Saturday, April 18, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Lashio Works to Build Trust

Posted: 17 Apr 2015 05:30 PM PDT

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LASHIO, Shan State – As Lashio town became a refuge for thousands of people fleeing fighting between the government and Kokang rebels around Laukkai on the Chinese border in February and March, religious and community leaders rallied to provide aid and shelter in monasteries, schools and other buildings.

It was just the latest challenge for local leaders who for almost two years have been working quietly behind the scenes to mend the fallout from a previous crisis to hit the town.

In May 2013 inter-community clashes in Lashio left one person dead and others injured. Though the flare-up which followed a spate of similar events in other parts of the country quickly died down, tensions were left in its wake between communities that had previously lived peacefully side by side.

Since then, local leaders have worked hard to maintain peace and good relations between the different religious communities. They have focused on rebuilding trust and on making common cause against the power of rumors to ignite tensions.

It hasn't always been easy, especially during the first few months after the clashes, said Ko Myo, a Buddhist community leader.

Soon after the May 2013 events, an informal interfaith group was formed that included Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu and Christian religious leaders as well as community members and volunteer youth.

It began meeting once or twice a month and focused on charity work. Its teams continue to visit local villages and remote areas to donate to schools and conduct free medical check-ups. Members have also taken aid to Kachin IDP camps.

It was difficult at first to persuade parents to allow their children to attend inter-religious youth events designed to let children learn about different faiths and living together harmoniously. Some children were also reluctant, Ko Myo said.

But after a time, the children of different religions became friends and were enthusiastic about the events in which they could mingle and discuss their ideas freely, he said.

Tin Aung, president of the town's Islamic Religious Association, also said trust-building was hard at first. The inter-faith group was denied permission by some local authorities to visit remote villages as it included Muslim doctors. Some locals also did not wish to be treated by Muslim medics, he said.

The Panzagar (Flower Speech) movement against hate speech initially struggled to gain acceptance in Lashio. Locals were not interested and the authorities were reluctant to allow events seen as potentially raising tensions.

The interfaith group also ran into resistance from locals and authorities when it first tried to address the issue of hate speech.

People feared this was just another way of stirring things up.

But the group worked to show that addressing the issues of rumors and hate speech was a way to control them and the troubles they caused.

Over time, a common understanding about the need to resist rumors gained more traction.

Rumors spread by unknown sources had continued to plague parts of the town after the clashes, community leaders said.

"There were many rumors, and gatherings of angry mobs, any of which could have re-ignited the violence. But the community and religious leaders, with the help of township authorities, were able to control them by giving people the correct news in a transparent way,'' said Ko Myo.

Rumors still continue, but nowadays most residents no longer automatically believe them, he said. Some people even approach the community and religious leaders to ask for the correct information.

And a network of youth with members in every quarter of the town is also ready to provide accurate information, Ko Myo said.

"Since our town is small, it is very easy to spread rumors. But it's also easier to control them. It would be very difficult in larger places like Mandalay or Meikhtila," he added.

The efforts in Lashio received recognition from the UN rights envoy Yanghee Lee after her visit in January.

"In the town of Lashio, in Northern Shan State, I was impressed by the commitment of inter-religious leaders to work together toward maintaining a peaceful community following attacks on the Muslim community in May 2013," she said at a press conference in Yangon.

But for some, life is still raw. The charred remains of a Muslim orphanage still stands as an ugly reminder of the events of nearly two years ago. That the remains have not yet been cleared or rebuilt indicates the challenges still ahead.

Ma Aye Aye Win, a Buddhist who was burned by gasoline in the incident that ignited the violence in May 2013, says she and her family are still living in fear after the events.

"We don't want such things to happen again, in our town or elsewhere," she said.

Despite all they have achieved, religious and community leaders still worry that violence could break out again.

"We want to rely on the government's protection. We desperately need fair protection, which provides for no discrimination between different races and religions," Tin Aung said.

"At the same time, we have to work on our own to trust each other. No one can break peace and trust that we build with our hands,'' he added.

It might be fragile, but so far, Lashio's can-do approach seems to be working. ''The two communities are living in peace like they did in the past. Life here is almost back to normal,'' Tin Aung said.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Lashio Works to Build Trust appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Thingyan is Getting Worse Year by Year’

Posted: 17 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

On this week's Dateline Irrawaddy, the panel talks about the changing nature of Burma's Thingyan festival, including the rise of drunkenness and drug use among young revelers, and concerns over water conservation at a time of increasing shortages.

Aye Chan Mae: As we are now entering Thingyan, we'll discuss those classic songs of the festival that have remained popular into the present day, as well as the changing attitude of the younger generations towards the revelries of the Thingyan festival. I'm Aye Chan Myae, Burmese editor of The Irrawaddy, and I'm joined for this discussion by singer Thxa Soe and editor of Faces Magazine Ko Myo.

This week, we'll be discussing Thingyan—traditional Thingyan and modern Thingyan. We'll also discuss about popular Thingyan songs. We like classic Thingyan songs, like the theme song of the classic movie 'Thingyan Shower.' We also like new interpretations, like the work of Ko Thxa Soe. Which songs do you both love to listen to at this time of year?

Thxa Soe: 'Thingyan Shower' is the state Thingyan song. It is always played during Thingyan and so is the song 'Myanandar.' These songs are played not only during Thingyan but also on other special occasions. I did not intend my songs to be for Thingyan, but they turned out accidentaly to be songs that fit for the festivities. In the minds of Myanmar people, 'Thingyan Shower' has become the trademark song of Thingyan like 'Merry Christmas' during December. This song will continue to exist for a long time. There is only thing I would like to suggest. It would be better if those who entertain with this song paid royalties to Saya Myoma Nyein and members of the Myoma Band through the Myanmar Music Association.

ACM: Recently, we saw composers collectively calling for the respect of copyright on the songs they had composed, including songs sung at Thingyan venues. Shall we talk about this? What do you think, Ko Myo?

Ko Myo: They should have it. They should have had copyright on their songs for a long time now. It has been a long time that artists do not get a decent return from their creations.

ACM: Which songs do you like to listen in Thingyan?

KM: Rather than 'Thingyan Shower,' I liked the Thingyan movie 'Our Cherry Land' directed by Win Oo when I was young. I like the Thingyan atmosphere the movie conveys. Most of the songs in that movie were composed by Saya Myoma Nyein and are still popular now. I like such classic songs. But then, as the time has changed, I also appreciate the music like 'Yaw Thama Hmwe' created by Ko Thxa Soe, which perfectly fits the spirit of Thingyan.

ACM: I liked Zaw Win Htut's song 'Rock and Roll Thyingyan'. Maybe it is because I have grown up with his songs. The album was a big hit at the time.

TS: That rock song is still sung in Thingyan. It is another state Thingyan song.

ACM: We hear that the amount singers earn for entertaining at pandals during Thingyan is sufficient for them to live on for almost the entire year. Is this true?

TS: It is not like that. We get a good return from our Thingyan work, but it is not a substantial amount compared to commodity prices of present time. Singers are having a hard time these days. Indeed, we are not enjoying financial benefits in proportion to our popularity. It is because our albums are not selling as a result of piracy. In the past, original albums, but not the pirated ones, were sold. The albums of singers Zaw Win Htut and Ba Din sold well and this situation continued until recently. To be frank, all singers at the moment are having a hard time. Only the wearer knows where his shoe pinches. The return we receive from Thingyan is not bad. But then it is just an amount for us to survive, to produce our next albums.

ACM: What is the difference between modern and traditional Thingyan festivals?

TS: On one hand, Thingyan is more enjoyable now; on the other hand, it has become more dangerous. When we were young, we were not as drunk and disorderly during Thingyan as youths now are. We were once youths and we did run wild during Thingyan. But then, we just strutted with our friends. Thingyan at present time is more like a big party. There are festivities like Tomorrowland and electronic dance music parties in foreign countries. But there, partygoers do not use drug or abuse girls, using aphrodisiacs. I have travelled around the world and did not see such cases. But here, the morals of people have become corrupt to the extent that they even prepare aphrodisiacs ahead of Thingyan and make girls drink liquor mixed with aphrodisiacs and abuse them. Meanwhile, pandal organizers do immoral acts. The fact that they build VIP rooms with beds at the back of the pandals shows that they don't have consideration for the girls. It is not a sex party. To put it simply, morals have been largely corrupted, and I am concerned with it. I am also young. I also want to have fun during Thingyan. I'll throw water, drink a little and dance. That's all. But now, they have gone beyond that limit. The country has just left the shackles of dark years behind and is now at a crossroads, one side leads to the good and the other to the bad. Effects of this are also seen on youths during Thingyan.

ACM: Thingyan, as you put it, seems a serious cause for concern for our children. It is a real cause for concern for the young that activities, which almost resemble sex parties, are organized at the back of pandals. It seems that youths are largely permitted to use drugs during Thingyan. It will leave a very bad image if people do these things at a festival, I would say.

TS: These activities have reached even to rural villages. To be frank, I am quite unhappy to see people being drunk and disorderly. The tradition of paying respects to elderly persons in Thingyan has almost diminished. It now almost seems mytical that the young used to pay respect to elderly people and help them with tasks at their homes. In my view the situation is getting worse from generation to generation.

KM: As Ko Thxa Soe said, when we were young, the worst possible thing revelers did was throwing water balloons and water bags and throwing water with force. The traditional values of Thingyan were still alive then. But then, after the pro-democracy uprising, the country was in constant decline and the attitude of the people has changed as a result. Some people welcome the culture that has come in from abroad. These factors led to the things Ko Thxa Soe has mentioned. To be frank, I don't go out and I usually stay at my home during Thingyan. The way people enjoy the festival has changed. When we were young, we'd boil sticky rice balls together happily, build small pandals in front of our houses and throw water. The way people enjoy the festival has changed a lot. Now, it is only through listening to Thingyan songs that I can feel the atmosphere of former Thingyan days.

ACM: People in their mid-30s like us will only rest at home, watching Thingyan movies like 'Thingyan Shower' and 'Our Cherry Land'. Youths want to go out. We need to think about how we can create a safe environment for those who want to enjoy the festival safely and simply. The situation is getting worse year by year because the rulers have turned a blind eye to everything as long as their grip on power is not threatened.

KM: No matter how much the culture has developed, no song can influence Saya Myoma Nyein's work until now. This is just my view. But then, the style of Thingyan has changed. Youths have created songs based on their views and thoughts. These days, I particularly like DJ and Remix. I think the music style created by Ko Thxa Soe really fits the Thingyan of the present. But I am afraid those songs, when coupled with drugs, can have a negative influence on youths and this may lead them to do the wrong thing.

TS: The government has just taken steps to control these, but the situation has almost gone beyond redemption. In foreign countries, revelers dare not act that recklessly. But here, people do not hesitate to act recklessly. I remember a drunken guy tried to hit people with car during a music show before Thingyan in Mandalay. He was then stopped by local ward residents. Drugs are easily available in Mandalay during Thingyan. There are many drug addicts in my social circle who are addicted to yaba. I control myself as much as I cannot use drugs. Those who use drugs, including artists, have seen their lives deteriorate gradually. Many people get addicted to drugs during Thingyan. Your drug addict friends will talk you into using drugs. At first, they will give you drugs for free. Then, they sell to you. Many people get addicted to drugs like this and parents therefore want to discourage their children from abusing drugs. But then, since they themselves grew up in a dark era, most of the parents do not have the knowledge to find solutions for this problem. Parents who have that knowledge do not raise their children here, they just send them abroad to study.

ACM: Some environmentalists have criticized Thingyan as wastage of water. I think we should discuss this.

TS: Fifteen years ago, I began to read about this in a book, I don't remember who it was byI felt sorry that water is lost unnecessarily because I know the value of water as I have donated water in Dala for two or three years. There in Dala, people are short of water even for use in toilets. But here in Yangon, people are wasting water. The water shortage is especially serious for those who live in apartments. I live in an apartment and I pray to God whenever I turn on the switch that the water pump will work. I will not always get it. We are really short of water. During Thingyan, people may throw water with water from Kandawgyi and Inya lakes. Water from those places is dirty. No one wants to touch the water there. All the shops surrounding the lakes dump sewage in those lakes. They said they treat the sewage, but we don't know what measures they are taking. I won't go to pandals there because I feel itchy at the sight of water from there. How can we preserve water sources in the future? I don't see any evidence that there will be additional water sources in the future. Instead, there are fewer and fewer water sources. Experts and the government, particularly the government should take care of it. At present, the government is turning a blind eye.

KM: What Ko Thxa Soe said is right. As even townships like Dala, which are not far from Yangon, are short of water, the problem of water shortages may be far worse in rural areas in central Myanmar. While we celebrate Thingyan to maintain a tradition, the government should take water conservation measures into serious consideration.

ACM: The government has the ultimate responsibility for all of this. But then, we can't put the finger only at the government. This is a problem which needs theparticipation of all to be solved. We should think about how we can work out the best solution. Ko Thxa Soe and Ko Myo, Happy New Year to you. Thank you so much for your time.

The post 'Thingyan is Getting Worse Year by Year' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


War in Kokang must stop, if ongoing peace process is to be preserved and nurtured

Posted: 17 Apr 2015 07:54 AM PDT

Quite a lot has happen, in the aftermath of the fifth Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft completion or accomplishment, ready for signing or ratification, if the Union Peace-making Central Committee (UPCC) and Ethnic Armed Organizations' (EOAs) leadership could agree on the draft text as it is now formulated. To put it differently, if the EAOs would accept this tentative draft, without any alteration and agree to sign it, the deal will be done. As for the government's highest negotiation organ UPCC, the draft is fully acceptable and is ready to ink, anytime the EAOs' leaders opt for it. The fifth NCA draft was finalized on 31st March 2015.

President Thein Sein had called for a meeting among 48 invited personages, covering a wide-range of political spectrum, to which 44 attended, at Naypyidaw, a few weeks back, prior to the six-party talks, which the parliament has endorsed, but refused by the President until recently, indicating that it was not inclusive enough.

The 44 personages meet was said to be nothing new, without any substance, just like the last meeting a few months ago. It was viewed as a public relation undertaking to prop up Thein Sein's reform posture and just a talk shop, according to those attending the meeting.

The following six-party talks, between U Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi, Thura U Shwe Mann and Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Upper House Speaker U Khin Aung Myint and an ethnic representative, U Aye Maung, took place in Naypyidaw, on 10 April, touched on the issues of constitutional amendment, ongoing peace negotiation with the EAOs and the forth-coming national election.

According to The Wall Street Journal, on the same day, Minister of Information Ye Htut, in a news conference after the roughly two hours of talks, described the conversation as "friendly, as though it was between brothers and sisters." He labeled the talks a success and said steps toward guaranteeing a free and fair election and a change to the constitution were discussed, without giving specifics.

But Aye Maung, the ethnic representative at the talks, said no specifics on a timeline for amending the constitution were raised, nor was there any agreement on what should be changed. The specific clause that prevents Ms. Suu Kyi from becoming president—clause 59f—was also not discussed, the ethnic representative said.

Meanwhile, in an interview conducted by VOA, on 13 April, with a Kokang citizen Mr. Ye Lauk E said, the Burma Army (BA) offensive or better, military onslaught in Kokang area, against Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), goes on, employing some 15,000 troopers, with heavy artillery.

According to various medias like VOA, RFA and DVB, it was said to be very heavy, with causalities from the government side as high as 700 deaths and wounded, and MNDAA enduring some 60 to 70, within the few days of fighting, starting the 8th of April, coinciding with the approval of  fifth NCA draft, President's sponsored and headed 44 personages - from broad political spectrum  - meeting, and the parliament endorsed six-party talks.

Tun Myat Linn, MNDAA general secretary and spokesman, when asked why the causality figures could be so different replied to the medias, on several occasions, that as the nature of war, the defending party always have an edge over the attacking group. And this explains the high causality figure from the side of BA.

Tun Myat Linn told DVB, on 14 April,  that violence has spiked since 8 April in the Tong San area of Shan State, southeast of the regional capital Laogai.

"I think that there were about 700 dead and injured from the Tatmadaw [Burmese army] over the five days from 8 to 12 April. On our side, there were about 60 casualties," Tun Myat Linn said.
On 16 April DVB report, Tun Myat Linn again said he believes his force has inflicted 1,800 Burmese army casualties since the conflict started on 9 February, despite just 70 casualties among MNDAA troops.

Surprisingly, the State-owned media, after quite a few weeks of break, again publicized causality figures, that 16 Burma army soldiers were killed and 110 injured in an ultimately successful assault on Hill Post 1584 on 15 April. The report cited the government use of airstrikes against the  MNDAA, as well as tanks and heavy weaponary in the action.

However MNDAA spokesperson Tun Myat Linn rejected the reports, telling DVB that no fighting took place on Wednesday.

"We haven't lost any posts in the fighting. We retreated from some small posts in the Kho Thang area, in accordance with our strategy, but there was no post lost in the fighting" , according to DVB report of 16 April.

Earlier he also refuted the BA's territorial gains, by saying: " They always report in their media that they have seized our mountain posts. If they could seize our posts, there wouldn't be any more battles. They have been reporting this since we began fighting with them," according to the report of The Irrawaddy, on 10 April.

As the BA military onslaught goes on unabated, the Ethnic Leaders' Summit preparation scheduled to be held, on 1-3 May 2015, at the Pangsang headquarters of the United Wa State Army, is underway. According to SHAN report, the summit will be co-hosted by the Kachin Independence Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army and the United Wa State Army.

NCCT members such as the Wa National Organization (WNO), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), Arakan National Council (ANC), Chin National Front (CNF), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), and Karen Peace Council (KPC) were excluded from the invitation list.

According to a source close to NCCT, there are only 12 ethnic armed organizations on the invitation list, namely the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), United Wa State Army (UWSA), Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Ta'ang National  Liberation Front (TNLF), Arakan Army (AA), and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).

Adding cacophony to this perplexed situation, RFA, Burmese Section, on 14 April, reported that in spite of government's urging to drop the invitation, the UWSA has invited MNDAA, TNLF and AA to the ethnic leaders meeting, due to be held in first week of May, in Pangsang. U Aung Min headed party was also said to be in Pangsang, the Wa capital, during this period.

U Aung Myint, UWSA spokesman reportedly said that the invitation were already sent out even before the arrival of the government delegation. He said that the ethnic leaders were reviewing the government's dissatisfaction and as well, how all-inclusive participation of various ethnic groups could be entertained.

Likewise, DVB on 16 April reported that Military Security Officer Headquarters Office, stationed in Lashio, cannot accept that Kokang attending the Ethnic Leaders' Summit, according to U Aung Myint.

He said: "It is not forbidding, but not happy – with UWSA - inviting the Kokang for the government doesn't accept the group."

The dilemma for the government is that it badly wants the EAOs to endorsed the tentative NCA draft so that it could be ratified as soon as possible, but cannot swallow the fact that MNDAA will sit as negotiation partner and will also sign the document, without having teach a due lesson or cow the group to Tatmadaw's satisfaction.

In the face of such perplex development, Lt-Gen N' Ban La, head of the UNFC released an open letter addressed to President Thein Sein to intervene and stop the BA offensive against MNDAA, in Kokang area. The letter, dated 13 April said that he is concerned of the armed conflict taking place in Kokang region and worried that it would become a hindrance to the signing of NCA. He further pointed out that Kokang people are one of the ethnic nationalities and MNDAA is a member of NCCT and as well, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). He urged the President to use his power and capacity, as leader of the peace process, to achieve speedy ceasefire through dialogue and negotiation, with all organizations concerned, including the Kokang force.

Recently, RFA, Burmese Section, reported, on 13 April, that BA's bombardment with heavy artillery fell on Chinese side again. The artillery is said to hit part of the road within China, which is about 7 to 8 miles distance from Nansan, opposite Laogai.

Tun Myat Linn said almost twenty percent of the whole BA light infantry divisions (LID), with the exception of LID 22 are involved, in the offensive, in a tiny enclave of Kokang, according to DVB 14 April report.

He said that the BA heavy offensive, which has intensified starting 8 April and is still ongoing, using more heavy weaponry and mortars, supported by armed cars and tanks.

Given such circumstances, it seems, the BA is not going to withdraw anytime soon, which in turn means that the "total annihilation" policy will still be implemented, even if NCA is ratified or not. This would again means the UPCC or government will employ two track-policy approach of "offensive on one front, while employing peace-making with the others".

No one knows for sure, why the BA is wasting so much materials and human lives just to dislodge the MNDAA, when it has repeatedly made known that it is ready to negotiate peacefully, within the mould of NCA, with the government, together with the other EAOs. If the BA is doing all these  just to safe face for its heavy causalities on the war front, seeking revenge for its wounded dignity, or just sheer knee-jerk reaction out of hatred and anger, this undertaking is going to ruin all the hard work, hard-won trust-building and understanding on NCA draft achieved so far. And given that the UNFC and EAOs are for all-inclusive signing of the NCA and cessation of armed conflict on the ground prior to the ratification of ceasefire, the BA's all-out "total annihilation" military onslaught, employed in Kokang region is only going to have a tremendous negative impact, even derailing and ending the ongoing peace process altogether.

And as such, the war in Kokang and armed conflict going on elsewhere within the country, have to be stopped, the sooner the better.
 

Friday, April 17, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Relics of Resistance

Posted: 16 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

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MIN HLA, Magwe Region — The dusty roads and high temperatures at Min Hla, a small town in Magwe Region resting on the west bank of the Ayeyarwady River, recall any other central Myanmar locale. But any apparent ordinariness is belied by the site’s rich history of bitterness and bravery, invasion and resistance, irrevocably linked to the waning days of the Konbaung Dynasty.

After the Second Anglo-Burmese War in 1852, the British had annexed all of lower Myanmar, including Yangon and Bago. In 1854, British troops were deployed at Thayat, about 60 miles south of Min Hla and close to territory still held by the Myanmar kingdom.

The Royal Palace took this as a sign of another impending invasion and Crown Prince Kanaung, the younger brother of King Mindon, began preparations to establish forts at Min Hla and Kway Chaung on opposing banks of the Ayeyarwady River in 1860.

Now more than 150 years old, the gigantic red brick Min Hla fort on the river's edge, built with the assistance of two Italian engineers, Commotto and Molinari, is a lasting relic of an era of upheaval.

According to historical records, 35 cannons were installed at Min Hla fort, which also housed a small telegram room, soldiers' quarters, an armory and commanders' offices. Located about 300 yards north was a small telegram office which relayed communications to the fort.

Min Hla fort was called into action in November 1885 when the British sailed up the Irrawaddy River to claim the Royal Palace at Mandalay during the decisive Third Anglo-Burmese War.

After war was declared, Myanmar troops readied cannons and other weapons at Min Hla fort, Kway Chaung fort and Sin Paung Wae fort and at dugouts at Pan Daw Pyin and Htoo Pauk, all located along the Ayeyarwady River.

Myanmar vessels, including some steamers armed with small cannons and canoes with armed rowers, spread out along the river and waited for the appearance of one of the world's strongest navies.

The British overcame the downstream defenses only a few days after the war began on Nov. 14. Min Hla fort and its sister fort of Kway Chaung became the last major hope of defending the royal capital. The commander of the frontline forces sent an urgent telegram to Mandalay requesting reinforcements.

On Nov. 17, the British laid siege to Kway Chaung fort with naval and infantry units. It was soon abandoned by Myanmar troops after their commander and dozens of soldiers were killed.

Around this time, a telegram from the Royal Palace had arrived at Min Hla. It read: "Do not defend against the British. Defenders will be noted as rebels." At the same time, another contradictory telegram reached the front lines: "Go on with the battle. The reinforcements will be there soon."

The two opposing telegrams, the result of fissures within the country's leadership, confused commanders and soldiers on the front line. At Min Hla, commanders ordered their troops to fight back against the British.

One of the commanders, Min Htin Min Hla Yekhaung Thurein, was noted as saying, "I will never take the British as my lord. Just let me die while fighting them."

However, by the evening of Nov. 17, Min Hla fort had fallen to the British.

The triumphant British troops then sailed up the Ayeyarwady River to Mandalay, swiftly overcoming other Myanmar fortifications with heavy artillery. At Thabyaytan fort located near Amarapura, Myanmar troops who had received the royal order not to resist, stood silently with gritted teeth as they watched the British navy pass by.

These days, the historic forts of the last Myanmar royal dynasty are under the care of the Ministry of Culture. However, most have long been abandoned to nature. A sign outside the Min Hla fort says the ministry assumed responsibility for its maintenance in 1957.

Min Hla fort is a major tourist attraction for those who take a cruise along the Ayeyarwady River. However, the façade of the fort has partially collapsed into the river due to the erosion of the riverbank. Local residents in Min Hla said the government had neglected to maintain the historically significant structure.

"Since the history of this fort is failure, the authorities show no interest in its maintenance," said U Hla Maung Win, a 62-year-old elder in the town.

Proof of the fort's neglected place in history was evident in 2013, when locals and amateur historians planned to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the Min Hla and Kway Chaung forts. According to local residents, a permit to hold a ceremony, donate alms to monks and read aloud patriotic poems at the Min Hla fort site was denied.

"The group went to Kway Chaung fort to hold the ceremony. But after about 30 minutes, some men who called themselves [officials] from the Ministry of Culture arrived and forced them to stop without giving any reason," U Hla Maung Win said.

"It is such a shame they want to wipe out this history from the present. Failure or triumph, history is history and these forts are heritage we need to maintain."

Min Hla can be reached by bus or car from Magwe. The journey is around 37 miles. Small motorized boats can be hired at Min Hla to cross the river to Kway Chaung fort. There are several local travel agencies operating cruise tours along the river between Pyay and Mandalay which pass through the Min Hla area.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Relics of Resistance appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thursday, April 16, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Forgotten Resting Place

Posted: 15 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

An old structure at the British cemetery in Ywar Thar Yar, near Mogok. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

An old structure at the British cemetery in Ywar Thar Yar, near Mogok. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

MOGOK TOWNSHIP, Mandalay Region – Nestled in Pyaung Khaung Valley in the Shan Hills, some 20 kilometers east of Mogok, lies the town of Ywar Thar Yar, also known by its old name Bernardmyo, or Bernard Town.

Named after Upper Burma Chief Commissioner Sir Charles Edward Bernard, who founded it as an army garrison town in the early 1880s, Bernard Town is home to a remarkable piece of British-Myanmar heritage.

Overgrown with bushes and weeds on a beautiful Shan hillside, the 19thcentury British cemetery provides a sense of serenity and history, but also of sad neglect.

The tombstones offer sparse details on the lives of British soldiers who died between 1886 and 1893, following the Third Anglo-Burmese War, which established British rule over Upper Myanmar but was followed by years of insurgency among the population.

The soldiers who died in Her Majesty's name abroad have only their army units and date of their death mentioned. One tombstone reads: Pte. J. Pierree, 2nd Bttn, Cheshire Regn, died 16.4.1890.

The men came from four British regiments: the Devonshire, Hampshire, PWO Yorkshire and the Border Regiment.

According to a book titled The History of Mogok, written by Mogok resident U Htet Naing, British authorities decided to base troops at a military head office in Mogok in 1886, when the region was already known for its ruby wealth, and to station a garrison in the Pyaung Gaung region. Later, Bernard Town sprung up around the garrison, which constructed weapons depots, roads and bridges in the region.

Originally, the cemetery had some 100 tombstones to mark the graves of the fallen soldiers, according to elderly local residents, but these days only about 20 remain standing.

Bernard Town residents lamented the fact that the site has fallen into neglect and said authorities should take steps to preserve it, in particular since it has been attracting a rising number of foreign tourists in recent years.

"When I was child, there were many grave stones around the cemetery. We used to play around here, but later some residents took some of the grave stones to use as a slab to wash clothes on," said Ko Aung Naing, 35. "There is no one to take action against it, that's why there are fewer and fewer grave stones left."

Another threat to the site is the region's mineral wealth: Just meters from the graves is a massive, red-colored mud stream that has washed down from a mining site on a hilltop where workers are searching for rubies and sapphires.

Foreigners have been allowed to visit Mogok, considered sensitive by authorities because of ruby mining, since 2013. They are required to first gain prior government permission for a tourist visit, a process that can be facilitated by a local travel agent but may take up to two weeks.

Ko Aung Naing said since the rise in tourist visits authorities paid more attention to the site and built a boundary around it, but otherwise nothing was being done to preserve it.

U Htet Naing, author of the history book, said Mogok Township authorities should take steps to protect the graves and improve access for those who want to visit. "This is our Mogok history, we will have to maintain it and prevent it from being wiped out because of natural disasters and man-made mistakes," he said.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Forgotten Resting Place appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Wednesday, April 15, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Doing it Naturally

Posted: 14 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Dr. Khin Maung Lwin is leading the charge on organically grown medicinal ingredients and is actively pushing for new markets in the region. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Dr. Khin Maung Lwin is leading the charge on organically grown medicinal ingredients and is actively pushing for new markets in the region. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Natural medicines remain an important alternate remedy in Myanmar as local and foreign pharmaceutical companies look to gain a foothold in the market. A pioneer in the field of alternative medicine, Dr. Khin Maung Lwin founded Fame Pharmaceuticals in 1994. He graduated from the Institute of Medicine 2 (Yangon) in 1984, served in the Myanmar Army Medical Corps for more than five years and has also pursued post-graduate studies in the United States and the United Kingdom. Dr. Khin Maung Lwin spoke with The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Hsu Mon about the alternative medicine market in a country better known for its counterfeit drugs.

What were the major challenges when you first began producing alternative medicine products in Myanmar?

It's been 21 years since I founded Fame Pharmaceuticals. Before I started my own factory, I worked with the government-owned BPI [Burma Pharmaceutical Industry]. Now it's called the Myanmar Pharmaceutical Factory. The BPI welcomed the private sector to work with them. So we bought raw materials and equipment from foreign countries and provided them to BPI. We shared 50 percent of the finished goods [we purchased] between us. I also distributed products to states and divisions. I worked with BPI for 10 years and gained experience and knowledge. The major challenge was competing with fake medicines on the market. We could not compete with the price. Even though we knew they were fake, we couldn't do anything. People were buying them and I had a terrible feeling about that. But this challenge remains today.

How well are your natural medicines performing on the market among the many varieties of medicine available?

There are two types of medicines in Myanmar. The first is TMHS [traditional medicines and health supplements] and the second is drugs from foreign countries. Even imported drugs include traditional medicines. We can calculate that about one third of imported drugs will be TMHS. Local manufacturers only produce traditional medicines here. Against both foreign-made health supplements and locally-made traditional medicines, we have about a 30 percent share of the market.

What are some of the difficulties in competing with other local medicine manufacturers?

I registered my products with the Department of Traditional Medicine and obtained a license. But we aren't directly competing with other local companies; we're going for organic products and they're going for traditional medicine. We are the only company producing organic medicines here. Now organic products are becoming more popular in Myanmar. People are acquiring knowledge about the side effects of using chemical fertilizers. Organic farming is becoming popular too. It is not only about food but medicines too. We produce our products from organic farming without using fertilizers—so-called organic medicines. That's why we have no competitors in the market, including even foreign TMHS companies.

Do you have your own organic farm?

We started our first organic farm in Pyin Oo Lwin Township, Mandalay Region, in 2003. It's about 55 acres. But we couldn't certify it then, because we don't have a certification body here. We couldn't just say by ourselves that it was an organic farm. We needed third-party certification. So we founded the Myanmar Organic Association here in 2006. The Myanmar Organic Agriculture Group under the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry checked over three years and approved us as an organic farm in 2010. So then it was only approved by a Myanmar independent body not by a foreign body, that's why we contacted the Germany-based International Federation of Organic Agriculture about certification in 2010. Finally, we received a certificate from the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) last year.

Do you think people in Myanmar prefer imported drugs over local, natural medicines?

Yes I do. That's why I am currently talking to people from around the country on the benefits of natural medicines. Just promoting awareness that if we continue to use chemical fertilizers, our generation will soon be harmed. We will have to transform: number one, consumers and number two, farmers. If they keep using these chemical fertilizers, they will poison their bodies. I am currently promoting awareness on the side-effects. These poisons circulate from the soil, flow into streams after rains and then marine animals also suffer. There are a lot of difficulties in setting up organic farms. I'm writing books that promote the benefits of organic farms as well as appearing on talk shows via Myawaddy TV and also holding talks in universities.

What are the most sought-after natural medicines in Myanmar at the moment?

Number one is Uro Crush medicine. Many people are suffering from renal disease. Myself and my master Dr. Khin Tun were working on research about this disease. Three patients are currently suffering from it in Thingangyun General Hospital. This medicine is most in-demand and we can't produce enough of it. All stocks have been sold out even before we've produced more. Demand is huge. Other popular medicines are also related to urinary diseases.

Products derived from organic farming can be expensive, how do you balance price and demand in the market?

Our products give value for money. I know that organic farming is quite expensive to set up. I have just spoken with farmers who want to set up organic farms. But low demand for organic products here, combined with high production costs, means the product prices are also high. Organic foods are also smaller than other generic foods. That's why we need more public awareness about this. But for us, we don't have competitors, so our fixed price becomes the market price at the time. People want the best medicines because they want to be well as soon as possible, that's why they often don't mind the price.

Do you export your organic products to foreign countries? How will your business be impacted by the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) due to come into effect at the end of 2015?

We have to compete with other ASEAN countries first. There are few organic TMHS medicines in the other 9 countries, so we have a possible market. We're always in touch with these other countries to discuss the issue. That's why we're starting to export these medicines to ASEAN countries, as well as defending our market too. We opened a showroom in Singapore in January. The biggest market in the world is the United States, so as a second step, we've appointed an agent in the United States to distribute our natural medicines. It's not that easy to sell our products there, although we've had our farm approved by USDA now. It is just the first step to launching our products there soon.

We are producing 76 items. We will sell 10 items in the US market first. We will also sign a memorandum of understanding with one of Thailand's medicine distributors. Seven countries [Kuwait, India, South Korea, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand] already sell FAME products through local distributors. What I want to say is we won't just defend our products to compete with other countries in the AEC, we will counter-attack. We're now preparing everything from prices to packaging and quality to be able to compete. If we can offer good service as well as quality, we will be ahead of the game.

This interview originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Doing it Naturally appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tuesday, April 14, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


A Taste of North Indian Tradition

Posted: 13 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

YANGON — From Shan to Kachin to Japanese food, speakeasies to pizzerias, the area between Yangon's central railway station and U Wisara Road has become a hot spot for lively bars and diverse cuisine.

There are fresh vegetables, fruit and fish served at street markets; fast food prepared by street vendors; noodles and sushi; tea and cocktails—all within walking distance of Bogyoke Market.

Amid this hubbub of activity, where competition is high and choices abundant, award-winning Indian restaurant Bawarchi has now opened its doors.

First established in 1998 in Bangkok, Bawarchi has earned a reputation for delivering excellent traditional northern Indian cuisine. With five branches in the Thai capital and eleven across India, the restaurant chain has expanded to cities as far-flung as Auckland, San Antonio and Dubai.

Bawarchi's latest venture opened in Yangon's Dagon Township near the Park Royal Hotel in late 2014.

After making reservations for a Sunday lunch a few days in advance, this reviewer arrived to find an ornately decorated interior dominated by wall-to-wall ebony woodcarvings. The smattering of Indian diners was the first good sign the restaurant would meet expectations.

The Hindi word "Bawarchi" means "chef," and in India almost everyone knows the 1972 film of the same name about a family with such a bad reputation that nobody wants to work as a cook for them. The opposite is true of this restaurant chain that has been awarded "Best of Bangkok" on numerous occasions.

Soon after placing our orders with the attentive and friendly staff, complimentary starters arrived—a very crisp flatbread with red sweet and sour sauce and a green spicy herbal dip. Perfect to awaken our appetites.

While our selections remained on the traditional side, we soon found the dishes retained a welcome modern twist.

The classic Mulligatawny (3,500 kyat), a lentil soup, was a rich yellow color, mildly seasoned and perfectly balanced, with an optional dose of lime juice added for a kick of freshness. It remained at almost the same temperature for minutes and was an ideal entrée.

We decided against beer, since the spices in the food would dominate. Instead we ordered lime juice (3,000 kyat) which, with a dash of salt and sugar and a slice of fresh lime, made for one of the best yet sampled in Yangon.

Other fresh fruit juices, soft drinks, cocktails, beers and whiskeys were available, including the astronomically-priced Johnnie Walker King George V Scotch Whiskey, at 40,000 kyat per glass.

All the main dishes were served simultaneously. The bharwa paneer tikka (5,500 kyat), made of chunks of paneer (a non-melting curd-cheese) grilled on the tandoor, was tender on the inside and crisp on the outside. Served with tomatoes and loads of fresh coriander, it was an explosion of tastes and textures and a superb vegetarian alternative to chicken tikka.

Raita (3,500 kyat), a cool condiment made of cumin and black mustard, fresh vegetables such as cucumbers, tomatoes and onions, and fresh yoghurt, was a great partner for the karela fish curry (6,500 kyat).

The karela, a bitter melon also known as a gourd that is widely grown in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, was offset by the coconut milk and curry leaves and therefore shone through very elegantly. The fish was well textured and evenly cooked; not at all dry, but glossy and compact.

While there wasn't much room left for the dal bawarchi (4,000 kyat), a vegetarian curry, it was hard to resist the slow-cooked black lentils and the creamy texture that was melt-in-your-mouth stuff.

Ideal to wipe up the remainder of our curry and dal were servings of roti (1,000 kyat), a flat, crispy type of bread from Punjabi roasted on the tandoor, and kulcha (1,800 kyat) which was stuffed with onion and fluffy on the inside with a hint of sweetness.

Wine was not yet available, although the Bawarchi website lists an array of wines from all over the world. My one quibble is that none of these wines are from India. Last November, I sampled at least 10 different Indian wines during the Asian Wine Fair in Hong Kong, all of which would have met Bawarchi standards.

The chain plans to open two more restaurants in Yangon in the near future—a sign it is anticipating success in a city strongly influenced by Indian cuisine. Next time, appetite permitting, I'll stay for dessert.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post A Taste of North Indian Tradition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Monday, April 13, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


History Lessons

Posted: 12 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Police at Letpadan, Pegu Division, attack a vehicle bearing images of Thakin Ba Hein, President of the All Burma Federation of Students' Union in 1938; nationalist leader Thakin Kodaw Hmaing; and student Bo Aung Kyaw who was killed in protests in 1938. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Police at Letpadan, Pegu Division, attack a vehicle bearing images of Thakin Ba Hein, President of the All Burma Federation of Students' Union in 1938; nationalist leader Thakin Kodaw Hmaing; and student Bo Aung Kyaw who was killed in protests in 1938. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Once again, Myanmar has been rocked by student demonstrations and, once again, the authorities have reacted with force, to the extent of using hired thugs in Yangon to beat and drag protesters away.

The brutality on the part of the police, who injured dozens during a violent crackdown on student protestors in Letpadan, Bago Region, in March, was condemned by local civil society organizations.

But international reaction to the crackdown was limited to expressions of "concern" and, to the dismay of many, pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has expressed little or no sympathy for the young demonstrators.

Dr. Thein Lwin, a leading figure in the current educational reform movement, was even stripped of his post as a National League for Democracy central committee member in February over a perceived conflict of interest.

Regardless of whether or not one sympathizes with the students' demands for educational reform and more transparency in such matters, it would be wise to take them seriously and listen to their grievances. Anyone familiar with Myanmar's recent history knows that student-led movements have been harbingers of upheaval and political change.

That is to be expected in a country with a long and proud tradition of literacy and intellectual life.

Protests in 1920

In November 1920, students in Yangon protested against what they perceived as unfair university reforms that the British colonial power wanted to impose. The action gained widespread support and gave new impetus to Myanmar's independence movement. The day of the "University Boycott," as it became known, is still commemorated as Myanmar's National Day, even if the day varies in accordance with the Myanmar calendar.

At the beginning of 1936, the students went on strike again. This time, after the establishment of the Yangon University Students' Union, they were better organized. The spark was the expulsion of prominent student leaders in the 1930s, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's father Aung San and Thakin Nu, known as U Nu when he became the country's first prime minister after independence finally arrived in 1948.

Aung San had been expelled because he had refused to reveal the name of the author of an article titled "Hell Hound at Large," which appeared in the student magazine "Oway." The article was highly critical of the British rulers and it was only much later that the name of the writer was revealed: Nyo Mya, a close friend of Aung San's.

Nyo Mya went on to study journalism in England and the United States and became both a prominent author and a member of parliament representing Monywa constituency. Aung San had shown both courage and outstanding professionalism by upholding a fundamental principle that every journalist in Myanmar today should adhere to: Never reveal your sources, and protect the identity of those who want to remain anonymous.

The 1936 student strike was a success, and both Aung San and Thakin Nu were reinstated. But the students pressed on, now even more vocally, calling for independence from Britain.

Student protesters gather in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Student protesters gather in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

On December 20, 1938, during a third student boycott, the movement suffered its first casualty. Aung Kyaw, a young student, was hit on the head by a baton-wielding mounted policeman and died. He was posthumously conferred the title Bo (leader), and there is a street in downtown Yangon named after him, Bo Aung Kyaw Street. Even today, Dec. 20 is remembered as Bo Aung Kyaw Day.

From this and other events in 1938, there was no way back. Nothing could stop the independence movement. Unsurprisingly, independent Myanmar's first government—and parliament—included many men and women who had been student activists in the 1930s.

After Independence

But independence did not mean that the student movement was dead. Shan and Kachin students met secretly at university campuses in Yangon and Mandalay, giving birth to powerful nationalist movements among those two ethnic groups. Mainstream student unions organized strikes and boycotts to press for changes in the education system and for peace in a country being ravaged by civil war.

Then came the March 2, 1962 coup d'état, which terminated Myanmar's experiment with democracy and federalism. The students were the first to protest.

There were huge student-led demonstrations in early July and, on the 7th, the military opened fire. According to the government, 17 students were killed, while independent sources put the figure at more than 100.

The night after the massacre, the historic Yangon University Students' Union building was demolished—dynamited by the military. Only a monument erected in honor of Bo Aung Kyaw was spared.

The military had seized power, it claimed, to "prevent the disintegration of the union." In reality it led to intensified civil war. Many students from the various ethnic minorities joined their respective rebel armies.

Among them was Sao Tzang Yawnghwe, the son of Myanmar's first president, the Shan prince Sao Shwe Thaike. Many Burman students fled to other, jungle-clad parts of the country where they teamed up with the then fledgling forces of the Communist Party of Burma.

The 1970s saw even more student unrest, first in December 1974 when the body of U Thant, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations and a critic of the military regime, was brought back to Myanmar for burial. The students seized the opportunity—and even U Thant's coffin—to launch protests against Gen. Ne Win's junta. Scores were killed and many survivors again took to the jungle, where they joined non-communist rebel forces led by deposed prime minister U Nu.

On March 23, 1976, the 100th anniversary of the birth of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing, considered the father of Myanmar's nationalist movement, the students demonstrated again, leading to yet more arrests.

None of the movements of the 1970s, however, matched the massive student-led uprising for democracy that shook all major cities and towns in Myanmar in August and September, 1988.

’88 Generation

Today, the students who led that uprising belong to what is known as "the 88 Generation" and include some of the country's best-known political activists. Many of them spent years in jail, some in solitary confinement, but that has only made them even more respected and popular. "Our heads are bloodied but unbowed," has been their slogan throughout the struggle.

Other, smaller student-led protests occurred in the 1990s and early 2000s while students, together with Buddhist monks, were also at the forefront of renewed mass demonstrations for democracy in August and October, 2007.

Against this background, it is hardly surprising that many young protesters now feel let down by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In 1988, she emerged as a key leader in the movement for political and social change, but now seems to have forgotten what young people in Myanmar have been fighting for since the days of her father's activism.

It is worth remembering what Myanmar scholars Josef Silverstein and Julian Wohl wrote in a 1964 study of the country's student movements.

"The students at the university still can be aroused and become militant in response to university student issues," the authors wrote. "This could grow into full involvement in national politics if the students become convinced that this is necessary to win their cause. For, if they see the military regime as a resurrection of the old colonial system with a privileged caste of leaders and restrictive laws, they also may see themselves as the legatees of the revolutionary tradition of Aung San, Maung Nu [U Nu] and others, and assume an active political role which could have real consequences."

Little has changed since that was written more than fifty years ago and, as we have seen, Myanmar's students have more often than not been on the right side of history.

Countdown to a Crackdown:

Sept. 30, 2014: The National Education Law is enacted. The bill was backed by MPs from both the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party and the opposition National League for Democracy.

Nov. 12-13: An emergency student conference convenes in Yangon where the Action Committee for Democratic Education (ACDE) is formed to lead student protests against the new law.

Nov. 14-17: Hundreds of students stage a four-day protest in Yangon and call for amendment of the law within 60 days.

Jan. 20, 2015: Hundreds of student demonstrators begin a march from Mandalay to Yangon.

Jan. 28: President's Office Minister U Aung Min holds preliminary talks with student protest leaders and agrees to hold four-party talks involving the government, Parliament, the National Network for Education Reform (NNER) and the students' ACDE.

Feb. 1: Four-party discussions are held in Yangon. Students table an 11-point framework for discussion and both sides reach agreement over eight points, including that talks should continue in Naypyitaw on Feb. 3.

Feb. 3: The government postpones four-party talks to Feb. 12 as agreement cannot be reached over students' attendance. Students from Pathein in Ayeyarwady Region begin a protest march.

Feb. 7: Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko says that student protesters are threatening the country's stability and warns that "ex-political hardliners" and some foreign organizations are encouraging them.

Feb. 12: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi meets protesters in Naypyitaw to discuss their demands.

Feb. 14: After a series of talks between the government, lawmakers, students' organizations and education advocates, an apparent breakthrough agreement is reached over a new bill, incorporating students' 11 demands. Demonstrators marching from Dawei, Pathein and Monywa decide to cease their protests and return home.

Feb. 16: The bill that was agreed upon by the four parties is sent to Parliament for discussion.

Feb. 19: The main column of student protesters marching from Mandalay announce that they will stay in Letpadan, Bago Region, until March 1, pausing their protests to observe the parliamentary process.

Feb. 22: Student leaders and the NNER accuse the government of violating the conditions of the Feb. 14 four-party agreement on drafting a new education bill. They say the Education Ministry circulated its own alternative draft to undermine the agreement.

March 1: The Home Affairs Ministry releases a notification dated Feb. 28, calling for an end to protests as parliamentary discussions on amending the National Education Law are in progress. The notification also warns that actions will be taken against continued protests.

March 3: Students at Letpadan announce they will resume their protests and attempt to march to Yangon. Authorities respond by increasing police deployment to more than 300 officers, greatly outnumbering the roughly 100 students, who begin a sit-in protest.

March 5: Students and activists gather at Yangon's Sule Pagoda to urge authorities not to launch a violent crackdown on the Letpadan protest. Riot police and dozens of plainclothes thugs violently disperse the protest. Five men and three women are arrested. They are later released and charged under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law.

March 8: Students at Letpadan issue an ultimatum to authorities, asking for free passage to Yangon by March 10, at 10 am.

March 10: After a week-long blockade at Letpadan, police violently crack down on students and their supporters. Dozens are injured and 127 people are arrested. Members of the media are also targeted.

March 10: President U Thein Sein orders the creation of a commission of inquiry into the violent dispersal of the protest in Yangon on March 5 by police and plainclothes men, according to state-run media.

March 16: ACDE student representatives attend a hearing of the Upper House Bill Committee in Naypyitaw where they discuss their 11-point reform demands. Student attendees tell the committee that all those arrested during the Letpadan crackdown should be released and the charges against them dropped.

March 17: The Ministry of Home Affairs says it released 28 students and two reporters between March 12-17 who were arrested during the Letpadan crackdown.

March 17: Representatives from the ACDE and the NNER put their case for amending the bill in line with the Feb. 14 agreement during the Upper House Bill Committee's final hearing session on the law.

Thet Ko Ko, Wei Yan Aung, Paul Vrieze contributed to this timeline.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post History Lessons appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sunday, April 12, 2015

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Mongmao youth call for protection of natural resources in Shan State

Posted: 11 Apr 2015 08:10 AM PDT

A group of youth in the Mongmao region have urged all citizens in Shan State to protect the state's natural resources and environment.





"We urge all youths in Shan State to oppose every group that is destroying our forests, mountains, rivers and other natural resources," said a young man in Mongmao region who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Since April 8, 2015 the youths in Se Lant town, Muse township have organized a protest to stop mining company trucks carrying silica rocks through the town.

The silica mine is located on the Loi Te Mong (Te Mong Mountain) just 2 miles  east of Se Lant town.

According to a news source; the roads in Se Lant town are damaged because about 20 silica trucks pass through the town daily. Residents are often hit by the trucks.

The silica mining company has used different routes to transport silica rocks from Se Lant town to the Burma-China border. Routes across the Mao (Shweli) River include from Mai Sak village to Nong Mon village, and from Nong Mo village to Ta Jarng village. Another route is through the forest from Mai Sak village to Nong Seng village into China. Some companies have paid a bribe to village heads to pass through rice fields before entering China.

A resident in Nong Seng village said, "About 20 six-wheel trucks carrying silica rock pass through our village every day. Each truck carries about 8 tons of silica rock. These vehicles are trucks from China. We can see Chinese text written on the front of the vehicle."

On 24-26 April 2015, the youth group will organize a walk up Te Mong mountain aimed at raising awareness about the damaging impacts of natural resource extraction.

Saturday, April 11, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Colorful People

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 06:00 PM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

Writers seek inspiration where they can, but rarely do strategies that don't involve just buckling down at a desk actually work.

So it was when renowned writer Khin Myo Chit sought to meet with ghosts of times past to help her write the book "Anawrahta of Burma."

Alas, no ghosts appeared during Khin Myo Chit's meditation sessions under a tree, says her grand-daughter Junior Win, who tried a similar gambit while rummaging about in history herself.

Researching the 100-year-old story of Daw Khin Myo Chit and her husband U Khin Maung Latt, Junior Win closed her eyes and tried "meeting them in a dream" to find out what they would like to say.

The ghost-summons attempt didn't work for her either. So now she just has to hope that the couple, whose lives crossed many significant events in Myanmar in the previous century, would be satisfied with her efforts at "digging through their rubbish and memories, not knowing which should be disclosed and which kept secret."

Junior Win's self-published book, "A Memory of My Grandparents," to be released by mid-April, opens in 1915, the year the couple was born within a few months of each other.

They met and married during the Second World War period, when times were exceedingly difficult. At one point during the Japanese occupation the cash-strapped couple tried their hand at selling slippers on the streets of Yangon.

But they were also close to many of the most significant figures of the day, including Bogyoke Aung San and other leading political figures, as well as many writers, poets and journalists.

Khin Maung Latt was a tall, bookish-looking man whose "smiling lips showed kindness and sympathy," says his granddaughter. He was a teacher most of his life, and a chief editor of the Working People's Daily from 1963 to 1968.

Khin Myo Chit, whose birth name was Khin Mya, had a "tall, slim and rather weak body," Junior Win writes. "But her stern face, sharp eyes, and firm voice showed her strong mind and her stubborn spirit."

She was a resolute nationalist and a longtime contributor from the late 1930s to publications such as Dagon magazine, The Burma Journal, Oway, The Working People's Daily and The Guardian.

In her fifties, when she began publishing books in English, Khin Myo Chit started to make a wider mark.

There were shades of Agatha Christie in the title of the book "The 13 Carat Diamond and Other Stories" that came out in 1969.

Later books such as "Colourful Burma" (1976), "Burmese Scenes and Sketches" (1977) and "A Wonderland of Burmese Legends" (1984) went on to find avid local and international audiences at a time when Myanmar was sinking deeper into isolation and censorship was curtailing the topics writers could tackle.

As writers and educators in difficult times, life was rarely simple or carefree for the couple, but their airy wooden house in a tree-filled compound on Pyay Road was always a rich site of teaching, talking and writing among family, friends and visitors.

Khin Maung Latt died in 1996 and Khin Myo Chit passed away three years later.

Their home remains almost as they left it; its legacy of ideas and intellectual life spanning much of modern Myanmar's history is kept quietly alive today by family members who work as writers, editors and translators and who all took part in this memory-filled work of research headed by a proud granddaughter.

"A Memory of My Grandparents" by Junior Win will be in local bookshops before the Thingyan holiday in mid-April.

This article originally appeared in the April 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Colorful People appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 11, 2015)

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 05:30 PM PDT

A worker at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone project outside Yangon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

A worker at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone project outside Yangon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Vietnam's HAGL Looks for New Investor After Rangoon Property Deal Falls Through

Vietnamese conglomerate Hoang Anh Gia Lai (HAGL) is reportedly targeting Hong Kong and Singapore firms as it seeks a new investor for a massive real estate development going up on the eastern shore of Rangoon's Inya Lake.

A deal for Singapore-based Rowsley Ltd to buy a 50 percent stake in the project fell apart last week, with blame placed on Burma's high levels of tax.

The companies in February announced the deal, which would have seen the Singapore company invest $275 million in the mixed-use project. But, in an announcement to investors on Apr. 3, Rowsley company secretary Kannan Malini said, "The Company will not enter into the proposed joint venture as the conditions precedent under the Heads of Terms Agreement have not been satisfied," without going into details.

In an announcement the same day, HAGL claimed that the deal had broken down because Rowsley wanted to invest directly in HAGL's local subsidiary Hoang Anh Gia Lai Myanmar Company Ltd, rather than investing indirectly by buying shares in the group's Vietnamese joint stock company.

"Since the current tax rate applied to the profit from capital transfer in Myanmar is so high (40%), Hoang Anh Gia Lai could not accept the suggestion of Rowsley," said the HAGL statement, signed by HAGL acting general director Vo Truong Son.

According to a report in the state-run Viet Nam News on Wednesday, Son said that the company is now "in talks with a number of foreign real estate companies, including firms in Hong Kong and Singapore.

"As the negotiations are going on, Son refused to disclose more information about potential investors."

The report said the failure to reach an agreement with Rowsley would not impact upon the project. "The office building and hotel are still slated to open this June," it said, "while the shopping centre will likely open in September."

Thai Construction Firm Looks for Burma Infrastructure Projects

Thai construction giant Ch Karnchang may soon enter into infrastructure developments in neighboring Burma, a senior executive at the firm told the Bangkok Post newspaper.

A report published by the English-language daily on Tuesday said that the Stock Exchange of Thailand-listed firm was conducting a feasibility study on possible investments in Burma, citing Vorapote Uchupaiboonvong, Ch Karnchang's executive vice-president for accounting and finance.

"There are many opportunities in Myanmar, and we're ready to take the initiative, but the study must be completed before we enter the country," Vorapote told the Bangkok Post. "We conducted thorough studies in Laos before investing in that country. We're adopting a similar approach for Myanmar."

Ch Karnchang is the developer of the controversial Xayaburi hydropower dam on the Mekong River in Laos. According to the Bangkok Post, the director said the company was likely to focus its investment in Burma on the Rangoon area, while most opportunities for hydropower investment are in Burma's border states.

The company, which has developed mass transit train and highway projects in Bangkok, has repeatedly announced it is interested in investments in Burma. A subsidiary of Ch Karnchang, TTW Public Company, is conducting a study on a tap water project in the Mon State capital, Moulmein, the report said.

Suzuki to Assemble Cars in Thilawa SEZ

Japanese automaker Suzuki will build an assembly plant in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ), according to Japanese media.

A report from Japanese media group Nikkei said that the company had secured a 20-hectare plot of land inside the zone, which is situation just outside Rangoon.

The factory would be Suzuki's second in Burma. In 2013, the company restarted its Rangoon factory, which assembles a small number of light trucks, declaring at the time that it would look to expand its operations in the country.

According to Nikkei, Suzuki's new plant could begin production in 2017, employing about 300 people.

"Suzuki will assemble imported parts at the plant," the report said. "Initial output is seen at roughly 10,000 cars a year. It could produce the Ertiga, a seven-seat compact, among other models there."

The report said Suzuki would invest "several billion yen" in the project. One billion yen is equal to more than $8 million.

Thilawa is the furthest progressed of three SEZs the Burmese government is planning in an attempt to kickstart the manufacturing sector.

Three large Japanese conglomerates are investing in the SEZ project itself. However, with the slated opening of the zone in a matter of months, few other companies have so far announced that they will open factories at Thilawa.

A group of Hong Kong-based garment manufacturers announced interest in setting up at Thilawa, but eventually pulled out. However, Japanese underwear-maker Wacoal announced last month that it would set up a factory in the SEZ.

Toyo-Thai Signs Memorandum for Coal-Fired Power Plant

The Burmese government has signed a memorandum allowing Thai construction company Toyo-Thai Corp PCL to go ahead with a plan to build a coal-fired power plant in Mon State, according to Reuters, despite opposition to the project among local residents.

Reuters said a statement from the firm on Thursday said that the agreement was worth a total of $2.8 billion. The agreement will see Toyo-Thai build a 1,280 megawatt plant in Ye Township and operate the plant, selling power to Burma's grid.

"Under the 30-year concession, it is expected to import about 4 million tonnes of coal a year to supply the power plant. Construction is expected to take about four to six years," the report said.

The construction part of the deal was worth $2.3 billion, which the company would fund largely through borrowing, it said.

Toyo-Thai already operates a natural gas-fired power plant in Rangoon.

Last year, the company held a consultation meeting with locals in Inn Din village—the planned site of the project in Ye Township. But local residents have said they will oppose the development, citing concerns over environmental and social impacts.

Rangoon Visitor Numbers Up as New Hotels Open Doors

A report this week said that tourist numbers in Burma's biggest city continue to grow as two major hotel chains opened new properties in Rangoon.

Travel website TTG Asia this week reported figures from the Myanmar Tourism Federation saying that 193,891 tourists visited the city in January and February this year. The report said the figures represented a rise of 7.2 percent on the same period last year, a record year for tourism in Burma.,

The majority of the visitors to the former capital—63 percent—came from other Asian countries, including Thailand, China, Japan and South Korea, the report said.

Burma has seen a surge of new visitors since the country began political and economic reforms four years ago—when fewer than 1 million people entered the country each year. Last year, the official figure for visitors topped 3 million, and the government is expecting the trend to continue this year.

The influx of visitors caught Rangoon unprepared, with a chronic shortage of hotel rooms pushing up room rates. Now, hotel projects are beginning to come to completion, potentially easing the shortage.

French firm Accor's tie-up with local tycoon Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar—known as Novotel Yangon Max—opened this week. The hotel, Accor's third in Burma, has 366 rooms, two ballrooms and seven food and beverage outlets, according to regional travel site TTR Weekly.

United States-based hotel chain Best Western also just opened its second Rangoon property. The group's 91-room hotel is situated in the city's Chinatown area.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Apr. 11, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘The Problem of Child Labor Originates in Rural Areas’

Posted: 10 Apr 2015 05:00 PM PDT

Aung Zaw, founding editor of The Irrawaddy, is joined by Tin Maung Maung Aye of the Myanmar Mobile Education Project for this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Aung Zaw, founding editor of The Irrawaddy, is joined by Tin Maung Maung Aye of the Myanmar Mobile Education Project for this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, Tin Maung Maung Aye discusses his efforts to educate Burma's child laborers through his Myanmar Mobile Education Project. This is a transcript of the second part of the discussions; the first part was published last week.

Aung Zaw: This week we will continue the discussion with Ko Tin Maung Maung Aye about his Myanmar Mobile Education Project, which we discussed last week. I am Irrawaddy Magazine Editor Aung Zaw.

AZ: Would you explain to me what the situation is regarding child labor laws in Myanmar?

Tin Maung Maung Aye: As far as I know, we only have the 1951 Factories Act in Myanmar. Under that law, children under 13 are not allowed to work. And children above 13 can work only for limited hours. As far as I know, they are not allowed to work for more than four hours.

Even so, they might need doctor's recommendation to do certain kind of jobs. When it comes to child labor, the problem goes beyond their education. There are many causes leading to child labor—especially financial hardship and lack of job opportunities and schools at rural areas. Children therefore have to come to towns and do odd-jobs at teashops and restaurants to support their parents. It is not that problem of child labor begins in Yangon and Mandalay, but it originates in rural areas. It is important that rural villages get developed and there are schools there and their parents make a comfortable living.

The situation is worse now because of confiscation of land and fishing lakes by companies. Previously, locals could do farming at those lands and catch fish at those lakes freely at any time. Now, those places are gone and their livelihood is taken away. So, families have to send their children to towns [to find work]. So, these are the root causes of child labor.

AZ: So, forced confiscation of land by the government, cronies and the army is one of the main factors driving child labor?

TMMA: Regardless of the reasons that are driving farmland confiscation, no matter if they are confiscated directly or indirectly, those lands have been a source of livelihood for rural people. And when this source of livelihood is taken away, they have to think about how to sustain their lives. And when they think about sustaining their lives, the question of how to fill their stomachs will come first anyway. They won't think about sending their children to school.

AZ: So, how many child laborers are involved in such internal migration? Is there any figure on the number of child laborers?

TMMA:  I am sure there is no exact figure. We can perhaps estimate the number of children working at restaurants and teashops since they are working under our eyes. But then, there are many children working inside homes. There may be between 1 million to 2 million of them in total.

AZ: I am talking about Myanmar alone. There are many children who have left for Thailand and the border.

TMMA: I remember that Myanmar is ranked 9th or 10th in the number of child laborers in the world.

AZ:  Do you see anything that the government has done, like law enforcement or adoption of a policy, that is working for the future and education of those children?

TMMA: I've met with the International Labor Organization (ILO) officials two times. As far as I know, ILO and the Labor Ministry are working together to set a minimum age of child workers in accordance with ILO conventions.

AZ: So, what is the minimum age for a child to work?

TMMA: In developed countries, those under 16 are not allowed to work. But ILO relaxed the restriction in developing countries like Myanmar, for example the minimum age may be 14 or 15. The convention sets the age at which children complete primary education as the minimum age of child workers. The problem in Myanmar is that the age at which children complete primary education is one year younger than the minimum age. So, there is one year's gap. ILO is trying to fix this in coordination with the government.

I hear that Parliament is also trying to enact a law in accordance with ILO conventions. My view is that such a law is important. But how to enforce existing laws is more important. If the 1951 Factories Act is to be enforced, children would not have to work long hours. Then if we take a look from the point of view of shop owners, it is not their fault that there is child labor. It is neither the fault of the parents. This problem needs to be addressed by all the concerned parties in collaboration; otherwise it will not be solved.

AZ: Then, have parliamentarians discussed this issue? Since Parliament said it will represent the voices of the people.

TMMA: As far as I know, it has not been debated in Parliament yet. I have talked with two or three lawmakers about the issue. We discussed how to lobby against child labor at the parliament. We are trying to highlight this issue.

AZ: Here, I'd like you discuss a related issue—the trafficking of children. Apart from internal migration, how many trafficked children are there? Because there are many cases of children trafficking in Cambodia and Vietnam; what about Myanmar?

TMMA: In Myanmar, data has never been collected specifically on this issue. ILO may have statistics, but it is just an estimate. Talking of internal migration, it is a subtle problem. Looking at the child labor issue, some children are brought to towns by middlemen. We have yet to discuss if this can be labeled as trafficking or not.

Especially, most of the children laborers are from villages and ethnic regions in Mon State and Karen State near Thailand. Rural villages in Mon and Karen states have very limited opportunities. And our country still does not have an education system that is of practical use and can guarantee decent living later in life.

So, it is very difficult to improve their livelihood through education. So most of them cross the border into Thailand and do odd-jobs at factories, and roadside stalls. There are many children who left for Thailand, thinking it is much better to earn just 100,000 or 200,000 kyats (US$100-200) a month there than sitting doing nothing at their rural homes. There are many cases of external trafficking in which children are brought outside the country by middlemen. I don't know the exact number.

AZ: What is the role of middlemen? How they are involved in profiting from child labor?

TMMA: Many people will do it if they have the chance, get money, and won't be punished legally. Most of the middlemen are fair, they just take the fees they charge and leave the children at shops, or somewhere else or at houses. Then, the children do their jobs.

But in some cases, middleman brings the child and takes the fees they charge. For example, if a six-month contract is signed, he may get the one month's salary as the fee. Then before the contract expires, the middleman takes back the child and sends him to another shop. He might give some excuses like "the child's mother is ill or his grandmother has died or his mother is at hospital" to bring the child from the shop owner. The child does not know and neither does the shop owner. The middleman takes the child and sends him to another shop and he gets money again. But only a minority of middlemen is doing so. We need to prevent such thing from happening.

AZ: And what about the role of the shop owners? You said they have philanthropic spirit and support their workers. Is there any shop owner who does not like what you did to develop the skills of their workers and support their education?

TMMA: All the shop owners who cooperate with me enthusiastically support our project. The owner of Shwe Lin Yone Teashop in downtown Yangon even closed his shop half an hour ahead of normal closing time because he is afraid that the children might be late. Morning Star Teashop provided anything we needed. We turned the teashop into classroom while the teashop was close. Owners of shops like Lucky 7 and Thamada also gave good support.

They cooperate with as they want the child workers of their shops to gain knowledge. Most of the shop owners have philanthropic spirit and are willing to offer help. They want child workers to gain experience and knowledge. But then, they also have to take care of their businesses and they can only support as much as they can afford to. But overall, I'm satisfied with the current achievements of the project.

AZ: My last question is what is the response of the children to the project? How do you feel as a project director? Are you satisfied? What are the challenges?

TMMA: I come back to Myanmar mainly because of children. When I recall the time when I launched the project, I still can see a child. I went to a shop and asked the permission of the shop owner. The shop owner nodded and I told the children that they would be able to learn. Then tears welled up in the eyes of that child. I asked him if something was wrong with him or his parents were in trouble, he replied that he had thought that he would never had the chance to go to school again. He was 13 years old and just quit from school a few days earlier. His schooling was subjugated to the schooling of his younger brothers and sisters. Then, I felt tears well up in my eyes.

There are children like him. At 6.30 pm on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays, you would see a green bus in front of Thamada teashop. I found that there has been team spirit between those children. Their manners have improved and polite. They dare to talk to people and have greater confidence. Then they have new friends. Sometimes, they would call me and ask me why I don't come, when I shall come and when shall they leave the shop. They get back the atmosphere of school and a circle of schoolmates.

This really makes me feel. Whatever our long-term objective is, it is very pleasing and encouraging to see the things that happen in the short run, both for the shop owners, donors and the children. The feeling is so overwhelming that it is very difficult for me to go back to New York now. That feeling can't be bought with money. It is delight and joy.

AZ: Joy and delight that can't be bought with money. Many have returned to Myanmar since the political opening in 2012. And there are also many who have not come back. Some returnees work together with the government, some run their own projects and some join NGOs. Some have come back to share their skills, some run media like us, and some do business. Some went back annoyed. You said you don't even want to go back to New York. Thank you for talking about the Myanmar Mobile Education Project.

The post 'The Problem of Child Labor Originates in Rural Areas' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.