug 2014 06:00 PM PDT The five winners of the Miss Golden Land Myanmar Organization's competition on Thursday. (JPaing / The Irrawaddy) A Burmese pageant agency led by a 22-year-old man with links to some of the world's biggest beauty competitions is grooming five women in the country to compete internationally. Miss Golden Land Myanmar Organization is one of four pageant agencies in Burma that trains local contestants for overseas beauty competitions, which have become popular as the country opens up after half a century of military rule. The Rangoon-based pageant agency on Thursday selected five women from more than 400 applicants to compete at competitions in the Philippines, Thailand, Jordan, Taiwan and Poland in October and November. M Ja Sai will compete at Miss Grand International, Han Thi at Miss Supranational, Ei Mon Khine at Miss Earth, Angel Lamung at Miss Intercontinental, and Helen Myo Ko at Miss Face of Beauty International. "Each will represent Myanmar [Burma] at the five pageant contests for this year," said Han Zaw Latt, 22, who co-founded his pageant agency two years ago and is now its national director. He is the youngest national director of a beauty organization in the world, according to the Philippines-based Missosology, a website that analyzes international beauty pageants. "A main challenge of being young is that people don't trust as easily a young person looking for sponsors or organizing events," he said. He said the five women had received talent training and would be supported in the international contests. The Miss Golden Land Myanmar Organization, which has contracts with international pageants, received 426 applicants in May who wanted to compete abroad. It chose 150 women in the first round and whittled the list down to five women on Thursday, with help from a guest judge, Mutya Johanna Datul from the Philippines, who is the current Miss Supranational 2013. In 2012, for the first time in six decades, a Burmese contestant entered an international pageant. Nang Khin Zay Yar won a people's choice award at the Miss International pageant in Japan. Last year, more Burmese women took part in five different pageants, including the Miss Universe competition in Russia. In May of this year, May Myat Noe won the title at the Miss Asia Pacific World pageant, hosted in South Korea. In November, Khin Wai Phyo Han will compete at Miss International 2014, after being crowned Miss Myanmar International last week. Meanwhile, Sharr Htut Eaindra is receiving training in the Philippines before competing at the Miss Universe competition. Not only young Burmese women are entering international pageants. Burma's Myo Htut Naing, aka Khar Ra, is currently competing at the Mr. Asia 2014 contest in Hong Kong. The post Burmese Pageant Agency Grooms Five Ladies for World Stage appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In US, Burmese Sushi Chef Crafts New Career on Incubator Farm Posted: 22 Aug 2014 05:30 PM PDT A farmer stands in a wheat field in Lincoln, Nebraska. (Photo: Reuters) ITHACA, New York — A physicist from Armenia, a juice-maker from Bermuda and a Burmese sushi chef are crafting new careers in agriculture under a program that applies the business incubator model to farming. The Groundswell Center for Local Food and Farming is one of dozens of incubator farms springing up around the country to nurture the next generation of agricultural entrepreneurs. The projects help would-be farmers get started by providing a plot of land, shared equipment, mentoring on business planning and marketing, and the opportunity to build a track record of success that will help them qualify for startup loans when they're ready to launch their own farms. "It's giving me an opportunity to implement business ideas that I hadn't had a chance to before," said Damon Brangman, 43, an immigrant from Bermuda who wants to grow his own vegetables for the mobile juice business he runs with his wife in Ithaca. "I'm looking to buy or lease land, but there's more risk and cost involved. This was more within my reach." The 10-acre farm in Ithaca, in New York's Finger Lakes region 140 miles west of Albany, is now in its second growing season with Brangman and two other farmers tilling quarter-acre plots that they can use for three years. Surik Mehrabyan, 54, came to upstate New York with a contract for physics research at Cornell University, but after it ended, he wanted to return to the agrarian lifestyle he grew up with in Armenia. "My goal is to understand what to grow to make a living," Mehrabyan said as he spaded stony soil to build a raised bed in his plot at Groundswell. "All the time, I'm doing different experiments and finding markets, planning. For me, it's most important to get established with buyers before I invest in land." Ye Myint, 47, a native of Myanmar, is growing sushi cucumbers and greens such as gongura and water spinach, which are popular in Asian communities. "I have a deal with a Burmese grocery store in Syracuse to buy gongura," said Myint, who makes sushi for the Cornell University food service. There are about 105 incubator farms in 38 states, many of them still in the planning stage or just a few years into operation, according to the National Incubator Farm Training Initiative at Tufts University in Massachusetts. The program, launched in 2012, advises new incubator farms and helps farmers connect with them. More than half the farms serve immigrants and refugees, but others nurture a range of new farmers including young people, career changers and retirees. In 2008, new grants from the US Department of Agriculture's Beginning Farmer and Rancher Development Program spurred a number of incubator programs into existence. The USDA program was a response to the rising average age of US farmers and the 8 percent projected decrease in the number of farmers from 2008 to 2018. The 2014 farm bill includes $100 million for the program. "The barriers to getting into this industry are so large that we have to come up with new strategies to get people on the land," said Jennifer Hashley, project director of the New Entry Sustainable Farming Project, parent organization of the Incubator Training Initiative. A network of mentor farmers is key to the success of the incubator farm, said Joanna Green, director of the Groundswell Center. "The farmers we work with are really interested in helping the next wave get started and succeed," Green said. Groundswell's oversight team also includes advisers from Cornell's horticulture department and farm credit organizations. The New Entry incubator program requires farmers to pay startup costs including a $175 fee for a quarter-acre plot, plus the cost of their seeds, nursery pots and other supplies. Farmers must take a farm business planning course and write a plan that will be refined at the end of the growing season. In the first year, some earn only enough to recoup startup costs, while others may earn as much as $10,000. "It depends on what they grow, how much time they put into it and what their market is," Hashley said. The post In US, Burmese Sushi Chef Crafts New Career on Incubator Farm appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 23, 2014) Posted: 22 Aug 2014 05:00 PM PDT Red Tape and 'Delay Tactics' Could Slow Mobile Phone Networks' Rollout Bureaucracy and "suspected" delaying tactics by the state-owned enterprise Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) will slow down the availability of Internet and mobile phone services to many parts of Burma, a survey said. An overlap of bureaucracies is holding up the construction of new wireless signal towers, said the London Financial Times' Asean Confidential research service. "Despite the significant progress, a long road lies ahead for the telecoms [Ooredoo and Telenor] as they expand their networks to cover the rest of the [Burmese] population," the paper reported, referring to the two foreign telecoms firms that were granted licenses to operate mobile services in Burma last year. "For every tower, the contractor must acquire separate permission from the Ministry of Communications, Ministry of Construction, one or more regional and district authorities, and the landowner, any one of which can cause delays in a country without streamlined approval processes. "Ooredoo and Telenor also face a potentially hostile regulatory environment because state-owned MPT, a direct competitor, doubles as regulator for the telecom sector. It is widely suspected that MPT has delayed certain approvals in order to slow the launch of the foreign telecom networks, buying itself time to catch up." PricewaterhouseCoopers Fined US$25M for Breaking US Burma Sanctions The international financial services company PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) has been fined US$25 million for breaking the United States' economic sanctions against Burma's former military regime. The company contravened rules made by New York State against Iran, Sudan and Burma, said AFP news agency, quoting the state's Department of Financial Services this week. PwC was pressured by the Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ (BTMU), Japan's biggest lender, to hide details of transactions by the bank with the sanctioned countries, the department said. "Under pressure from BTMU executives, PwC removed a warning in an ostensibly objective report to regulators surrounding the bank's scheme to falsify wire transfer information," the department said. As well as the fine, PwC's Regulatory Advisory Services unit will be suspended for 24 months from accepting consulting work at financial institutions regulated by the New York State agency. Thilawa SEZ Raises Shares Cash as More Loans Pour in for Development The holding company for the Thilawa special economic zone (SEZ) has sold more than three million shares, raising enough capital to be able to operate the business enclave, a report said. "We now have enough capital to run the economic zone. We have a plan to list on the stock exchange, which is going to kick off in 2015. This is for the benefit of our shareholders," said Thilawa SEZ Holdings Public Company chairman Win Aung, quoted by Eleven Media. Shares for Zone A of the SEZ, which have been on sale since March, have netted US$33 million, Win Aung said. News of the shares capital coincides with an announcement that agricultural consortium Myanmar Agribusiness Public Corporation (MAPCO) has secured another loan of $50 million to develop a port, wharf, warehousing and a processing factory in Thilawa. The loan has been provided by the UOB bank of Singapore, MAPCO managing director Ye Min Aung was quoted by the Myanmar Times as saying. The development and the loan will be subject to approval by Burma's Central Bank and also the Myanmar Investment Commission, he said. MAPCO has already secured loans totaling $200 million from UOB, said the Myanmar Times. MAPCO is made up of six companies, including one registered in Singapore. Delhi Government Eyes Burma to Help Solve India's Gas Shortage The New Delhi government has Burma in its sights to help solve India's growing natural gas shortage, reports said. Demand for gas in India is forecast to grow more than 10 percent in the current financial year, against production growth of just over 7 percent, said Interfax news agency, quoting the Ministry of Petroleum. Although the country is thought to have large reserves of natural gas as well as coal-bed methane and gas locked in shale rock, supplies from abroad offer a medium-term solution, India's Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas Dharmendra Pradhan said in a statement reported by Indian media. "Meanwhile, the state-run Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) is 'focused on securing new overseas assets, acquiring two new blocks in [Burma] just last week,'" said Interfax, quoting the statement. ONGC won exploration and production rights in a handout of 15 onshore development licenses by the Naypyidaw government in contracts linked with state-owned Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE). The terms of the contracts have not been disclosed. Migrant Workers' Rights Campaigner Warned of More Thai Legal Action The British campaigner for Burmese migrant workers' rights in Thailand, Andy Hall, has been threatened with further criminal legal action if international human rights NGOs and trade unions continue to petition on his behalf. The warning came from the Thai Pineapple Industry Association (TPIA), saying it appeared to be Hall's intention to "destroy Thailand's economic system and severely impact negatively on business owners." "If Mr. Hall insists in continuing to behave in this manner, businesses affected by Mr. Andy Hall's allegations made without fact will coordinate together to prosecute him further in Thailand's Courts of Justice," said a statement signed by TPIA general secretary Nirut Ruplek. One of TPIA's member companies in the fruit canning export business, Natural Fruit Company, has brought criminal libel prosecutions in Thailand against Hall after he published a report alleging the company violated Thailand's minimum wage standards, confiscated Burmese workers' travel and work documents, and the failed to provide legally mandated paid sick days and holidays. This led to a petition to TPIA signed by almost 100 labor and rights organizations in 20 countries calling for the case to be dropped and Hall to be allowed to leave Thailand. Signatories included the International Trade Union Confederation, the British Trades Union Congress the European Coalition for Corporate Justice and Human Rights Watch. The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (August 23, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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