Wednesday, May 6, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Locals Left Shaken After Military Maneuvers in Pegu Division’s Taungoo

Posted: 06 May 2015 05:17 AM PDT

A Burma air force MiG-29 fighter jet is seen at Rangoon airport. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A Burma air force MiG-29 fighter jet is seen at Rangoon airport. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Residents of Pegu Division's Taungoo District were left shaken late last month when the Burma Army carried out missile tests on territory controlled by the largest Karen rebel group, the Karen National Union (KNU).

The military exercises took place near the Taungoo District Brigade No. 2 headquarters of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the KNU's armed wing, from April 29, according to KNU joint secretary Thaw Thi Bwe in comments to Karen media.

An unnamed KNLA officer told Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) that the government army had tested air-to-ground missiles using Russian-made aircraft in maneuvers which terrified local civilians.

"Our commander inquired with the regional military command and told them the bombings had caused panic among the local populace," the officer told DVB, indicating that the KNLA was not informed in advance of the military operations.

While the officer did not specify the type of aircraft used, the Burmese air force is known to possess Russian-made MiG-29 fighter jets, obtained from Russia in at least two major consignments since 2001.

The Burma Army has recently deployed air power in its fight against Kokang rebel group the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in northern Shan State, including an errant air strike in Chinese territory in mid-March that killed five civilians and incensed Beijing.

Another KNU official told The Irrawaddy that the bombing exercises were conducted without prior notice between April 29 and May 1 and warned that the rebel group would lodge a complaint.

"The KNU will send a letter to tell [the government] that [the military exercise] throws peace negotiations into doubt at a time when we are building peace," the official said.

Representatives from 12 ethnic armed groups, including the KNU, convened in the Wa Special Region capital of Panghsang from May 1 to 6 to discuss a proposed nationwide ceasefire agreement that Naypyidaw is eager to finalize.

Min Zaw Oo of the Myanmar Peace Center told The Irrawaddy that "there are regular communication channels between the government and the KNU" and pointed out that the government air force had carried out exercises in KNLA Brigade No. 2 territory in the past.

The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Kha contributed reporting.

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At Least 20 People to Face Charges for Alleged Arakan Army Ties: Police

Posted: 06 May 2015 05:09 AM PDT

Arakan Army soldiers conduct a military exercise at Laiza in Kachin State, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is headquartered. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Arakan Army soldiers conduct a military exercise at Laiza in Kachin State, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is headquartered. (Photo: Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Amid a large-scale operation to interrogate individuals in Arakan State who are suspected of having links to the ethnic rebel Arakan Army, 20 people have so far been arrested and will face prosecution, according to the Kyauktaw Township Police Station.

The detainees will be charged under Burma's Unlawful Association Law and, upon completion of their interrogations, will stand trial at the local district court within 15 days, said Police Maj. Khin Maung, head of the Kyauktaw Township Police Station.

"They are not locals, but are instead insurgents and their staunch supporters," said Khin Maung.

Authorities started rounding up suspects after the Burma Army clashed several times with Arakan Army forces in a number of Arakan State townships beginning in late March. The fighting has forced hundreds of locals from their homes, volunteers who are helping the displaced told The Irrawaddy.

Khaing Pyi Soe, vice chairman of the Arakan National Party, said authorities' handling of the situation had spawned a climate of fear in the state.

"Now, locals are really scared," he said, adding that he was prepared to offer legal assistance to those being charged with unlawful association.

The junta-era Unlawful Association Law was used under the previous military regime to jail hundreds if not thousands of people accused of links to Burma's numerous ethnic armed rebel groups, or other organizations designated as illegal. Under President Thein Sein's administration, the law had until recently been effectively allowed to lapse as Naypyidaw embarked on an ambitious set of peace negotiations with more than a dozen armed rebel groups.

In addition to those accused of ties to the Arakan Army, the military on Sunday said any journalist who reported on statements made by the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), which the government also labels an unlawful association, would face prosecution "under existing law."

The ethnic Kokang rebels of the MNDAA have been engaged in hostilities with government troops since Feb. 9 in northeastern Shan State.

Representatives from both the MNDAA and the Arakan Army are currently in Panghsang, Wa Special Region, where they are attending a meeting of ethnic armed groups that was convened on Friday to discuss a proposed nationwide ceasefire with the government. Both illegal groups were invited by the United Wa State Army (UWSA), against the government's wishes.

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Land Dispute Thwarts Plans for Monastic College in Mandalay

Posted: 06 May 2015 05:01 AM PDT

The Phaung Daw Oo monastic school in Mandalay. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

The Phaung Daw Oo monastic school in Mandalay. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — An ambitious expansion plan for a monastic school in Mandalay has been suspended due to a land dispute, with local authorities claiming the land used for the project was unlawfully transferred.

Phaung Daw Oo Monastery, which also operates well-respected primary, middle and high schools offering free education to underprivileged youths in Aungmyaytharzan Township, had already begun building a college on the 400-acre property donated by local patron Mya Mya Aye.

The patron and four farmers from whom she claimed to purchase the disputed land are currently being detained in Patheingyi Township and are due to face trial later this week, according to Mya Mya Aye's husband, San Nyunt Wai.

"Police said we misused public property, but we bought those lands from local farmers and we have all the documents to prove it," said San Nyunt Wai. "We don't understand why the police want to sue us for doing a good thing by donating to a monastery that gives free education to the poor."

The five detainees, who are being held in Mandalay's Oh-Bo prison, face charges under article 6 (1) of the Public Property Protection Act, which carries penalties of up to seven years in prison, "whipping" or both. Police in Patheingyi declined to comment on the case.

Mya Mya Aye's son and two daughters may face the same charges, her family and lawyer said.

Several monks who were living on the property were also forced to leave following pressure from authorities, according to the school's principle, Sayadaw U Nayaka, who told The Irrawaddy that police warned them they "would get in trouble" if they stayed on the premises.

First founded in 1993, Phaung Daw Oo monastic schools are known throughout the region for offering education to thousands of students that cannot afford to attend government schools.

The planned college was intended to serve graduating students and others who had little access to higher education. The future of the institution is unclear at present.

"I'm afraid my dream of giving better education, which is absolutely free, will not happen," said Sayadaw U Nayaka. "I also feel terribly sorry for the donor, who is in jail for donating her land for us. I just want to request the higher authorities to help us to make this end for the sake of our children's future."

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Private Dailies Still Struggling with Govt Competition, Production Costs

Posted: 06 May 2015 04:56 AM PDT

A newsstand in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A newsstand in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Privately owned newspapers are still struggling with competition from state-run publications and exorbitant production costs, with industry insiders predicting further closures and consolidation in the sector.

By the end of 2013, the year when the government began issuing licenses to private dailies, 26 titles were on the market. Since then, 18 have ceased publishing. With the recent relaunch of the Myanmar Times as a daily publication, there are now nine private newspapers and three state-run dailies in Burma's metropolitan markets.

Publishers said that production costs, competition with state-run newspapers and lack of advertising revenue remain almost insurmountable barriers to survival.

The Voice daily newspaper Chief Editor Kyaw Min Swe said his newspaper has struggled to remain afloat for the last two years.

"We still lose money every day, even when every single copy sells out, because of the imbalance between sale price and production cost," he said. "We haven't got enough advertisements for our paper to keep running."

"Since before we began publishing, the government has planned to compete with us. The state-run newspapers offer lower ad rates. It is an intentional attempt to kill private newspapers," he added.

Maximum circulation for private dailies usually runs between 30,000 to 50,000 copies per day, rising to 100,000 copies with big stories. State-run dailies, by contrast, often distribute more than 200,000 copies per day.

Myanmar Journalists Network Secretary Myint Kyaw echoed Kyaw Min Swe's claims that the government's leeching of potential advertising revenue was the greatest threat to private newspaper publishers. He told The Irrawaddy that he expects the market to continue its consolidation.

"I expect less than five papers will survive," he said.

Thaung Su Nyein, the Chief Editor of 7 Days, which has a majority share of the private daily market, said that his company's newspaper relies on the profits generated by its sister publication, a weekly journal.

"After two years, the circulation numbers have not changed much, but other dailies have received more advertisements," he said.

He added that while 7 Days was competing with government dailies at present, he believed that his publication would eventually face a stronger threat from rival private publications as the industry evolved.

"We have different contents and news presentation, that's why I don't believe they are our main competitors," he said. "In the future, the newspapers which can stand strongly with better capital and management will remain, and those will be our main competitors."

Newspaper proprietors are all wary of the threat posed by the country's rapid increase in internet connectivity and speeds. While the trend towards digital media remains in its infancy in Burma, and publishers are ill equipped to devise revenue streams for their online assets, more young users are using social media as their primary source of news and eschewing print publications entirely.

"Based on surveys here, most young people under 25-years-old don't read print news at all," said Kyaw Min Swe. "That will keep readership of print edition limited. We will not be able to rely only on digital news, because advertisers will keep seeking print…but as people's lifestyles change, we will have to change as well."

Market surveys estimate that Burma currently has about 4.5 million Facebook users, 7 million Viber users and 10 million mobile phone subscribers. Thaung Su Nyein said that while making money on digital audiences was difficult, he was optimistic about the potential for reaching an audience that was growing rapidly and unconstrained by the limitations of print circulations.

"These are huge numbers," he said. "If they all became our readers, we would have a massive audience that we would never get with our print version."

Mizzima ceased the publication of their Burmese language print daily in February, replacing it with a digital edition after the withdrawal of funding from Yoma Chairman Serge Pun and the departure of former shareholder Sonny Swe. Soe Myint, the managing director of Mizzima Media Group, said there was evidence that digital publications were starting to make money in the local market.

"My digital daily newspaper's advertising situation is good now," he said. "I can say that it is possible to make money on digital publications here, but we need better strategies for long-term business."

The post Private Dailies Still Struggling with Govt Competition, Production Costs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Rebel Conference in Wa Region Wraps Up

Posted: 06 May 2015 03:35 AM PDT

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PANGHSAN, Wa Special Region — On Wednesday, leaders and commanders from 13 ethnic armed groups will wrap up a six-day conference on Burma's nationwide ceasefire process, an event that was hosted by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) in their semi-autonomous Wa Special Region in northern Shan State.

The conference brought together 10 groups that are part of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Committee (NCCT) and non-NCCT members, the UWSA, the Shan State Army-South and the Mongla group, to discuss a draft ceasefire agreement.

The conference provided a rare opportunity for media to visit the Wa region and see ethnic leaders—some of whom are wanted by the government—convene in rebel-held territory.

The NCCT represents 16 groups involved in ceasefire negotiations with the government. The NCCT reached an in-principle agreement on a nationwide ceasefire accord on March 31, an agreement that was reviewed in Panghsan in recent days by assembled leaders.

Among the leaders and commanders of the ethnic groups in the NCCT were those leading the Kachin Independence Army, the Karen National Union, the Shan State Army-North, the New Mon State Party, the Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, the Karenni National Progressive Party, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the Arakan Army and the Pa'O National Liberation Organization.

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Long Road for ‘World’s Wordiest’ Ceasefire Text

Posted: 05 May 2015 10:50 PM PDT

President U Thein Sein and Nai Hong Sar, leader of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, shake hands after signing the nationwide ceasefire draft agreement in Yangon. (Photo: Reuters)

President U Thein Sein and Nai Hong Sar, leader of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, shake hands after signing the nationwide ceasefire draft agreement in Yangon. (Photo: Reuters)

Myanmar made history a few weeks ago.

Negotiators representing the government of President U Thein Sein and the ethnic armed groups overcame the unthinkable: They concluded a protracted negotiation over a nationwide ceasefire on March 31.

It stunned everyone, even some deep within the peace process. A few months ago, there were comments calling the process "as good as dead." But it is now likely that the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) will be signed in May. Therefore, for the first time the real possibility of ending Myanmar's 67-year history of armed conflict has emerged.

This is an incredible feat for a government whose legitimacy has constantly been called into question by opponents for its association with the previous military regime. Yet the president has resolutely stuck by the call he made for peace with ethnic armed groups a few months after assuming power in 2011. More importantly, he has acted decisively to reach this point.

Undoubtedly, there was much skepticism and that was absolutely warranted.

Overall, the NCA process took 17 months. It required both sides to meet 22 times informally and seven times formally. The meetings took place in Myanmar as well as abroad. Beyond these meetings the technical teams representing both sides met over 200 times in preparation for formal negotiations.

Throughout the talks, fighting flared up too many times and in its worst moments threatened to derail the whole process. Political conditions outside the negotiation table also often overshadowed the dynamics of the talks.

Negotiations took place against the backdrop of larger social, economic, administrative and political reforms that Myanmar has initiated. This was further compounded by the complex web of the conflict's history; the multiplicity of groups involved; ethnic and other grievances; diverse interests and allegiances; and the negotiating cultures involved.

A seemingly endless series of hurdles meant that it even took seven months—from September 2014 to March 2015—to prepare for the final round of talks. It took six days straight to finish most of the remaining eight items and then the negotiators needed to take a break. They resumed the bargaining for two more days at the end of March when everything was eventually wrapped up.

Critically, the president made a last minute intervention to overcome the final hurdles in the talks. Government insiders said a cabinet meeting was interrupted as a request came from the negotiation team for his involvement in concluding the last few compromises.

On March 31, he himself showed up at the Myanmar Peace Center and congratulated the negotiators from both sides. In his short speech, he said, "I was so happy I could not even sleep last night after watching the heart-felt speeches by ethnic leaders."

'A Political Roadmap'

On the whole, the negotiations have been multiparty, although they are described as comprising only two sides. The government side has been made up of ministers, high-ranking army officers and parliamentary representatives. The ethnic participants—representing 16 armed groups—have negotiated as a team. In a country unfamiliar with compromise, it has been a constant struggle for both sides to bargain from a common position.

The agreement started out with 122 points and ended with 106 provisions under 33 headings in seven chapters. It has been billed as the world's longest and wordiest ceasefire deal. Despite being called a nationwide ceasefire agreement, it more closely resembles a political roadmap for the future of Myanmar. It is therefore no wonder it took negotiators from both sides 17 months to "grind it out."

However, over the course of those 17 months, a negotiation first characterized by distrust has evolved into one of trust. Thus it is no surprise that there are two recurring words that appear throughout the NCA—negotiation and cooperation. They are there to ensure that the agreement, once signed, will be abided by and carried out in the spirit of accommodation and compromise.

The NCA covers many critical issues such as the formation of the Joint-Monitoring Mechanisms to monitor ceasefire violations. They will be buttressed by the Codes of Conduct and a multitude of humanitarian provisions and civilian protections.

More importantly, the NCA contains several key promises from the government, the most important of which are the guarantee of political negotiations and the eventual establishment of a democratic federal state—the long-standing and most critical demand of the ethnic groups. As such, the agreement will open the door for inclusive political negotiations in order to end the armed conflict once and for all.

The Path Forward

In reality, the NCA is just the beginning of the peace process in Myanmar. It will have to be followed by the development of a framework for political dialogue on which political negotiations will be based. The agreement sets out deadlines for these steps to be implemented; notably political negotiations must begin within 90 days of the formal signing of the nationwide ceasefire.

From here onward, the process will become even more complicated.

To date, ceasefire talks have only included the government and the ethnic armed groups. Political parties, including opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other stakeholders, have not yet been included in the process. Their participation will commence in the next phase—the political framework negotiations.

The issues up for negotiation will move beyond ceasefires to wider, more complex topics such as power and wealth sharing and security reintegration.

The politics outside the peace negotiations—the upcoming election—will add more fluidity and uncertainty to the peace process. While the election is crucial for the further development of Myanmar's young democratic processes, negotiators are deeply worried that it could have an adverse effect on the peace process.

Effectively there are only five months left to get the political negotiations underway before campaigning for the November elections begins. Having realized that there would be time constraints, the president signed a pledge in February to begin political negotiations before the election. The goal is to build a firm foundation for peace before his term is complete.

Credit must also go to the hard work and determination of all those involved in the process—particularly the government team led by Union Minister U Aung Min and the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) representing the ethnic armed groups.

Myanmar is attempting an extremely difficult and ambitious undertaking. To say every step on the way to producing the final NCA draft has not been easy would be an understatement. Skepticism and destructive comments will remain. However, it appears that the negotiations to date and the resulting NCA have set the country on the right track to confront the challenges that lie ahead in the peace process.

Aung Naing Oo is the associate director of the Peace Dialogue Program, Myanmar Peace Center. Opinions expressed here are his own.

This story first appeared in the May 2015 print edition of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Keeping it Cool in Rangoon

Posted: 05 May 2015 10:48 PM PDT

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As the monsoon season approaches, and with daily peak temperatures this week forecasted at more 103 degrees Fahrenheit (40 Celsius), Rangoon residents are proving themselves quite adept at keeping their cool, finding shade and escaping the scorching summer heat.

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Thai Army Finds 6 More Bodies in Suspected Rohingya Trafficking

Posted: 05 May 2015 10:39 PM PDT

Rescue workers dig as human remains are retrieved from a mass grave at an abandoned camp in a jungle some 300 meters from the border with Malaysia, in Thailand's Songkhla Province. (Photo: Reuters)

Rescue workers dig as human remains are retrieved from a mass grave at an abandoned camp in a jungle some 300 meters from the border with Malaysia, in Thailand’s Songkhla Province. (Photo: Reuters)

PADANG BESAR, Thailand — Authorities in Thailand have dug up the bodies of six suspected Rohingya migrants from Burma at a rubber plantation near a mountain where a mass grave was found at the weekend, the military said on Wednesday.

The discovery was made in Thailand’s Songkhla province near the country’s border with Malaysia around 4 km from the site where the 26 bodies were found a few days ago.

"Villagers living nearby told us the bodies buried here are the bodies of Rohingya migrants from Myanmar from nearby human trafficking camps," Colonel Jatuporn Klampasut, deputy secretary general of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) Region 4, told Reuters.

Many illegal migrants in Thailand are Rohingya Muslims from western Burma and from Bangladesh who brave often perilous journeys by sea to escape religious and ethnic persecution.

Thousands arrive in predominantly Buddhist Thailand every year, brought by smugglers. Many are then taken into the jungle where traffickers demand a ransom to smuggle them south across the border to mainly Muslim Malaysia.

Authorities on Tuesday said they had found a second, abandoned camp used for human trafficking. Three people were rescued from the near the camp, Thai police said.

The United States, which has censured Thailand for failing to act against human trafficking, has called for a speedy and credible inquiry into the discovery of the mass grave..

Police in Thailand have arrested four men—three Thais and a Burmese national—on suspicion of human trafficking. Arrest warrants have been issued for a further four who are on the run.

A police officer based in Padang Besar, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said that police intelligence showed there could be three more camps on the same mountain range.

"There are three camps on that mountain with up to 700 people in each camp we are told," said the officer.

"It is just a matter of time now whether we can find them as we’ve been told the human traffickers are being tipped off and are moving their camps."

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Thai Police Find New Trafficker Camps, Crackdown Intensifies 

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:53 PM PDT

Rescue workers inspect a mass grave at an abandoned camp in a jungle in Thailand's southern Songkhla province on May 5. (Photo: Surapan Boonthanom / Reuters)

Rescue workers inspect a mass grave at an abandoned camp in a jungle in Thailand’s southern Songkhla province on May 5. (Photo: Surapan Boonthanom / Reuters)

PADANG BESAR, Thailand — Police found two more camps Tuesday believed to have held human trafficking victims in southern Thailand—one recently abandoned and the other containing a buried skeleton—days after the grim discovery of 26 bodies at a separate location exposed a thriving human smuggling network in the country.

“We will keep searching, because this means the traffickers are still on the run and taking people with them,” said police Maj. Gen. Amphon Buarubporn, the commander of police for Songkla province, who joined dozens of officers in a trek up Khao Kaew mountain followed by reporters and camera crews. Teams of police dismantled the camp’s eight huts and shelters made of freshly cut wood, where a cellphone charger and clothing were strewn about in signs of an apparent recent evacuation.

Tuesday’s discovery was part of a mission to find survivors—or bodies—that activists say are hidden in the mountains, five days after authorities dug up the 26 corpses at a nearby camp along the Thai-Malaysian border. Authorities say the camps are believed to have been used by a transnational network that smuggled ethnic Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar and migrants from Bangladesh and then abused them and held them captive until their families could pay ransoms.

Separately, in Phang Nga province, a skeleton was found in a mangrove forest and was believed to be the remains of an ethnic Rohingya woman, said Gov. Prayoon Rattanasenee, who was led to the location by a Rohingya who said there were more camps in the area.

The coastal province is one of several known entry points used to smuggle Rohingya, who often flee Myanmar in overcrowded boats, into Thailand.

The discoveries have publicly shamed Thailand, which is already under pressure from the United States and the European Union to crack down on human trafficking.

Last June, the US downgraded Thailand and Malaysia to its lowest category—Tier 3—in an annual assessment of how governments handle human trafficking. Thailand promised action to get off the blacklist, but its reputation suffered more following recent revelations by the Associated Press that some Thai fishing vessels kept men from Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos on board as forced labor or slaves.

Thai authorities say they are investigating the complicity of police and local officials in the trafficking network, an alliance that human rights groups say has long fueled the smuggling industry.

Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha gave orders Tuesday for provincial officials at all levels “to scan every inch of their areas” for more detention camps, trafficking victims or signs of collusion with officials, and warned that “those who seek or receive benefits [from human trafficking] will be investigated and punished,” according to deputy government spokesman Maj. Gen. Sansern Kaewkamnerd.

Critics say the tough talk and a rush of arrests, VIP visits to the south and media tours to suspected trafficking camps are part of a dog-and-pony show that should not be mistaken for an actual crackdown. In an editorial Tuesday, The Nation newspaper said the government’s “pledge to combat human trafficking has been diverted into a public relations exercise.”

National police chief Gen. Somyot Poompanmoung ordered the transfer late Monday of more than 15 police and border patrol officers, including a senior commander in southern Thailand he said was suspected of close association with a prime trafficking suspect. They were moved to what Thailand calls “inactive posts” pending an investigation.

Arrest warrants have been issued for five local officials, four of whom are now in custody. Their suspected collusion prompted the Department of Provincial Administration to issue an internal order warning civil servants “not to get involved in any human trafficking activities.”

“In addition, every province and every district must raise awareness among the local public to oppose human trafficking and to cooperate with the government in solving the issue,” said the order, calling for regional TV and radio stations to make announcements on the subject.

Ethnic Rohingya Muslims are one of the world’s most persecuted minorities. They have suffered for decades from state-sanctioned discrimination in Myanmar, which is predominantly Buddhist, and in the past few years have been targeted by mob attacks that sparked one of the region’s biggest exoduses since the Vietnam War.

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Tea to Tech: China’s Cybersecurity Push Sparks a ‘Gold Rush’

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:49 PM PDT

Sipu Enterprises Group CEO Zhang Long poses at his office in Kunming, Yunnan province, on Feb. 16, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Sipu Enterprises Group CEO Zhang Long poses at his office in Kunming, Yunnan province, on Feb. 16, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Zhang Long made his fortune selling Pu'er fermented tea and handcrafted furniture from the mountains of his native Yunnan Province in southwest China.

Last November, the 49-year-old entrepreneur, who has no technology background, strode into a Beijing ballroom to pitch his latest made-in-China product: SPGnux, a Linux-based operating system he says could replace Microsoft Corp's Windows.

"Information security is vital to the interests of China and the interests of the Chinese people," Zhang proclaimed as a marketing video flashed images of former US National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden on large monitors.

Snowden's disclosures in 2013 of US cyberspying and security holes in American technology products have prompted China's government to accelerate a broad campaign to replace foreign technology with Chinese-developed systems.

And that has triggered a frenzy among state-affiliated software firms, investors and savvy businessmen—all hoping to capitalize on Silicon Valley's waning grip over China's US$450 billion-a-year enterprise computing market.

Some of those who've entered the fray look better equipped to succeed than others.

When Hongqi, a software company that developed China's most successful operating system during the 2000s, but which has since struggled, put itself up for sale last year, bidders included a coal magnate, an aviation company and a food transport provider. It was eventually sold to a company with a background in household cleaning for just $6 million.

"We're in a new bubble because of Snowden," said He Weijia, a former director at Hongqi. "These bosses don't need that much money or expertise to get into the game, but the payoff can be potentially large."

International venture capitalists say China's start-ups are more attractive bets than before as Beijing is backing the enterprise computing sector much like it did Internet firms in the last decade.

"This is obviously an area that the government wants to develop or promote—how is this different from Baidu in 2003?" said a China-based partner of a Silicon Valley venture capital firm, referring to the Chinese search engine that debuted in New York a decade ago and is now worth $75 billion.

With an unorthodox resume and a penchant for gold watches, Zhang is an unlikely beneficiary of the post-Snowden rush to push local technology—a race that also illustrates how the industry in China is often influenced by the political climate.

After the Snowden leaks, Microsoft said it would stop supporting Windows XP, leaving many computer systems potentially vulnerable to hackers. Incensed, Chinese leaders banned Windows 8 in retaliation, while antitrust regulators last year opened an investigation into Microsoft, focusing on its Windows and Office software sales practices.

Charlie Dai, a senior analyst at Forrester, said a few Chinese firms, including Shanghai-based Standard Software and Wuhan-based Deepin, both part-owned by or tied to the central government, have created viable operating systems for desktop PCs, but Chinese banks are wary of using local software on servers that process the most critical data.

Qiao Yong, a Standard Software vice president, said Chinese technology has matured, but it will take years before a big state agency like China's social security fund feels comfortable to transfer its servers to a local operating system.

The cybersecurity debate has helped raise the profile of China's Linux developers, Qiao said, but it's also been a distraction. "Some leaders think we can do this overnight, but it will take a very long time to reach a one-third market share, much less reach Microsoft's level."

Zhang says his Kunming-based Sipu Enterprise Group has rolled out more than 10 versions of SPGnux, including ones in English, Chinese and Arabic. Since the Snowden revelations the number of government offices using SPGnux has more than doubled to 1,600, and his company is profitable, he said, declining to detail financial or sales figures.

"No one believed in us because we started at zero," said Zhang, who employs more than 200 people working on SPGnux and counts Ni Guangnan, an influential member of China's Academy of Engineering and Lenovo Group's founding chief technology officer, as one of his firm's supporters.

Public records show Sipu's software has been purchased by agencies including China's State Oceanic Administration.

Aside from software, tea and furniture, Zhang said he has invested in films, runs an import-export business and sells powdered Maca, a Peruvian herbal supplement prized for its libido-boosting effects.

He said he is looking beyond China, too, and is courting customers in the Middle East and Southeast Asia, markets he believes also want an alternative to Microsoft.

"I don't think of products as having nationalities," he said, smiling. "I only follow market demand."

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Nepal, Aid Agencies Trade Blame as Confusion Mars Quake Relief

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:44 PM PDT

Nepalese soldiers unload emergency aid supplies as part of earthquake relief efforts in Dhunche, Nepal, May 4, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Nepalese soldiers unload emergency aid supplies as part of earthquake relief efforts in Dhunche, Nepal, May 4, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

KATHMANDU/NEW DELHI — A row has broken out between Nepal and some international agencies over the handling of aid that poured into the country after last month's devastating earthquake, with each side blaming the other for confusion and delays in getting help to victims.

Relief efforts have been slow to reach many people affected by Nepal's worst disaster in more than 80 years, leaving an unknown number of people stranded, injured and hungry for days.

The 7.8 magnitude quake, which struck 10 days ago, has killed more than 7,500 people and left hundreds of thousands homeless.

Relief material initially piled up at the airport as Nepalese customs officials checked each crate that came in so commercial goods did not slip through.

Senior government officials said customs checks were necessary, because they did not know what was coming into the country.

Supplies included goods that Nepal did not need and many relief workers arrived without proper documents to enter the country, complicating efforts to move the aid effort along, officials said.

"Many donors are sending relief materials without even consulting us about what we need," said Laxmi Prasad Dhakal, a home ministry official.

Some rescue workers, for their part, said they were frustrated by what they saw as bureaucratic delays and lack of coordination by the government.

For example, Huijbrechts Marcel, from the Urban Search and Rescue team from the Netherlands, showed up along with teams from four other nations, including the Nepal army, at one house to search for survivors.

"When we arrived here there was absolutely no coordination," Marcel said.

Frustrated by delays and a lack of coordination, some donors are circumventing the government and sending aid directly through non-governmental organizations for distribution, adding to disagreements, said an aide to Prime Minister Sushil Koirala.

"There are differences between the government and some donors over this," the aide said.

The confusion came despite years of preparation by the government and international aid agencies for such a disaster; Nepal sits atop one of the world's most seismically active zones.

Chaos Not Unusual

Meetings about earthquake preparedness have been a regular feature in Kathmandu in recent years, and global donors have invested millions of dollars to help Nepal be better prepared for a major seismic event.

Chaos after a disaster of this magnitude is inevitable, experts said, and given that aid groups had estimated a major quake near Kathmandu could kill 100,000 people, they said things could have been worse.

"The challenge here is that you have a factor that you didn't have in the Philippines [typhoon] or Haiti [earthquake]: eight of the 14 highest peaks in the world are in Nepal," said Ertharin Cousin, executive director of the United Nations World Food Program.

"As a result, even though we are operationally ahead, we may not have reached as much of the remote population as we have in other disasters at this point because of geography," Cousin said on Saturday.

United Nations Resident Coordinator Jamie McGoldrick said the situation at the airport had improved, although there had been delays when the aid started to flow in.

"We're seeing a more permissive environment developing where we are getting goods out," he said.

Nepal's foreign minister, Mahendra Bahadur Pandey, who addressed an international conference in Japan just weeks ago on a possible earthquake in Nepal, said the help from donors was welcome, though not always smooth.

For example, he said, the government had made an error by urgently requesting tents for Nepalis who had lost their homes.

"When donors sent them, they were huge and heavy. What we really want are tarpaulins," he said.

The post Nepal, Aid Agencies Trade Blame as Confusion Mars Quake Relief appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


‘No coal, no Toyo-Thai’: Mon villagers rally against plant

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:40 PM PDT

A joint project to build coal-fired power stations involving the Union government and a foreign investor has divided local residents in Mon State. Yesterday about 6000 villagers gathered to protest against the project in Ann Din village, about 10 kilometres (6.2 miles) from the town of Ye.

Factory owners push back against proposed wage rate

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:37 PM PDT

Minimum wage negotiations are inching toward a compromise far below the amount demanded by protesting labourers, though garment factory owners are still holding out for little or no pay boost, according to a representative from the country's peak business body.

Resignations suggest split in armed groups

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:30 PM PDT

The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team is on the verge of fracturing with three ethnic armed groups involved in the Kokang clashes threatening a walkout.

Second abandoned ‘death camp’ found

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:27 PM PDT

Thai police announced yesterday the discovery of a second remote camp believed to contain human remains of Myanmar and Bangladeshi migrants who died while being held for ransom.

Ship cleared to leave Yangon port after collision

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:25 PM PDT

As the investigation into the collision of two ships in Yangon River on April 26 proceeds, the container ship involved was allowed to leave Yangon Port, said a Shipping Agency Department spokesperson.

Government seeks private funding for BRT system

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:20 PM PDT

Bus network would be 60pc privately owned, with anticipated total cost of about K100 billion (US$91.8 million).


Hluttaw reps criticise Ministry of Agriculture for Nay Pyi Taw focus

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:18 PM PDT

The Agriculture and Irrigation Ministry has been accused of favouring the capital in its efforts to boost productivity of the nation's farms.

PR not dead yet, says bill committee

Posted: 05 May 2015 08:54 PM PDT

MPs say they will continue with plan to draft bill on proportional representation for 2015 election.

Myanmar tough for mothers, says NGO report

Posted: 05 May 2015 08:43 PM PDT

Myanmar is one of the worst places in the world in which to be a mother, according to a new report by Save the Children, which ranked the country 157th out of 179.

Visitor numbers, entrance-fee income rise at Bagan zone

Posted: 05 May 2015 07:57 PM PDT

Cash is rolling into Bagan as foreign tourists bring dollars with them, local officials say. The trend is likely to continue, as the entry fee to the cultural zone was last year doubled from US$10 to $20.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Shan farmers voice concerns about environmental damage

Posted: 06 May 2015 07:23 AM PDT

Over ten thousand Shan farmers have gathered in Mong Nai township, southern Shan State, requesting the protection of the environment and natural resources in Shan State.
Environment_protect_001
According to Sai Bee, a resident of Mongnai, Shan farmers across Shan State held an event on May 2 in Yae Loi Jak Daw village, Nar Karn sub-district, Mongnai township. The purpose of the event was to exchange ideas and discuss important issues in different areas and find ways to solve problems.
"The main issues we discussed include gold mining in Monglen, the gas pipeline, road construction in Kunlong-Hsenwi townships and land confiscation," said Sai Bee.
001_-_Mong_Nai
Sai Maung Gyi, a Mongnai township MP for Constituency # 2 said residents have faced a lot of problems since investment entered Mongnai township. Many citizens' farmlands have been seized, many precious heritage sites have been destroyed, and drugs have also become widespread. The rivers which residents use for drinking and irrigating farmland have been damaged.

"Over 1,000 acres of local people's land have been seized by a militia group and investment companies. What's more, Shwe Lin Yone Company, which is backed by MTA Shwe Pyi Aye, has seized over 5,000 acres of village land. But until now no project has been implemented on the land. They have just left it empty," said Sai Maung Gyi.

"We have called on the government many times to take action on this issue, but nothing has been done," he added.

Nang Lar, an environmental activist in Monglen, Tar-ler sub-township, said: "We have been fighting against gold mining operations in the Monglen area. We demanded an end to their operations as well as full compensation for all losses and restoration of waterways and lands to their former state. But there has been no satisfactory response."

"So we will continue fighting against any group that destroys our environment, and we will protect our people's rights," she said.

Wa will not be NCA signatory

Posted: 06 May 2015 04:06 AM PDT

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) says due to its different situation from other ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft as negotiated by the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) with the government is unacceptable, according to the Wa supreme leader Bao Youxiang's message in Burmese read our today on the last day of the 12-EAO conference in Pangkham.
meeting pangsang
Nevertheless, it is ready to join hands with brotherhood organizations to hold political dialogue with the government "for the achievement of racial equality, political equality and equitable sharing of natural resources."

"Your discussions about existing political inequality, your opposition to armed resolution, and your stand on resolution of ethnic issues through political dialogue are all in line with the position of the 'Wa State'," the 66-year old chairman said.

The 12 point joint demands/ resolutions include:
  1. Resolution of the civil war through political means
  2. Inclusion of EAOs yet to conclude ceasefire with the government in the signing of the NCA
  3. Cessation of government offensives in Kachin, Palaung, Kokang and Arakan areas
  4. Curbs on further human rights abuse
  5. Amendment of 2008 constitution to build up a federal union based on democracy, racial equality and right of self determination
  6. There will be no secession from the union
  7. Welcomes UN and China's efforts to bring about cessation of hostilities in northern Burma and the signing of the NCA
  8. Nationwide political dialogue must include representatives from government, parliament, Tatmadaw (Burmese military), political parties, the people and the EAOs
  9. Need to cultivate the spirit of peaceful co-existence among different nationalities
  10. EAOs will form a representative body to hold talks with the government
  11. The majority EAOs attending the summit have shown understanding and support for the Wa call for a state level status
  12. More meetings will be held in order to further discuss and implement the points agreed at the summit
Update
12:oo
The "joint statement", latest reports say, is still a draft for discussion. "The     conference is still haggling over the 12 points," said the source.

Burma Army base attacked by unknown armed group

Posted: 05 May 2015 09:27 PM PDT

An unknown armed group attacked a Burma Army base in Hsipaw township, reportedly causing one death and injuring four others.
SiPaw-TownShip_War
The attack happened at about 8 pm on May 4 at Burma Army Battalion 23 base in Dong Jarng village, north of Hsipaw township and lasted about one hour.

"A Burmese soldier was killed and four injured," said a source close to an armed group in Hsipaw. "The unknown group knew that some Burmese soldiers had been sent to frontline combat and there was no guard at the base so they attacked."

According to an unconfirmed report, the attack at the Burma Army Battalion 23 was carried out by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, which is active in the area.


However, the TNLA Information Department reported that only two clashes occurring on May 4, the first at about 9 am between Mongkut and Pang Oo Long township (Maymyo township) and the second at about 6pm between Mong Long and Kyawkme township.

Tuesday, May 5, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Rangoon Govt Invites Private Investment in Public Bus Company

Posted: 05 May 2015 06:26 AM PDT

Antiquated buses on the streets of Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Antiquated buses on the streets of Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Rangoon Division government on Monday launched an initiative to set up a US$25 million public bus service company that would improve major bus lines in Rangoon, Burma's biggest city.

On Tuesday, an official said they had already received pledges for more than half of $15 million in private funding shares required for the venture.

"It seems like we will not need to sell the shares to the public for a long time and it will be sold out quickly. Others also made proposals, but mainly four top businessmen proposed to buy nearly $8 million of the shares," Maung Aung, an advisor with the Ministry of Commerce, told The Irrawaddy.

Myint Swe, the Rangoon Division chief minister, invited shareholders at a ceremony on Monday to invest in establishing the company, which is yet to be named, and he offered shares that are being sold at $100 each.

His government is putting up $10 million, or 40 percent, of the capital required for the implementation of the first phase of the project. Official sales of the shares have yet to start.

The company will have a seven-member board of directors, with three appointed government officials and four private sector shareholders.

Many businessmen and directors from the country's top businesses, including FMI group, Sakura Co. Ltd, Htoo Company, Shwe Than Lwin Company, Max Myanmar, and KBZ bank, attended the event.

Maung Aung declined to reveal the names of the four businesses that had pledged to buy a total of $8 million in shares in the public bus company.

Currently, hundreds of small, private companies operate thousands of daily buses throughout the city of some 5.4 million residents. Many of the companies use old Japanese Hino Motors buses, which are often cramped with passengers and lack air-conditioning.

Some 2.2 million people make use of 365 bus lines across the city that are operated by companies that own some 6,000 buses, 4,000 of which are deployed every day, according to Hla Aung, chairman of the Rangoon Region Supervisory Committee for Motor Vehicles.

The Rangoon Division government would require the new company to operate new model buses, made in 2010 or more recently, that are left-hand drive, have air-con, a ticketing system and employ a driver on a monthly salary.

"We will start with between 60 to 100 buses in phase 1 within four or five months and expand it later," Maung Aung said, adding that the first new bus line would run from Pyay Road to Kabaraye Pagoda Road.

He said current, smaller bus operators could also buy shares in the new company or participate by committing an in kind contribution if they owned a new model bus.

"The big businessmen are interested in it more, but we also invite the current bus owners and drivers too and we will wait for them. They are interested to invest with their buses. We will accept [their offer] if their buses match our criteria," Maung Aung said.

The post Rangoon Govt Invites Private Investment in Public Bus Company appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt ‘Ready to Finalize’ Nationwide Ceasefire: President

Posted: 05 May 2015 05:30 AM PDT

President Thein Sein speaks during six-party talks with Burma's top political figures in Naypyidaw on April 10. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

President Thein Sein speaks during six-party talks with Burma's top political figures in Naypyidaw on April 10. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's President Thein Sein has said his government is "ready to finalize" a long-sought nationwide ceasefire agreement with more than a dozen ethnic armed groups, and is "waiting for the outcome from the ethnic summit" that is ongoing this week in eastern Shan State.

In his monthly radio address to the nation on Monday, the president said his government's aim in pushing for the nationwide ceasefire was "to leave a foundation for the next government to build on—one where there is no more fighting and political dialogue has started.

"All parties have accepted that the only way to resolve armed conflict is through a political solution. Therefore we are trying our best to begin the dialogue as soon as possible," he said.

But given the tenor of ongoing discussions among ethnic armed groups in Panghsang, a town in eastern Shan State controlled by the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the 70-year-old president's eagerness to ink a countrywide peace deal looks increasingly contingent on his government shepherding another major political achievement through Parliament: the passage of amendments to Burma's military-drafted Constitution.

The gathering of ethnic armed groups, hosted by the UWSA, began on Friday and is due to conclude on Wednesday. Attendees have included senior leaders from ethnic rebel groups including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Karen National Union (KNU), Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-South) and Arakan Army.

Bao Youxiang, the UWSA chairman, said Monday that some ethnic armed groups would not sign the nationwide ceasefire accord unless the 2008 Constitution was amended.

"The main key is to have amendments to the Constitution. If there are amendments to the Constitution, other ethnic groups, including our Wa, will sign the [accord]," Bao Yuxiang said.

Brig-Gen Tun Myat Naing, commander in chief of the Arakan Army, echoed that sentiment.

"We want to get the 2008 Constitution amended before the 2015 election," he told The Irrawaddy, referring to nationwide polls due late this year. "The peace [process] will not be successful unless the Constitution is changed."

Drafted by Burma's former military regime and approved in a rigged referendum in 2008, the charter has been criticized as undemocratic, owing to provisions that grant 25 percent of seats in Parliament to unelected military representatives; ban opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the country's most popular political figure, from the presidency; and centralize authority in a way that ethnic groups say has stymied their political aspirations.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party and the pro-democracy group 88 Generation Peace and Open Society organized a nationwide petition to amend the Constitution last year, garnering nearly 5 million signatures in favor of the cause.

A parliamentary Constitutional Amendment Committee has been tasked with drafting a bill to amend the charter, and the matter is expected to be discussed during the next session of Parliament, which is due to convene on Monday.

The Union Parliament speaker, Shwe Mann of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said in November that a required referendum on constitutional amendments would be held in May. That is looking all but impossible at this point, and talk has turned to the possibility of holding a referendum in tandem with the general election in November.

The post Govt 'Ready to Finalize' Nationwide Ceasefire: President appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

3 Ethnic Rebel Groups Threaten Rejection of Nationwide Ceasefire

Posted: 05 May 2015 05:19 AM PDT

Arakan Army Commander-in-Chief Brig-Gen. Tun Myat Naing attends an ethnic armed groups' conference in Wa region's Panghsan town on Monday. (Photo: JPaing /The Irrawaddy)

Arakan Army Commander-in-Chief Brig-Gen. Tun Myat Naing attends an ethnic armed groups' conference in Wa region's Panghsan town on Monday. (Photo: JPaing /The Irrawaddy)

PANGHSANG, Wa Special Region — Three ethnic armed groups battling the Burma Army are threatening to reject a preliminary agreement on a nationwide ceasefire accord reached in March because the government refuses to recognize their political demands and continues to launch operations against them.

The position of the groups—three smaller armies from the Palaung, Arakanese and Kokang ethnic minority areas—could not only complicate their participation in a nationwide agreement, but also that of the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA), which in recent days has called for the inclusion of the groups in the ceasefire process.

Tar Bong Kyaw, general secretary of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), told a meeting of ethnic leaders in Panghsang on Monday that his ethnic Palaung rebel group believes it would not serve its interests to sign the draft accord under current conditions.

"There are many problems with the draft [ceasefire]. Representatives from the NCCT and UWPC signed a [preliminary] agreement, but there are many points in the draft that we could not agree with," Tar Bong Kyaw told The Irrawaddy.

On March 31, the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which represents a coalition of 16 ethnic rebel groups, agreed in principle with the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) on the content of a nationwide ceasefire accord.

The government said it is eager to sign the accord, but NCCT groups said they have to review it with their respective leaders first.

Meanwhile, the UWSA has organized a conference in the Wa Special Region capital of Panghsang on May 1-6 to bring together NCCT groups and non-NCCT armed groups in order to discuss the proposed accord.

Tar Bong Kyaw told the conference that the government was trying to divide the ethnic armed groups by refusing to recognize and continuing to fight the Palaung, Arakanese and Kokang rebels, while including other groups in a nationwide accord.

"The government will not accept the other three groups to participate in political talks, even though they might want to sign the [accord]. It's very clear they are trying to divide the alliance of ethnic armed groups. This is very dangerous," said Tar Bong Kyaw.

Brig-Gen. Tun Myat Naing, commander-in-chief of the Arakan Army, told the meeting that there was no point in supporting the accord if the government refused recognize his group's political demands and continued to launch attacks against it.

"They [the Burma Army] fights against our ethnics, including the Palaung, Kokang and our Arakanese people. They cut off aid for our refugees; they have no food and drink. This situation could hurt our peace talks," he said.

Tun Myat Naing added his organization would like to see the Constitution amended soon as it would support the success of the nationwide ceasefire process.

The Arakan Army is a small rebel group from western Burma's Arakan State that has joined ethnic rebels in northern Burma. In recent weeks, it tried to infiltrate northern parts of its home state and clashes erupted with the government that have displaced hundreds of civilians, many of who have gone without emergency aid.

The Kokang rebels of the Myanmar Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) have been involved in heavy fighting with the Burma Army since February in Laukkai Township in northern Shan State. The TNLA and Arakan Army have fought alongside it. The Irrawaddy understands the MNDAA also rejects the ceasefire accord.

The Arakan Army and the MNDAA are NCCT members, but the government refuses to recognize them as such. The TNLA is a NCCT member, but lacks a bilateral ceasefire with the government. It is unclear if the government recognizes the TNLA as a NCCT member.

A government advisor at the Myanmar Peace Center has previously been quoted as saying that the government could sign a "nationwide ceasefire," while continuing to fight the MNDAA.

The NCCT includes most of the country's major armed groups, such as the Kachin Independence Army, the Karen National Union, the Shan State Army-North and the New Mon State Party.

The UWSA, the country's most powerful rebel army with some 20,000 men under arms, is not a NCCT member, nor is its smaller neighbor the Mongla group, but both armies have long-standing bilateral ceasefires with Naypyidaw. It has been an observer to the 18-month-long ceasefire negotiations.

In recent days, the UWSA leaders have finally tried to weigh in on the nationwide ceasefire process by saying that it should include the Arakan Army, the MNDAA and the TNLA, and have pledged solidarity with them.

UWSA Chairman Bao Youxiang said in rare interview on Monday that inclusion of all ethnic groups and reforms to the Constitution were preconditions for Wa support for the nationwide ceasefire accord.

"The country will have peace if the government can represent all people in the country. The government can not only represent their people when working for development," said Bao Youxiang during an interview with journalists at the Wa headquarters located in the semi-autonomous Wa Special Region on the Burma-China border.

"The main key is to have amendments to the Constitution. If there are amendments to the Constitution, other ethnic groups, including our Wa, will sign the [accord]," the chairman said in comments that were translated into Burmese by UWSA spokesman Aung Myint.

The military-drafted 2008 charter centralizes powers over Burma's ethnic areas and its natural resources with the central government and the Burma Army. The ethnic groups want to see a federal union of Burma instead that grants them regional autonomy.

"After there is no more fighting, the country will have peace and development. Then, our ethnic groups could build their modern towns like our Wa people have done," said Bao Youxiang.

The post 3 Ethnic Rebel Groups Threaten Rejection of Nationwide Ceasefire appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘We Have Been Subjected to International Pressure’

Posted: 05 May 2015 05:02 AM PDT

Bao Youxiang (left), the chairman of the United Wa State Army, in Panghsang on Monday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Bao Youxiang (left), the chairman of the United Wa State Army, in Panghsang. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Ethnic leaders are currently meeting in Panghsang, the headquarters of the secretive United Wa State Army (UWSA), to discuss the draft text of a proposed nationwide ceasefire agreement negotiated between the government and ethnic armed groups in March.

On Monday, after a private meeting with ethnic armed group leaders, Bao summoned journalists for a rare interview opportunity. Speaking through spokesman and interpreter Aung Myint, he told The Irrawaddy that the UWSA will only sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement if the 2008 military-drafted Constitution was amended to accommodate a federal system of governance, defended the UWSA's demands for self-administered territory, and insisted that the regions under UWSA control were no longer growing opium, which funded much of the area's initial development.

What is the UWSA's political stance on the nationwide ceasefire agreement?

In this case, we will analyze the final result that comes out of this ethnic summit. We want to see what case it makes for signing the nationwide ceasefire agreement. We will decide whether we will sign or not after we can analyze all the facts arising from the meeting.

The main key is to have amendments to the Constitution. If there are amendments to the Constitution, other ethnic groups, including our Wa, will sign the [accord].

In your opinion, what is the difference between the military regime of Snr-Gen Than Shwe and the parliamentary government of President Thein Sein?

There is no difference. They are the same.

Why have the Wa repeatedly asked for self-governance of the territory they control?

If there is no village to live, there will be no place for Wa people to work and survive.

The Wa region is very developed, and it appears the UWSA is acting as a de facto government. Is this the case?

There are other regions too where [ethnic armed groups] run their regions like a government. For the survival of our people, we have to work to develop the region. If there is no one working for the development of this region, how can our people survive?

It appears from the decision to host this ethnic conference and the invitation extended to local media, the UWSA is working to improve its image. The UWSA has been frowned upon in the past because of its involvement in opium production, including by the US and other Western countries.

There are many things to say on this point. For Western countries, especially for America, they have many problems that they are not equipped to solve. But they point their finger at us. We have been subjected to international pressure. This region has grown opium for over 120 years, but on this issue they have put a lot of pressure on us.

We want to say clearly to America and other Western countries: you cannot claim that your faces are clean, but you point to the black spots on ours. They should not speak to us like this.

Because of this pressure, we had to eradicate opium in the regions we control. We understand that opium production could lead to the genocide of our people. Therefore, we worked to eradicate opium with the cooperation of our people. Our region no longer grows opium. On Jun. 26, it will be a decade since the end of opium production in our region.

(Editors note: The UWSA remains subject to a 2003 declaration by the US Drug Enforcement Agency which listed the army as a drug trafficking organization. Bao Youxiang was indicted alongside seven other leaders during a 2005 US Federal Court session over the UWSA's role in the export of heroin to the United States. The UWSA is not part of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, the alliance of 16 ethnic parties which negotiated the ceasefire text with the Burmese government.)

The post 'We Have Been Subjected to International Pressure' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Mass Protest Held Against Mon State Coal Plant Proposal

Posted: 05 May 2015 04:23 AM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

YE, Mon State — An estimated 5000 people from villages across Ye Township gathered in Inn Din village on Tuesday morning to protest the Union government's plan to build a coal-fired power plant in Mon State.

Garbed in traditional longyi and white shirts, demonstrators against the Thai-backed coal plant gathered at a field in the middle of the village, brandishing placards which declared the proposal to be against the wishes of the local population.

"Locals have the right to know, the right to keep their traditions," said Min Aung Htoo, a Mon state representative for the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability (MATA). "We doubt there is any goodwill here, since the project is moving forward step by step without the support of locals."

On Apr. 9, Toyo-Thai Corp. signed a memorandum of agreement with the Ministry of Electric Power's Department of Hydropower Planning to construct the 1280-megawatt plant with a 30-year operating agreement. The 500 acre project site sits near the beach which abuts the Inn Din village tract. According to the Toyo-Thai website, construction will begin in 2016 and is expected to take between four and six years, with a total investment of US$2.8 billion.

Although the project has continued to move forward since Toyo-Thai signed a memorandum of understanding with the ministry in 2012, locals have been outspoken in their opposition to the coal plant, despite promises to connect homes to the electricity grid from the ministry and compensation offers from the company. Aung Naing Oo, a state parliamentarian, estimated that 90 percent of locals were opposed to the plant after a community consultation last June.

Ni Mar Oo, a 29-year-old villager and member of the Inn Din Youth Network, told The Irrawaddy at the protest on Tuesday that residents had no trust in the project and had repeatedly complained about the project's lack of transparency.

According to Min Aung Htoo, villagers had become increasingly wary of the proposal after learning about the potential health and environmental risks posed by the project, which had not been presented to the community by either the government or Toyo-Thai.

"If this project is not dangerous… please hold the academic discussion requested by the public to answer their questions about the positive and negative aspects of this project," he said. "At the moment there is neither transparency or honesty."

In one meeting, villagers were told that Toyo-Thai would provide a one-time payment of US$1.5 million as part of its corporate social responsibility program in order to promote development in the Inn Din village tract. Villagers have conducted their own economic survey of the area and claimed the area earns $5.8 million per annum from farming and fishing, which they say renders the Toyo-Thai proposal well below the coal plant's potential impact on local agriculture.

Aye San, deputy director-general of the Department of Hydropower Planning, told The Irrawaddy that the ministry was now finalizing a joint venture agreement with Toyo-Thai, which is in the process of raising funds for investment. The company will be expected to buy the land for the project and will sell electricity to the local market, but Aye San said the ministry would not buy supply from the plant if the company sought prices above what it was able to pay for.

Denying that the ministry and Toyo-Thai had not consulted sufficiently with locals, Aye San said that a group of villagers had been taken on a study tour in Japan to learn more about the Ultra Super Critical technology used in the coal plant.

"The company told the tour group that they will perform to the standard set by coal plants in other countries," he said. "They have shown us there is nothing to worry about. Their feasibility study was submitted years ago."

Min Aung Htoo, who was also part of the study tour, retorted that the regulatory environment in Japan, construction procedures and standards of government accountability were worlds apart in Japan and Burma.

The Human Rights Foundation of Mon Land and the Mon Youth Forum have also condemned the project. A petition against the coal plant has been sent to President Thein Sein, Union Speaker Than Shwe, the Myanmar Investment Commission, the Ministers of Electric Power and Environmental Conservation, the Mon State government and the Myanmar Human Rights Commission.

The post Mass Protest Held Against Mon State Coal Plant Proposal appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yoma Reveals Finger Lickin’ Good Location for Rangoon’s Premier KFC

Posted: 05 May 2015 04:05 AM PDT

A rendering of Burma's premier Kentucky Fried Chicken, set to open later this year on Bogyoke Road in Rangoon. (Photo: KFC Myanmar / Facebook)

A rendering of Burma's premier Kentucky Fried Chicken, set to open later this year on Bogyoke Road in Rangoon. (Photo: KFC Myanmar / Facebook)

RANGOON — The wait is almost over for fast food fanatics in Burma's commercial and culinary capital, as American franchise Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) has settled on its first location in the heart of downtown Rangoon.

Local partner Yoma Strategic announced late last month that its two-story premier venue will be installed across the street from the famed General Aung San Market on Bogyoke Road.

"Our first restaurant in the heart of downtown Yangon [Rangoon] will enable us to introduce KFC's famous Original Recipe Chicken to the diverse mix of people who live and work in the area," Yoma's head of business development, JR Ching, said in a press release.

The opening date for the new location has not yet been disclosed, but Yoma said it aims to have several new spots up and running by the end of the year.

The new chain is expected to fare well in Burma's growing consumer market. An announcement on the KFC Myanmar Facebook page, which revealed an artists' rendering of the new restaurant, garnered thousands of "likes" and a flood of comments within hours.

Fried chicken champion Yumi, who has sampled KFC's signature crispy fried chicken in Singapore, said she was "super excited to actually try out KFC here! in Yangon!!" The psyched supporter added that that she "never gets bored of crispy crunchy fried chicken" and "heavenly" mashed potato.

KFC Corporation, a subsidiary of Yum! Brands Inc., is the world's second largest fast food chain with more than 19,400 KFC outlets in 120 countries around the globe. Yum! operates more than 41,000 restaurants worldwide, including Pizza Hut and Taco Bell chains.

Plans for the new KFC Myanmar, a joint venture between Yoma and Yum!, were announced late last year and met with eager appetite. Many Western food chains that flourished elsewhere in Asia never established themselves in Burma because of economic sanctions.

Yoma's Executive Chairman, Serge Pun, has become a favored partner for investors as one of the only major Burmese tycoons that never appeared on the US sanctions list, a roster of individuals and businesses banned from partnering with US firms because of ties to the former military regime.

Pun is one of Burma's most prominent businessmen and has built up a vast business conglomerate since the early 1990s. His firms, which include Singapore-listed Yoma Strategic Holdings and Serge Pun & Associates, have interests in real estate, banking, agriculture, the consumer market, automotive and luxury tourism business.

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Health and Education Plan to Support Chin Women, Children

Posted: 05 May 2015 03:42 AM PDT

Mindat Township is pictured nestled among the hills of southern Chin State. (Photo: Myat Su Mon / The Irrawaddy)

Mindat Township is pictured nestled among the hills of southern Chin State. (Photo: Myat Su Mon / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Women and children in Chin State will benefit from a first of its kind five-year social welfare initiative implemented by the regional government in partnership with the UN Children's Fund (Unicef) and the Myanmar Institute for Integrated Development (MIID).

"The Local Social Plan addresses unmet development needs and rights, prioritized by the people of Chin State and the Chin State government, such as food security, improved access to and retention in education, and expanded coverage of quality health services," Unicef's country representative in Burma, Bertrand Bainvel, was quoted as saying in a statement from the UN body on Tuesday.

Rugged and sparsely populated Chin State is Burma's poorest, with the region lagging in many socioeconomic indicators.

"Children in Chin State are more likely to be underweight and stunted than their peers living in other parts of Burma," the Unicef statement said. "Only 6 percent of children in Chin are delivered in a health facility, compared with 36.2 percent in the country on average."

Provisional results of a census conducted last year put the western state's population at 478,690.

No Than Kat, chairman of the Chin Progressive Party, said he welcomed the initiative, adding that women and children in Chin State had benefitted from fewer development projects compared with other parts of Burma.

Women and girls in Chin State were "always facing gender discrimination" due to deeply ingrained traditional cultural values, the party chairman said, with girls frequently prevented by their parents from attending school.

"And also, children are not receiving enough nutrition, so if this project can support them, I am happy to hear that," he told The Irrawaddy.

"A lack of education and heath support impoverishes their lives in Chin State, so the state administration should manage this support prudently, so that it reaches the bottom," he said.

The Unicef statement did not indicate how much money would go toward the Local Social Plan, which is to be implemented over the 2016-2021 period with financial support from the Danish government.

Peter Lysholt Hansen, Denmark's ambassador to Burma, said his country's involvement in the program reflected a commitment to Burma's reform process.

"The people of Chin deserve to see tangible results in their daily life as a result of the bilateral ceasefire agreement and the plan will contribute to this aim," the Unicef statement quoted Hansen as saying, referring to an accord signed between the government and the Chin National Front, a regional ethnic armed group, in January 2012.

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Digicel’s Burma Deal Adds to Islamic Finance Landscape

Posted: 05 May 2015 03:26 AM PDT

 A man wears a cap bearing the brand of Digicel as he watches a football match at Aung San stadium in Rangoon April 26, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

A man wears a cap bearing the brand of Digicel as he watches a football match at Aung San stadium in Rangoon April 26, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Cellular operator Digicel Group Ltd has obtained US$60 million in sharia-compliant financing for its Burma venture, helping widen the reach of Islamic finance transactions as the sector continues to expand into new markets.

Islamic finance has seen a string of landmark deals over the past year, with debut sovereign Islamic bonds (sukuk) from Britain, Luxembourg and South Africa helping test the funding format across a growing number of jurisdictions.

Islamic financial products can require multiple transfers of title of the underlying asset, and so can present regulatory challenges for new jurisdictions in areas such as tax.

When Digicel’s Myanmar Tower Company (MTC) accedes to the financing it would mark the first Islamic cross-border deal in the country, law firm Clifford Chance said in a statement.

"This transaction is also a milestone as very few cross-border financings in relation to Myanmar have been completed in recent years," said the law firm, which advised Doha-based investment firm QInvest on the deal.

Due to regulatory and timing issues, MTC’s parent company in Singapore is the initial borrower of the funds, with the terms of the deal allowing the Burmese entity to replace the parent company when it is able to do so.

In 2013, MTC signed an agreement to build and lease telecommunication towers in Burma for Qatar’s Ooredoo, which in August became the first foreign firm to begin operations in one of the world’s last mobile frontiers.

Norway’s Telenor Group holds the only other international operating license in Burma.

As of March, Ooredoo had sold more than 3.3 million pre-paid SIM cards in Burma and hopes to expand coverage to reach 97 percent of the population within five years.

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17 Factories Suspended After Polluting Lake in Central Burma

Posted: 05 May 2015 01:46 AM PDT

Staff of Mandalay City Development Committee clearing dead fish from Mandalay's Taungthaman Lake on Saturday.  (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

Staff of Mandalay City Development Committee clearing dead fish from Mandalay's Taungthaman Lake on Saturday.  (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — The Mandalay municipal government has suspended operations of 17 factories in one of the city's largest industrial zones, citing diminished fish populations caused by water pollution in Taungthaman Lake.

A Water and Sanitation Department official told The Irrawaddy that the factories, which include sugar refinery, canning, liquor brewing and leather curing facilities in Mandalay Industrial Zone 2, violated wastewater management rules.

"We have ordered those factories to shut down because we found that they did not treat their wastewater before dumping it into the lake," said a high-ranking official from the department, which operates under the Mandalay City Development Committee (MCDC), requesting anonymity.

"Instructions for waste water management were already given. If they can implement the department's instructions, and if we are satisfied the results after inspection, they can resume operations," the official said.

He said the department plans to construct a wastewater pipeline that would empty into the Myitnge River, which converges with the Irrawaddy River near Inwa, in efforts to prevent excessive waste in Taungthaman Lake.

The department plans to treat the water at a yet-to-be-built facility before sending it through the 12,000 ft pipeline, he added.

Taungthaman Lake is located just outside Mandalay in Amarapura, and is the site of the famed U Pein bridge, a 1.2-kilometer (0.75-mile) teak structure that draws in crowds of foreign and domestic tourists throughout the year. It is also the site of a proposed 16-hectare (40-acre) resort slated for completion in 2018 at a projected cost of US$27 million.

Fishery owner Chit Khine, who operates a number of breeding farms, said populations have significantly dwindled over the last month, and he plans to sue at least 14 companies for his losses.

"I've lost about 60 million kyats [UD$60,000], so I'm planning to sue them," he told The Irrawaddy.

Rumors began to circulate late last month that the dead fish were being sold to local markets at a reduced price, but local breeders and officials denied the claim, maintaining that the contaminated products had been "buried immediately" and that the sale of such items is "strictly prohibited."

Maung Mung Oo, director of local environmentalist group Green Activities, said pollution has increased dramatically in recent years as more investors set up shop in the industrial zone and local entrepreneurs began opening restaurants and other businesses catering to businessmen and tourists.

"The water is dirtier than it was five years ago," Maung Maung Oo said. "There will be an increase in the number of visitors, especially when the Taungthaman resort project is built. If there's no proper waste control, the pollution and its effects on people will only get worse."

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Panghsang, Former Communist Stronghold, Takes Center Stage in Peace Process

Posted: 05 May 2015 01:45 AM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

PANGHSANG, Wa Special Region — A few decades back, Tun Kyi was a different man: a loyal and disciplined medic who treated Thakin Ba Thein Tin, chairman of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), and his comrades. The party, which had long been engaged in armed struggle against the Burmese government, built its headquarters here in Panghsang in the early 1970s.

Tun Kyi guided us through the rugged former CPB stronghold, showing us the room where he used to sleep, revisiting with each step the early days of the resistance. What made the visit so surreal was that just two days had gone by since the start of an historic summit in the town, which drew leaders from 12 of Burma's ethnic armed groups to discuss the prospect of a nationwide peace accord that could end decades of civil war.

We went to Thakin Ba Thein Tin's modest room, and that of Col. Kyaw Zwa. "These people lived in very poor conditions at the time," Tun Kyi recalled, "but this was the main base from which they gave commands all over the country."

The CPB eventually fell apart, its membership fracturing into a number of other armed resistance groups such as the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which later evolved into Burma's biggest and most formidable internal enemy. After a long struggle against the dictatorial Ne Win regime, Wa rebels reached a ceasefire agreement with the government in 1989, paving the way for both development and what would prove to be a devastatingly pervasive drug trade.

But time seems to have stood still here in the run-down communist control center, where we could still see remnants of the party's past. The building has a storage room once filled with CPB documents. A few wooden tables and chairs, broken and weather-worn, remain scattered throughout the dilapidated grounds. Tun Kyi explained that the UWSA planned to renovate the site and turn it into a museum, but the project never got off the ground.

The remote and enigmatic Wa Special Region, a semi-autonomous zone comprising two territories along Burma's borders with China and Thailand, has long captivated intrepid historians, academics and the like, but receives few foreign visitors. It is hard to imagine a day when the regional government will commit to turning this bizarre relic into anything more than the overgrown ghost town we see today.

Nearby, however, there has been a world of change; new high-rise developments are springing up throughout the town, and improved health facilities, the likes of which are practically unparalleled in Burma, were erected in the years since the Wa struck a deal with the Burmese government. Tun Kyi now works as a health administrator in the region's main hospital, which sits in the center of the town amid a sea of scaffolding.

From where we stood on the hilltop station, he pointed out the distant hospital, which employs about 60 medics, including six who were educated in neighboring China. The five-storey facility is equipped with an MRI machine and X-ray technology, and offers free health services to all low-income residents. Because the Panghsang hospital is among the finest in Burma, Tun Kyi said that many people, including ethnic Burmese construction workers, favor the Wa hospital over those that are run by the government.

May Nu, a 62-year-old doctor in Panghsang, said education opportunities and medical services in the Wa region have improved immensely since the CPB era. She herself, an ethnic Pa-O woman from Taunggyi, studied in China because the educational system had stymied under communist rule.

"You had to study in China if you wanted a better education," she recalled. "There was no proper education in this region at that time." May Nu predicted that ethnic unity and a genuine peace accord will bring about rapid and much needed development in Burma's hinterlands.

Lessons Learned About Peace and Development

But Wa leaders said they are worried that ongoing conflict could threaten the peace process, which has been several years in the making, and ultimately stall development all over the country.

Tax Ai Kap, deputy officer of the regional construction department, told reporters here on Monday that local leadership was "not happy" to hear of fighting between the Burma Army and other ethnic armed groups because it created "a bad atmosphere" that is not conducive to peace and trust building.

From the Wa perspective, he said, peace has to happen for development to proceed. Tax Ai Kap explained that since the UWSA achieved peace with the government, the region enjoyed rapid development of all sorts of necessary infrastructure. An ambitious road-building project is now underway throughout the territories, which is expected to be complete in 2019, just before a major ceremony commemorating the 30th anniversary of the ceasefire.

Tax Sai Pang, who works for the Ministry of Construction, offered a glowing review of the regional government's post-ceasefire development works, claiming that the United Wa State Party (UWSP, the political arm of the UWSA) was truly representative of the will of its people. He said the regional government has worked wonders to facilitate growth by luring foreign experts and engineers. Officials said the region now operates some 400 schools, three cement factories and eight hydropower dams, which supply 24-hour electrical access throughout the region.

"We welcomed anyone who wanted to invest in our region, because we wanted this region to be developed," Tax Sai Pang said, explaining that the group's agenda prioritized infrastructural development and drug eradication in efforts to improve the UWSA's reputation as a narcotic trafficking organization in the region, which is the world's second largest source of heroin after Afghanistan.

Following decades of largely drug-funded development, the UWSA began an aggressive initiative in 2005 to reduce the production of opiates, focusing on crop substitution and, in some cases, relocating entire villages to poppy free land. Now, according to Tax Kat of the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation, Wa farmers are cultivating a range of crops including rubber, tea and fruits.

"We no longer grow opium," Tax Kat said. Those who are found growing the illicit crop will be subject to strict legal action under the hard-line policy, which he said has effectively eradicated the crop in the entire region. A rapid assessment by the United Nations' drug agency, UNODC, conducted in February 2014, found "no evidence of opium poppy cultivation in this region," though other researchers have pointed out that opium bans in Wa and Kokang territories did little to curb production, but rather shifted it to areas further south in Shan State.

Seeking Self-Control

Despite the unique nature of the Wa Special Region and its people, the region never achieved the level of autonomy it wanted from a ceasefire. While it does maintain a certain level of self-governance, the Union government still does not recognize Wa as a state, instead viewing it as a zone within the jurisdiction of Shan State.

During the opening remarks of the ethnic summit on Friday, a UWSA spokesperson reiterated calls for support among the nation's other armed rebel groups for the government's recognition of a self-governing Wa State. Aung Myint, a spokesman representing the UWSA at the Panghsang conference, said that despite the progress of ceasefire negotiations and the prospect of meaningful political dialogue, "the government has not replied" to the group's insistent calls for recognition.

The unprecedented summit, which brought together some of the most high-level ethnic representatives from around the country, is set to continue until Wednesday, with discussions geared toward achieving a lasting peace accord inclusive of all ethnic armed groups nationwide. During its opening remarks, the UWSA affirmed its solidarity with three rebel groups that are still currently in active conflict with the Burma Army.

Other ethnic representatives responded in kind, showing their support for a government-recognized Wa State independent of Shan authority.

"We are ethnic people," said Nai Hong Sar, joint chairman of the New Mon State Party and chief negotiator for the nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team, a 16-member organization representing ethnic interests during peace negotiations with the government. "They have their own specially controlled area. We recognize their self-control."

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The Core Issues Not Addressed

Posted: 05 May 2015 01:44 AM PDT

A demonstrator in Rangoon holds up a poster during a march against civil war to mark the International Day of Peace in Sept. 2014. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

A demonstrator in Rangoon holds up a poster during a march against civil war to mark the International Day of Peace in Sept. 2014. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

The euphoria knew no bounds in certain quarters when, on March 31, it was announced that a text had been drafted for a proposed ceasefire agreement between the government and some ethnic resistance armies.

The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, a Swiss-based peace and reconciliation outfit, hailed it "the most comprehensive ceasefire agreement in Myanmar's history," if ratified, which "will set the stage for resolving the longest-running conflict in Southeast Asia."

Vijay Nambiar, special advisor on Myanmar to the Secretary General of the United Nations, also called the drafting of the proposal "historic" and UNICEF even suggested that it "could be the dawn of a new time of progress for the most disadvantaged children in Myanmar."

More levelheaded observers pointed out that the event was nothing more than a small step in a long, hard process, and that not all groups are on board.

Nai Hong Sar, an ethnic Mon speaking for the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), emphasized in an interview with Voice of America's Myanmar-language news site that the signing of a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) "can't be decided by the NCCT" but only after the ethnic leaders' summit meeting.

Leaders at the summit "might like to alter or make some addition to the agreement," he said. "And only after deliberation and confirmation, will they be officially ready to sign the agreement."

Khun Okkar, an ethnic Pa-O NCCT representative, said in an interview with The Irrawaddy that the NCA cannot be signed while there is conflict in Kachin State and the Kokang Special Region.

"[The NCA] can only be signed when [the country] is stable," he said. "We will be a joke if we sign while fighting is ongoing. And other [ethnic] groups will not be satisfied."

So much ado about nothing, then.

And while the foreign peacemakers were congratulating themselves in Naypyitaw and Yangon, the reality on the ground remained depressingly familiar. Airstrikes and other attacks were continuing against Kachin and Palaung rebel forces in the north and northeast.

Conflict Continues

According to a March 29 statement issued by the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Palaung State Liberation Front, "Whilst the NCCT and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC) were holding talks for the NCA draft, the Burma Army launched offensives in northern Shan State and fierce battles continued."

The Free Burma Rangers reported on April 1 that despite the potential ceasefire agreement, in Kachin State "incidents of aggression by the Burma Army have increased to levels not seen since initial fighting in 2011."

In Kokang, an area in northeastern Shan State mostly inhabited by ethnic Chinese, heavy fighting also continued with the government launching airstrikes and bombarding suspected rebel positions with 155 mm Howitzers and 122 mm truck-mounted multiple rocket launchers.

The ultimate irony is that Myanmar has seen the heaviest fighting in decades—after the present government came to power in March 2011 and opened its Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) in November 2012.

Fighting peaked in late 2012 and early 2013 with a major offensive against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) followed this year by a massive air war in Kokang. Myanmar's civil war has not been this intense since the government launched offensives against ethnic Karen and communist forces in the late 1980s.

Democratic Voice of Burma reported on April 4 that fighting between government troops and the Kokang rebel group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, had tapered off "for at least a day" after the agreement on the draft NCA.

However, according to sources on the ground, that lull in the fighting had nothing to do with talks in Yangon. "The government's side is just rearranging the deployment of its forces, and trying to solve logistical problems," said a source close to the war in Kokang.

Fighting is expected to intensify before the rainy season sets in at the end of May as the Myanmar Army consolidates its positions and works to secure long and potentially vulnerable supply lines from the Myanmar lowlands to the warzones in the mountainous north and northeast.

Professional Peacemakers

Insights into the actual situation on the ground have never been the strong suit of the foreign peacemakers. The term "military-industrial complex" is often used to describe a network of defense contracts, flows of money and resources among individuals, institutions and various government agencies in the United States.

Myanmar now, it seems, has its own "peace-industrial complex" with an abundance of foreign NGOs, supported by massive grants from the European Union, the governments of Norway, Switzerland and Canada, and the involvement of representatives of the UN as well as regional and international bodies.

"Peacemaking" has become a lucrative business in Myanmar, with little or no regard for the suffering of ordinary people in the country's warzones. Many people working for, for instance, the MPC earn in a month what an ordinary Myanmar citizen would make in five years or more.

A foreign human rights activist familiar with the situation in the frontier areas described the foreign-dominated peace industry as "a cabal of carpetbaggers and conmen whose real contribution to the peace process is shrouded in self-laudatory assessments that have no basis in reality."

Among the many misrepresentations floated by the peace-industrial complex is that the civil war is actually about money and control of business opportunities. This attempt at depoliticizing the conflict may serve to cover up the failure of the foreign peacemakers, but it is also a very dangerous way of looking at the problem.

There has not been an ongoing civil war in Myanmar, virtually since independence in 1948, simply because some people want to control the trade in jade, precious stones or timber.

Naturally, the people living in non-Bamar areas want their fair share of the natural resources in their respective regions once peace and normalcy have been restored. The government is also interested in collecting revenues from any kind of activity in the country. But the essence of the conflict since 1948 has centered on what kind of country Myanmar should be: a unitary nation or a federal union. The issues are political, not based on private business interests.

Even a well-respected news organization like IHS Jane's issued a report on March 25 headlined "Mining industry fuels Myanmar civil conflict" which went on to claim that "jade has historically been a driver of conflict" between the Myanmar Army and the KIA.

These two forces are supposed to be battling "for control over lucrative mining operations" with both having "historically launched attacks on mining operations in order to reassert control over the strategic resource."

This is complete balderdash.

No one has attacked "mining operations" which in any case are carried out by private entrepreneurs and contractors, not by the KIA or the government. Taxation on the trade, however, has provided the KIA with an income and the government gets its revenues from those contractors. This can be collected by both or either in cash or in kind. If the latter, raw jade can then be sold to generate income.

The Profits of Peace

Some foreign analysts have also suggested that those opposed to, or critical of, the NCA are holding this position because they are profiting from the war, while a peaceful solution to the conflict would put an end to their money-making activities. This is twisted logic, to say the least.

Local rebel commanders who have entered into ceasefire agreements with the government have invariably got, in return, profitable business opportunities—once they have stopped fighting.

A typical example is Zahkung Ting Ying, who once commanded a local unit of the now defunct Communist Party of Burma in eastern Kachin State. He made peace with the government in 1989, and his group immediately began exporting vast quantities of timber to China.

Today, his group is running a gun factory, capable of producing automatic rifles, pistols, revolvers and shotguns, which are sold mainly to ethnic rebel forces in India's volatile northeastern region. With all the forest now gone, the people in the area are growing opium poppies and there is also a heroin refinery near Ting Ying's headquarters at Pangwa.

Zahkung Ting Ying is also the only former communist who is a member of the Upper House of Myanmar's parliament.

Karen rebel leaders, who entered into ceasefire deals with the government in January 2012, were subsequently granted licenses to import cars from Thailand and to run other businesses in eastern and southeastern Myanmar.

The KIA, when it had a ceasefire agreement with the government from 1994, was also able to run all kinds of businesses. That arrangement ended with the outbreak of hostilities in June 2011, three months after ex-general U Thein Sein became president.

If the KIA's, or any other ethnic resistance army's, main interest were to make money, they should sign the NCA today.

Political Solutions

What Myanmar really needs is not hordes of foreign peacemakers, or an NCA—which will only freeze the problem, not solve it—but to address the issue of why tens of thousands of people in the non-Bamar areas of the country have resorted to decades-long armed struggle.

That would entail political talks now, not after the signing of an NCA, which many see as a trap. The ruse, or "con," of the current agreement is that, once signed into law, the ethnic resistance armies will be neutralized.

The military has always insisted that its duty is to defend the 2008 Constitution, and every party—including the armed groups—has to pay allegiance to that charter. Political talks can then be held in the parliament, the argument goes.

With the presence of the peace-industrial complex in the country, the military has been spared from the task of persuading the ethnic resistance armies to surrender, which is what the NCA effectively amounts to.

But if that fails, which seems likely, the foreign peacemakers can always carry on to another conflict zone in the Middle East, Africa or some other place on the globe—and leave a mess behind in Myanmar.

This article originally appeared in the May. 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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China Military Says Army Yet to Fully Embrace Rule of Law

Posted: 04 May 2015 11:19 PM PDT

Paramilitary policemen take part in an unarmed combat demonstration at a military base in Hefei

Paramilitary policemen take part in an unarmed combat demonstration for the new recruits at a military base in China's Anhui province. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — China’s armed forces, the largest in the world, have yet to become a military which fully follows the law, its official newspaper said on Tuesday, underscoring the problem of rooting out deeply-seated corruption.

Weeding out graft in the military is a top goal of President Xi Jinping, chairman of the Central Military Commission, which controls China’s 2.3 million-strong armed forces.

Serving and retired Chinese military officers have said military graft is so pervasive it could undermine China’s ability to wage war, and dozens of senior officers have been taken down.

In a front page commentary, the People’s Liberation Army Daily said that the concept of rule of law had yet to fully take root.

“At present, the laws and rules system for our military has basically been formed, but the concept of rule of law and the transformation of ways of behaving has yet to be completed,” it said.

Bottlenecks have formed that are preventing the military’s modernisation, it said, including what it termed “paying attention to experience and not paying attention to the law”.

The Communist Party committees—the ones which exercise the real control in the military—must avoid the situation where only one person makes the decisions, and that any decisions they make are legal, the paper said.

The more advanced the military becomes, the more it needs to follow the law, it added.

The logistics department has been particularly problematic for the People’s Liberation Army.

Lieutenant General Gu Junshan, who had been deputy director of the department, is suspected of selling hundreds of positions. He was charged with corruption last year.

Xi is also waging a broader campaign against corruption in general, vowing to take down powerful “tigers” as well as lowly “flies”.

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US Voices Concerns to Shwe Mann on Race, Religion Bills

Posted: 04 May 2015 11:15 PM PDT

Parliamentary Speaker Shwe Mann (second from right) with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and US President Barack Obama at the Asean summit in Naypyidaw, Nov. 13, 2014. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque / Reuters)

Parliamentary Speaker Shwe Mann (second from right) with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and US President Barack Obama at the Asean summit in Naypyidaw, Nov. 13, 2014. (Photo: Kevin Lamarque / Reuters)

WASHINGTON — A senior US official met the head of Burma's ruling party and parliamentary speaker on Monday and expressed concerns about race and religion bills critics say discriminate against minority Muslims.

The US State Department said that in a meeting with Shwe Mann in Washington, Deputy Secretary of State Antony Blinken stressed the importance of holding “inclusive, credible, and transparent” elections later this year.

Blinken also raised the need for constitutional reform, reconciliation with ethnic groups and “durable solutions” to human rights issues.

Blinken expressed US concerns about draft race and religion bills critics say would restrict religious freedoms and the revocation of “white card” identity documents for minority Rohingya Muslims. He also called for an independent probe into the use of force to break up anti-government protests this year.

In February, the Burmese government announced it would revoke temporary identification cards for Rohingyas on May 31, effectively disenfranchising them just days after parliament approved a law affirming their right to vote.

The current constitution bars opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from standing for the presidency because she was married to a foreigner and includes a provision reserving 25 percent of parliamentary seats for the military.

Shwe Mann, who is chairman of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party as well as parliamentary speaker, said in Washington on Friday he had “aspirations” to change the constitution, but indicated time was short ahead of November general elections.

Shwe Mann is considered a front-runner for the presidency and said he would put himself up for election if he was nominated by his party, which is comprised largely of former military officers and was created from a social movement set up by the former junta.

Burma launched widespread economic and political reforms in 2011 after decades of military rule, convincing the United States and other Western countries to suspend most sanctions. But many in Burma now feel the reform process has stalled.

Aung San Suu Kyi told Reuters last month that President Thein Sein was insincere about reform and accused the United States and the West of being too optimistic about change.

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Nepal: We Will Need Huge Foreign Support for Reconstruction

Posted: 04 May 2015 11:11 PM PDT

Temporary makeshift shelters are pictured on April 28, 2015, in front of houses in Kathmandu after Nepal was devastated by an earthquake last month. (Photo: Reuters)

Temporary makeshift shelters are pictured on April 28, 2015, in front of houses in Kathmandu after Nepal was devastated by an earthquake last month. (Photo: Reuters)

KATHMANDU, Nepal — Nepal's government will need immense international support as the Himalayan nation begins turning its attention toward reconstruction in the coming weeks, in the wake of the devastating April earthquake, a top official said Monday.

Nepal is one of the world's poorest nations, and its economy, largely based on tourism, has been crippled by the earthquake, which left more than 7,300 people dead. While there are no clear estimates yet of how much it will cost to rebuild, it will certainly be enormously expensive.

"In two to three weeks a serious reconstruction package needs to be developed, where we'll need enormous help from the international community," said Information Minister Minendra Rijal. "There's a huge, huge funding gap."

He also said foreign rescue workers were welcome in Nepal, saying they could remain as long as they are needed. He had earlier said that the need for their services was diminishing, but later denied that he wanted them to leave the country.

Soon, he added, the nation will be shifting away from a rescue mode and "will be concentrating more on relief operations."

Since the April 25 earthquake, 4,050 rescue workers from 34 different nations have flown to Nepal to help in rescue operations, provide emergency medical care and distribute food and other necessities. The still-rising death toll from the quake, Nepal's worst in more than 80 years, has reached 7,365, police said.

The head of the World Food Program ended her visit to Nepal and the WFP so far has dispatched food for 250,000 people in some of the hardest-hit areas, the spokesman for the UN secretary-general, Stephane Dujarric, told reporters Monday. The agency warned that basic aid is still needed, especially for people living without shelter.

Meanwhile, Buddhists turned out to visit shrines and monasteries to mark the birthday of Gautam Buddha, the founder of Buddhism.

At the base of the Swayambhunath shrine, located atop a hill overlooking Kathmandu, hundreds of people chanted prayers as they walked around the hill where the white iconic stupa with its gazing eyes is located.

Some of the structures around the stupa, built in the 5th century, were damaged in the quake. Police blocked off the steep steps to the top of the shrine, also called the "Monkey Temple" because of the many monkeys who live on its slopes.

"I am praying for peace for the thousands of people who were killed," said Santa Lama, a 60-year-old woman. "I hope there will be peace and calm in the country once again and the worst is over."

Kathmandu's main airport remained closed since Sunday to large aircraft delivering aid due to runaway damage, but UN officials said the overall logistics situation was improving.

The airport was built to handle only medium-size jetliners, but not the large military and cargo planes that have been flying in aid supplies, food, medicines, and rescue and humanitarian workers, said Birendra Shrestha, the manager of Tribhuwan International Airport.

There have been reports of cracks on the runway and other problems at the only airport in Nepal capable of handling jetliners.

"You've got one runway, and you've got limited handling facilities, and you've got the ongoing commercial flights," said Jamie McGoldrick, the UN coordinator for Nepal. "You put on top of that massive relief items coming in, the search and rescue teams that have clogged up this airport. And I think once they put better systems in place, I think that will get better."

He said the bottlenecks in aid delivery were slowly disappearing, and the Nepalese government eased customs and other bureaucratic hurdles on humanitarian aid following complaints from the United Nations.

The post Nepal: We Will Need Huge Foreign Support for Reconstruction appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Climate Change Sparks Tension in India’s Tea Gardens

Posted: 04 May 2015 11:06 PM PDT

Tea garden workers pluck tea leaves inside Aideobarie Tea Estate in Jorhat in Assam, India, on April 21, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Tea garden workers pluck tea leaves inside Aideobarie Tea Estate in Jorhat in Assam, India, on April 21, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

JORHAT, India — Usha Ghatowar smiles wryly when asked about the pay she earns picking leaves at a colonial-era tea garden in India's Assam.

"Do you think 3,000 rupees (US$48) are enough when your monthly expenses can be double that?" she mumbles, as she puts on her "jaapi" hat of woven bamboo and palm leaves and takes a sip of tea from a steel mug.

As the women workers around Ghatowar nod in agreement the heavens open—it has started raining heavily in recent days after three largely dry months.

Unrest is brewing among Assam's so-called Tea Tribes, whose forefathers were brought here by British planters from neighboring Bihar and Odisha more than a century ago, as changing weather patterns upset the economics of the industry.

Scientists say climate change is to blame for uneven rainfall that is cutting yields and lifting costs for tea firms such as McLeod Russel, Tata Global Beverages and Jay Shree Tea.

While rainfall has declined and become concentrated, temperatures have risen—ideal conditions for pests like looper caterpillar and tea mosquito to infest the light green tea shoots just before they are ready to be plucked for processing.

Use of pesticides and fertilizers has nearly doubled as a result in Assam's 800 big tea plantations, known as gardens, and the rising costs are making Indian tea less competitive.

As a result, firms in Assam are resisting calls from activists and student leaders to lift the daily wage of tea workers from about $2 agreed to recently, blaming weak prices and the doubling of crop expenses over the past 10 years.

Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi, whose Congress party was routed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2014 general election, has sided with the workers ahead of state polls due early next year.

State elections have national significance in India—Modi needs to win most of the state assembly contests in the next four years if he is to take control of the upper house of the federal parliament and ease the passage of his reform agenda.

Tea tribe votes can swing results in about a quarter of the seats in Assam, the country's main growing area, and the BJP has been making inroads.

In an interview with Reuters, Gogoi denied an opportunistic motive behind his call for the wage to be raised to about $3 a day.

"I had warned the tea planters about climate change but they did not take care for a long time," Gogoi said. "They thought it would be easy money. I can't allow injustice for tea laborers."

Assam Tea Planters Association (ATPA) chairman Raj Barooah said they would examine Gogoi's demand but "there has to be a fair wage that can sustain the industry."

The average temperature in Assam has risen by 1.4 degrees Celsius in the past century and rainfall is down by 200 mm (8 inches) a year, said R.M. Bhagat, chief scientist at the Tea Research Association in Assam's tea hub of Jorhat.

"In the last 30 years we have seen that the magnitude of the effect of climate change is pretty high," he said. "Rainfall has gone topsy-turvy. There is either too much or too little water, forcing planters to use sprinklers on what is a rain-fed crop."

Several tea garden laborers and planters Reuters spoke with said tea factories in Assam now only run for about six months compared with round-the-year operations earlier.

Less rainfall resulted in an 8 percent fall in tea exports last year, according to the Indian Tea Association (ITA).

India is the world's No. 2 tea producer but is less export-oriented than other producers thanks to its big home market, and Sri Lanka has been extending its lead as the world's third largest exporter behind China and Kenya.

Labor accounts for 60 percent of the total costs for tea firms in Assam, whose prices last year were higher than those auctioned in Mombasa in Kenya, Chittagong in Bangladesh, Limbe in Malawi and the Indonesian capital Jakarta.

Profit margins at Kolkata-based McLeod Russel, the world's largest tea producer, are estimated to have fallen to their lowest in six years in the year ended March 31, according to Thomson Reuters data.

To cut labor costs, tea companies like Aideobarie Tea Estates, owned by ATPA's Barooah, are exploring greater use of machines to harvest and spray nutrients or pesticides.

Barooah, whose company employs 48-year-old leaf plucker Ghatowar, her husband and now her eldest son, is also thinking of expanding into high-margin white tea made from tea buds.

Other tea gardens have moved to cultivating black pepper, turmeric, ginger, vegetables and fruit alongside tea, while Indian scientists are testing tea varieties that can adapt and survive in hotter and drier conditions.

But in the face of long-term climate change, that may not be enough.

"With rain so scarce, a day may come when Assam will not grow tea anymore," said tea scientist Subhash Chandra Barua. "Planting a crop is fine but economic cultivation may not be feasible."

The post Climate Change Sparks Tension in India's Tea Gardens appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

“It’s OK, I’ve Got Him!”

Posted: 04 May 2015 09:57 PM PDT

3On the seventh anniversary of Burma's worst-ever natural disaster, Cyclone Nargis , The Irrawaddy is republishing a cartoon from 2008 that portrays the hostile reaction of the Burmese junta toward donors and volunteers in the wake of the storm.

The post "It's OK, I've Got Him!" appeared first on The Irrawaddy.