Saturday, July 11, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


NLD Commits to Contesting November Election

Posted: 11 Jul 2015 05:42 AM PDT

National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi visits her constituents in Rangoon' Kawhmu Township on July 4, 2015, as part of a voter education drive by the opposition party ahead of Burma's general election. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi visits her constituents in Rangoon' Kawhmu Township on July 4, 2015, as part of a voter education drive by the opposition party ahead of Burma's general election. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYIDAW — The Burmese opposition party led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi announced Saturday it will contest the general election on Nov. 8, an effort that is expected to strongly challenge the ruling military-backed party.

"We will contest the election to continue implementing the democratic transition that has yet to be achieved," Suu Kyi told a news briefing in the capital Naypyidaw. She said the decision was made by her National League for Democracy's Central Committee at a meeting earlier in the day. The election date was fixed by the government on Wednesday.

Her party boycotted the 2010 polls because it considered election rules to be unfair. It took part in subsequent by-elections after changes were made, winning almost all seats it contested.

Burma was under military rule from 1962 until 2011, when the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) took power. Critics say the military still is the ultimate power holder.

Suu Kyi's party has been seeking more changes in the Constitution. She has repeatedly said the election cannot be free or fair if the Constitution is not amended.

The Constitution was enacted during military rule, and gives the army a dominant say in the administration of the country. One clause mandates that 25 percent of the seats in Parliament be held by the military, ensuring it has veto power over constitutional amendments.

Another clause has the practical effect of barring Suu Kyi from becoming president. Parliament turned back recent efforts to change those two key rules.

The post NLD Commits to Contesting November Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 11, 2015)

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 06:55 PM PDT

Dutch beer producer Heineken is reportedly set to officially open a new factory in Burma on Sunday. (Photo: Reuters)

Dutch beer producer Heineken is reportedly set to officially open a new factory in Burma on Sunday. (Photo: Reuters)

World Bank Says Burma Reaches 'Middle Income' Status

The World Bank has said that Burma is no longer a "low income" country, an announcement that has surprised many watching the country.

The bank said in a statement July 1 that its annual revision of global income brackets saw Burma—alongside Bangladesh, Kenya and Tajikistan—rise out of the lowest grouping of countries. Thirty-one countries, including Cambodia, Nepal and Afghanistan, are left in the low-income bracket—meaning their annual gross national income (GNI) remains at less than US$1,045 per person.

Burma has graduated to a "lower-middle income economy," the announcement said, a grouping that includes countries where GNI per capita is between $1,046 and $4,125.

World Bank chief economist and senior vice president Kaushik Basu said in the statement that the movement of countries out of low-income status was "heartening."

"While we need to measure development progress in different ways, income-based measures, such as GNI, remain the central yardstick for assessing economic performance," he said in the statement.

Burma remains on the lower end of the lower-middle income grouping, however, with the bank's latest figures, for 2014, suggesting that the size of the economy represents about $1,197 per person in Burma. The figure has received a boost since a census last year revealed that previous government estimates had been overstating the number of people living in the country, actually about 53.7 million.

The country has also seen rapid economic growth since the government of President Thein Sein introduced political and economic reforms beginning in 2012. In the last fiscal year, ending in March, the economy is thought to have grown by 8.5 percent.

A large chunk of that growth is likely down to an increase in offshore natural gas extraction, most of which is sent to Thailand and China under contracts signed by the previous military government. But while revenues from the extractive industries may boost the country's statistics, many people remain in poverty, especially in the remote regions inhabited mainly by ethnic minorities.

Sean Turnell, an economist at Sydney's Macquarie University, said he had doubts about the accuracy of figures on Burma's economy. Even if the country has graduated to the higher bracket, Turnell said in an email, "it would only be the product of meaningless statistical technicalities (made more so when we consider that the reduction in the official population size is a factor here too)."

"Myanmar is a rich country in terms of resources and potential. But it's people are overwhelmingly desperately poor—no less so today than yesterday, and before the day the World Bank changed its mind," Turnell added.

"Sometimes statistics cloak reality more than they reveal it."

Oil Price Slump Likely to Lead to Fall in Burma's Gas Output

A research firm has predicted that Burma's natural gas production will begin to fall after 2018 as the global slump in energy prices delays investment in the oil and gas sector.

Financial information service BMI Research said in an industry trend analysis on Monday that it had revised upward its estimate for Burma's gas production in the next two years. It credited the revision to new investment in the Andaman Sea's Yadana field, where French company Total is the lead operator.

"We expect additional production from the field to come online from 2015 onwards as engineering, procurement and construction contracts (EPCs) related to the expansion get fulfilled," it said.

"In October 2014, contracts to develop a wellhead platform for gas production at Badamyar—an adjacent project to Yadana—were signed between Total, Hyundai Heavy Industries and SapuraAcergy."

More gas from the Yadana field, as well as the ramping up of production from the Shwe and Zawtika offshore gas projects will push up total production to 23.5 billion cubic meters by 2017, compared with 19 billion cubic meters last year, BMI Research predicted.

However, production from existing fields is set to plateau, and the low global oil price means that companies will be less likely to pledge future investment to exploit Burma's oil and gas reserves.

That could impact plans to expand the Shwe and Zawtika fields, the analysis said, as well as dampening the prospect that any of the exploration deals signed this year—with major companies including Shell and Chevron—will lead to more production any time soon.

"[S]imilar to the low likelihood of further expansion of existing fields, we believe the weak oil price environment will also remain a hurdle for these projects to move into the development phase even if major oil and gas discoveries are made in the coming years," the analysis said.

Burmese-language App Company Lists in London

Burmese-language mobile chat application developer MySquar has reportedly raised $2.6 million to expand its products in Burma, despite currently lagging behind competitors.

MySquar's pitch is that its app MyChat was the first product offering a mobile text messaging service in Burmese. However, other similar apps like Viber—which claims to be the market leader with more than 5 million users—can also be used in Burmese, with users simply required to download Burmese-text software to their phones.

In information submitted to the London Stock Exchange—where MySquar has just listed on the Alternative Investment Market (AIM)—the company admits that almost half its total subscribers are not "active."

"As at 31 May 2015 there were approximately 392,400 monthly active users of MySQUAR products and 774,636 total users," the information said.

"The Group's strategy is to drive user acquisition through locally relevant products, acquire relevant consumer data and to monetise its assets through strategies including advertising, digital goods, eCommerce and other methods," MySquar's information submitted to the London bourse says.

"The Group intends to secure a firm footprint in the Myanmar youth market and to take advantage of commercial opportunities arising from the increasing internationalization of Myanmar and rising penetration of mobile technologies."

Website Deal Street Asia reported this week that the float at the start of this month successfully raised its target of $2.6 million, apparently justifying the valuation of the company of $27.8 million.

The company has offices in Burma and Vietnam, but is incorporated in the British Virgin Islands, an overseas territory of the UK that offers companies secrecy and tax benefits.

MySquar's major shareholders include investment entities Rising Dragon Singapore and Rising Dragon Holdings, as well as companies controlled by Japanese national Shinji Kumazawa and Taiwanese national Chu Chi-Chou—who holds shares personally and through companies Etech investment Holding Group Inc and Rising Dragon Technology Pte Limited.

Also of note is MySquar's chairman, Piers Pottinger, co-founder of Bell Pottinger, the UK's biggest public relations firm, which appointed a managing director for Burma earlier this year.

Burma Government Taking 'Big Gamble' on Airline Expansion

Burma's state-owned airline may struggle to compete on international routes, according to an industry report published following the announcement that Myanmar National Airlines plans to venture abroad.

MNA has been flying only domestic routes since Myanmar Airways International was spun off as an international carrier. The government has now completely divested from MAI.

But MNA said last month that following a corporatization effort, the company plans to begin flying international routes, beginning with the Yangon-Singapore link.

A report from CAPA Centre for Aviation this week described the move as a "big gamble" for the company and the Burmese government.

It said Burma-based airlines have so far struggled to dislodge major Singaporean players on the route since those airlines are able to offer flyers connections to countries outside of the region.

Local private airline Golden Myanmar Airways, and MNI, had already come across such difficulties on the Yangon-Singapore route and other international links, it said. GMA has stopped its flights to both Bangkok and Singapore after too many seats were left empty.

"Ultimately MNA will compete mainly against MAI, a predicament Golden Myanmar also faced during its year and a half in the Singapore market," the report said.

"Unfortunately for Myanmar's carriers this is virtually a zero sum game as this end of the market has not been growing. MAI and Golden Myanmar combined carried only slightly more passengers to and from Singapore in 2014 than MAI alone carried in 2012."

Foreign carriers have a major advantage as passengers can connect on to flights to the United States, Europe and elsewhere, while Burma's airlines only link to a few regional destinations, it said.

"The Myanmar government is taking a big gamble by investing heavily in MNA's international foray and expansion," the report said. "Perhaps the government is willing to increase subsidies of the flag carrier, hoping MNA will stimulate tourism and help raise the profile of Myanmar internationally.

"But there is good reason for the private airlines of Myanmar and foreign carriers that have pursued expansion in the Myanmar market to be irritated. MNA's ambitious expansion could distort the playing field in several markets, starting with the important Myanmar-Singapore route."

Heineken Looks to Challenge Burma's Beer Monopoly

Dutch beer producer Heineken is reportedly set to officially open a new factory in Burma on Sunday, as it enters the country's military-dominated grog sector.

A report in London's Financial Times this week said the factory, costing Heineken $60 million, would initially turn out 30 million liters of beer per year, with the potential to increase that to 100 million liters.

The report said Heineken would be launching a low-cost beer tailored for the Burmese market labeled "Regal Seven."

The Dutch brewer's entry follows Danish company Carlsberg opening a factory just two months ago.

But both companies must compete with the dominance of Myanmar Brewery, part of the military-controlled conglomerate Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings. The Financial Times said the company, which brews Myanmar beer as well as Tiger, currently holds an estimated 80 percent of the local beer market.

"Breaking into a market in which the incumbent is a state-owned monopoly is difficult and can be expensive," Javier Gonzalez Lastra, an analyst at German financial institution Berenberg told the Financial Times. "Heineken should be prepared to make losses initially, with a view to making money over the long term, because Myanmar has huge growth potential."

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 11, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘When Will Burmese Football Reach Its Golden Age?’

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 06:27 PM PDT

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, the panel discusses where Burmese football is headed following the under-23 team's strong showing at the Southeast Asia Games in Singapore. (Photos: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, the panel discusses where Burmese football is headed following the under-23 team's strong showing at the Southeast Asia Games in Singapore. (Photos: The Irrawaddy)

On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, Burmese Editor Aye Chan Myae discusses where Burmese football is headed following the under-23 team's strong showing at the Southeast Asia Games in Singapore. Aye Chan Myae is joined by The Irrawaddy's Thalun Zaung Htet and Win Thu Moe, technical director with Yangon United FC.

Aye Chan Myae: Welcome to this week's Dateline Irrawaddy. This week, we'll discuss when Burma's football team will be able to reach its golden age, identify challenges and assess the role of governmental support. Ko Win Thu Moe, a technical director with Yangon United FC who also held the same position with the Mandalay Football Academy and The Irrawaddy's Burmese editor Thalun Zaung Htet will join me for the discussion. I am The Irrawaddy's Burmese Editor Aye Chan Myae.

Ko Win Thu Moe and Ko Thalun, as everyone knows, Burma's under-23 men's football team [which competed in the SEA Games in Singapore in June] brought high hopes to Burmese people across the world. Even though the team did not win gold, Burmese people were very satisfied with the under-23 team. Ko Win Thu Moe, what is your assessment of Burma's under-23 football team?

Win Thu Moe: People, including football fans, didn't know much about the under-23 team before the SEA Games. And even in football circles, they did not expect the team to have performed that well. The team was a dark horse. Everyone was paying attention to the under-20 football team which would be competing in the U-20 World Cup. Since U Kyi Lwin [under-23 football team coach] is the head coach of Magway FC in the Myanmar National League (MNL), he has played against every team and knows which players are good. So, he could choose the right players. He did not get enough time, but he prepared the best he could. This is the main reason why the team notched up victories. Had a foreign coach, or someone who didn't know the players, been assigned to coach the team, it would have been quite difficult for the team to perform like that. It is fair to say that the team had a nice blend.

ACM: Watching the under-23 team's matches, we hoped as fans that Burma's football would have a bright future, because of their teamwork and the fact that there was greater support from the people than expected. Ko Thalun, what do you think?

Thalun Zaung Htet: I supported the team. All the fans have constantly given strong support for football. But this time, there were more supporters as well as new supporters, because of the internet. When there was a football match featuring the Burma under-23 team, Facebook users wrote "let's support our team" on their pages. The competition was held in Singapore, but Burmese people in both Singapore and Burma gave ardent support to the team. The support of people is encouraging. I think this kind of support will serve as a driving force for the future of Burmese football.

ACM: All Burmese football fans witnessed the performance of the players of the under-23 team. They heartily welcomed the team at the airport as they arrived back from Singapore. Ko Win Thu Moe, do you know any plans for the future of Burmese football as you are a technical director now and you also used to be a technical director at Mandalay Football Academy?

WTM: This year is a tough year for the Myanmar Football Federation (MFF). They have to select three teams—the national team to compete in World Cup qualifiers, another one for SEA Games and also for the under-20. Previously, we were only able to field two teams at most, but this time had to field three teams at the same time. Players such as Kyaw Ko Ko, Kyi Linn and Yan Aung Kyaw were selected for the national team. Some of them are still young enough to play in the SEA Games, but were selected for the national team. The under-20 squad was made based on the under-19 team which won their under-20 qualifier with only one or two players changed. The under-23 squad was comprised of unknown but talented players in the MNL. The national football team is not very good. Everyone knows that. But the generation has changed. When the national team retires, the under-23 team will take its place and the under-20s will take the place of the under-23s. It is about how many football teams of younger generations there are. As far as I know, the under-18 football team is formed and coached by Ko Than Htike. That team competed in under-16 international and local competitions for around two years. It is playing in MNL-2 now. One more team should be formed with players from MNL-2. At present the under-15 team is competing in the Mekong Cup in Japan. There are two younger teams—under-14 and under-13—being trained at Mandalay Football Academy. The MFF is nurturing these players to ensure a constant supply of footballers. Likewise, football clubs have formed football teams of younger players. It is necessary to turn out footballers constantly. Considering the population of our country, the number of football teams is small.

ACM: When we were young, football was greatly supported at schools. There were football competitions at ward and township levels. But now, there are no such competitions. And again, as you know Ko Thalun, football pitches are seized and used for commercial purposes. Would you tell me about this, Ko Thalun?

TZH: In fact, [success in] sports depends largely on the country's leaders. They offered words of encouragement only when the team reached the final in the SEA Games. Beyond that, if they had constantly turned out [footballers], it would have developed a lot. Burmese football fans ask this question—when will Burmese football reach its golden age? This is the question they always ask. And sports commentators say football is largely related to politics. The leaders of the country should have nurtured [footballers] with a clear aim. But now, we see football pitches with signboards reading "playing football prohibited" everywhere. Football pitches are exploited for commercial purposes; one of the most significant examples: a garden in South Okkalapa Township was confiscated by the Union Solidarity and Development Party and measures are underway to turn it into a condominium. To turn out strong footballers, bodies and parties that are leading the country should have thought about building football pitches for every ward and school. The things that they have done without considering [the consequences] have had impacts on sports. As Ko Win Thu Moe said, we need to do long-term planning. The under-23 team deserves our due credit for it could do that much with little support. All the leaders of the country including the president and the army chief need to change their mindset, I think.

WTM: It is fair to say that it is the fault of concerned ministries that gardens and pitches are grabbed. The Yangon City Development Committee should have plans about gardens and playgrounds. Likewise, in case of erecting new buildings in schools, if concerned school principals, education officers and ministries had sports awareness, they would not allow new buildings to be built on playgrounds. Instead, for example, they could have a two-storey building built into a three-storey one, avoiding encroaching on the playground. If policymakers had sports awareness, we would not have to lose playgrounds. But we have lost many now as they do not have sports awareness. As far as I am concerned, the Sports Ministry has more than 400 pitches nationwide including more than 200 pitches with 400-meter running tracks. Those pitches should be maintained regularly. Respective township [authorities] should maintain their pitches. And they should also set out timetables for children, selected teams and clubs to use the pitch. Football will thrive when the entire country plays it. But now, policymakers themselves do not have sports awareness and there have been resultant consequences, I think.

ACM: Sports should be given proper support because only when it develops will the health, education and the morality of the children, who are the future of our country, also develop. As the football federation is nurturing football teams of different ages for a continuous supply of footballers, there is hope for the country, I think. Probably Ko Win Thu Moe will be able to answer the question of when Burmese football will reach its golden age.

WTM: To answer this question, we need to draw a comparison with other countries. For example, we are not in a position to beat Thailand. Why? Because there are so many football pitches and trainers in Thailand. Schools there encourage and create chances for students to play football. If we want to beat Thailand, we need to take a look into what it is doing and amend our weak points. Likewise, if we want to win against Japan, we need to take at look at what it is doing and do better than that. We need to go level by level—ASEAN level, Asia level and the international level. Even in ASEAN, it is quite difficult for us to beat Vietnam and Thailand. In the SEA Games, we won [against Vietnam], but it would be difficult to beat the national team. Likewise, we are not sure we can definitely beat Malaysia and Indonesia. At present, we are weak without pitches, support and the recognition of the government. We need to check what our football giant neighbors are doing and we need to do better than that. If we want to reach Asia's level, we need to take cues from Asian football giants. The Myanmar Football Federation or Yangon United FC alone is not enough. The government must grant funds and reclaim pitches. It is very easy to reclaim pitches now. In Japan, almost all the pitches in the entire country are turf. Here, if only the government is willing, it can create turf pitches which can be used in any weather and at any time. If only it is willing to allocate the budget for this… Given existing players and existing teams, Burmese football can't reach its golden age. Only when [policymakers] adopt a clear long-term plan and do better than football-developed countries, will Burmese football be able to reach its golden age.

ACM: Setting aside the question of when Burmese football can reach its golden age, and drawing conclusions from our discussion, we have promising players, but then in principle, the support of policymakers plays an important part, I would say. Thank you.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'When Will Burmese Football Reach Its Golden Age?' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Speaking Out Against the Shwedagon Highrise Projects

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 06:11 PM PDT

Workers clear away Dagon City billboards and lighting surrounding the former Marga project on July 9, 2015. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Workers clear away Dagon City billboards and lighting surrounding the former Marga project on July 9, 2015. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

The president's decision on Tuesday evening to terminate the controversial highrise projects near Shwedagon, the country's most well-known and revered pagoda, offered a degree of relief for many Burmese who treasure their cultural and historical heritage.

Our newsroom felt even greater relief—because we have a story behind the headlines.

On one late afternoon in April this year, our Irrawaddy office in Rangoon received a phone call from a public relations company affiliated with Marga Landmark, the international firm behind the high-profile Dagon City 1 project, a US$300 million joint venture with local partner Thukha Yadana.

The PR company employee informed The Irrawaddy that Marga Landamark was preparing a lawsuit against one of our reporters who continuously covered the five controversial projects which critics argue would have blocked sightlines to the sacred Shwedagon Pagoda.

The caller said the stories published in The Irrawaddy had damaged the company's image.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of
the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

We attempted to obtain more information on the pending lawsuit but the PR company declined. We had planned to write a story on the lawsuit but needed more details. Failing that, we decided to wait for an official letter from the company.

The Irrawaddy was one of few publications that extensively covered the five controversial projects. We were dedicated to this issue as we feel a shared responsibility to preserve our cultural, historical and spiritual heritage.

In this case, President Thein Sein deserves acknowledgement for making a rare decision in line with public sentiment, including the views of experts and Buddhist monks, to stop the construction proceeding.

Since early January, The Irrawaddy has published more than two dozen stories on the controversial projects online and in print publications. Many local publications covered the issue but coverage in the international press was somewhat rarer.

Many stories centered on Dagon City 1, as it was the project most visibly progressing, with the company opening a showroom and selling apartment spaces.

In fact, the more than 70 acre site on which all five projects were due to launch is land that belongs to the military. Thukha Yadana was awarded the 51.73-acre site for the Dagon City project in an open tender by the Ministry of Defence's Quartermaster General's Office in 2013.

Three other companies also won tenders to develop the site, Shwe Taung Development Company, Adventure Myanmar Tour & Incentives Company, and Marga Landmark.

It seemed our extensive coverage was not appreciated by the latter company.

Following the threat to sue, we had long discussions in our newsroom whenever we would report on the development projects. The company rarely responded to our subsequent enquiries, or was slow in doing so.

On May 9, Marga Landmark released a statement:

"The recent false rumors and wrong information about Dagon City One made on public channels by an individual in his own capacity have stirred up considerable doubts amongst the public and our customers on the good reputation of Marga Landmark and Dagon City One," the statement read.

"The Board of Directors of Marga Landmark is prepared to take legal action against this individual who has repeatedly made very personal defaming comments with inaccurate information and prejudiced views on Dagon City One…"

There was nothing factually wrong with our stories. We were simply reporting on an issue with significant cultural, historical and spiritual implications and upholding our responsibilities as journalists.

For a time, there was little public outcry on the issue, although a group of experts, architects and conservations sent an open letter to the president requesting that he reconsider the high-rise projects.

In mid-May, a groups of experts under the name, the Association of Myanmar Architects, held the "Save Shwedagon" forum and released a statement warning that the pagoda was in urgent need of protection and that its durability would be at risk if the developments nearby were not properly managed.

The experts unanimously urged the government to exercise caution in granting permission for developments in the historically significant area around the pagoda.

Hlaing Maw Oo, an architect and director from the Ministry of Construction, said during the forum that high-rise buildings near the pagoda risked "visual pollution."

"From an urban design point of view, it's unacceptable. The more visual pollution we have, the faster we will lose the view of the great pagoda for the next generation," she said.

We couldn't agree more.

On July 8, the morning after the government canceled the five planned projects, state-run newspaper the Global New Light of Myanmar reported: "The government also does not want to damage the religious edifices and cultural heritages including the Shwedagon Pagoda for development and held negotiations with the companies to cancel the projects."

The government's actions in this case are welcome. But in future, it should avoid similar mistakes by committing to prior due diligence, consultation and negotiation and aspiring to find the right balance between conservation and development.

The post Speaking Out Against the Shwedagon Highrise Projects appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, July 10, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


The Rise and Rise of the Ma Ba Tha Lobby

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 09:00 AM PDT

 

Monks in the audience at the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion's two-year anniversary conference in Insein Township. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Monks in the audience at the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion's two-year anniversary conference in Insein Township. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Ma Ba Tha is proving to be one of the most effective groups in Burma at extracting concessions from the quasi-civilian government.

Their ability to exert political pressure on the government stands in stark contrast to the plight of rights groups and lawmakers who, despite formidable efforts, have met with little success at pushing for political reforms, including constitutional change.

On June 7, the government of President Thein Sein ordered the cancellation of five controversial construction projects slated to be built near the revered Shwedagon Pagoda. The announcement came only weeks after Ma Ba Tha threatened nationwide protests against the developments and formed an advocacy group to help foment public opposition.

Although the influential monks of Ma Ba Tha, also known as the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, were not solely responsible for the demise of the project—which had attracted broader public concern—they no doubt helped ramp up pressure on Thein Sein's administration.

The Buddhist nationalist organization, which has been accused of spreading anti-Muslim rhetoric, was formed in mid-2013 amid a period when sporadic outbreaks of anti-Muslim violence were reported around the country.

Mandalay-based monk U Wirathu, a leading Ma Ba Tha member known for his particularly virulent attacks on Muslims, describes the organization in hallowed terms.

"We are a two-year-old boy, but we came down from the sky, not like a normal person. We are brilliant people," he said.

Shortly after their formation, the group proposed a controversial legislative package, commonly referred to as the Race and Religion Protection Laws, comprised of four bills that would regulate birthing, interfaith marriage, religious conversion and monogamy.

Despite widespread criticism from rights groups that the bills would undermine religious freedom, the rights of women and the rights of ethnic and religious minorities, two bills—on population control and interfaith marriage—have already been passed by Parliament.

Yet again, another successful achievement chalked up by Ma Ba Tha.

The group contends that no one within government is backing them and that they are free and independent. However, it seems that at least some dialogue has taken place between key leaders and certain influential monks behind the scenes.

Army officers in Rangoon Division reached out to Ma Ba Tha following a meeting between senior monks of the group on the development projects near Shwedagon.

On June 19, two military members, including the commander of Rangoon Division Command, met with Ma Ba Tha members at the group's second anniversary conference in Insein Township.

It was at this conference that the senior monk Bhaddamta Vimala, who serves as secretary of Ma Ba Tha, urged his fellow clergyman to rally support for the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party in Burma's upcoming general election.

The outspoken monk criticized the political opposition as too inexperienced to lead the country, claiming that the incumbent government "should have one more term… because I do not want our immature democracy to be damaged."

Was it just coincidence that such vocal support for the establishment party was made just days after the tete-a-tete between monks and the military?

Monks in Burma cannot vote but they are nonetheless a potentially powerful political force who could guide voters towards supporting a particular party.

The government is aware of this, although an Election Law will likely prohibit using religion in an attempt to sway voters. Article 364 of the Constitution also prohibits the "abuse of religion for political purposes."

Nonetheless, the government's apparent responsiveness to the wishes of nationalist monks is no doubt part of a carefully considered approach firmly tied to maximizing its electoral popularity come November.

The post The Rise and Rise of the Ma Ba Tha Lobby appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dead Generals, Crony’s Wife Removed From US Blacklist

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 08:49 AM PDT

 Burma's then Prime Minister Soe Win, now deceased, attends the signing ceremony of the 12th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) summit in Cebu, central Philippines, on Jan. 13, 2007. (Photo: Reuters)

Burma's then Prime Minister Soe Win, now deceased, attends the signing ceremony of the 12th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) summit in Cebu, central Philippines, on Jan. 13, 2007. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — The US Treasury Department on Thursday lifted sanctions on two deceased former generals and the wife of Burmese tycoon Tay Za, while maintaining his blacklisted status as a Specially Designated National (SDN).

Lt-Gen Soe Win and Lt-Gen Maung Bo, both leaders of Burma's former military regime, died in 2007 and 2009, respectively, while Thida Zaw is thought to be estranged from her husband Tay Za and was listed by the Treasury Department as residing in Singapore.

Thida Zaw had been placed on the SDN list along with her children thanks to the business dealings of Tay Za, who was himself listed in October 2007. The SDN designation prevents US companies from doing business with Tay Za and a handful of firms to which he is linked.

One of Burma's wealthiest businessmen, Tay Za has faced US censure for propping up the former junta and facilitating links with North Korea. His Htoo Group of Companies is a major player in Burma's tourism, logging, real estate and hotel industries.

While Tay Za remains an SDN, his wife's removal would appear to be linked to reports that the couple are separated. A 2007 diplomatic cable published by WikiLeaks describes an interview with Thida Zaw's eldest son Pye Phyo Tay Za, who said at the time that his parents had been separated for more than six years.

In its notification of her SDN removal on Thursday, Thida Zaw was listed as residing at 6 Cairnhill Circle in Cairnhill Crest, Singapore.

Responding to an inquiry about the delisting, the US Embassy in Rangoon said Thida Zaw was removed "because she no longer meets the criteria for which she was designated."

"Specially Designated Nationals or SDNs may be removed from the SDN list if they cease sanctionable activities or if they no longer meet the criteria for which they were designated," a US Embassy spokesperson told The Irrawaddy.

In June 2014, Tay Za and other SDNs met with Treasury Department officials in Burma to discuss Washington's criteria for delisting, but the US Embassy said Friday that Thida Zaw was not in attendance.

The US Embassy did not offer an explanation for the delisting of the two deceased members of Burma's former military regime, but a US Campaign for Burma spokesperson speculated that the move was made because "keeping them on the list was likely making life difficult for people with the same names."

Soe Win served as Burma's prime minister from 2004 to 2007, when he was succeeded by the country's current president, Thein Sein. Like most senior members of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), Soe Win was sanctioned by the US government for his affiliation with a regime whose reputation for silencing dissidents and democracy activists—sometimes brutally—had earned the reprobation of much of the Western world.

Soe Win had also gained the added notoriety of being known as the "Butcher of Depayin," linked to the 2003 massacre of scores of National League for Democracy (NLD) supporters when the convoy of party leader Aung San Suu Kyi came under attack by a mob in Depayin, Sagaing Division.

Less is known about Maung Bo, who served as chief of the Bureau of Special Operations-4, a region encompassing southeastern Burma, and was also a member of the SPDC. The former lieutenant general succumbed to liver cancer at a hospital in Singapore in 2009.

The United States has been revising the SDN roster in recent years as Burma's reform process has unfolded, with high-profile delistings including Thein Sein in September 2012 and more recently Win Aung, a tycoon in his own right and chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI).

The last time Washington added a name to the list was on Oct. 31, when it blacklisted Aung Thaung, a senior member of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), for "intentionally undermining the positive political and economic transition in Burma."

Reporting by Andrew D. Kaspar, Feliz Solomon and Yen Snaing.

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3 Activists Sentenced to 4 Months for Prayer in Central Burma

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 08:17 AM PDT

 Supporters gather outside the Meikhtila Township Court on July 10, 2015. Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy)

Supporters gather outside the Meikhtila Township Court on July 10, 2015. Photo: Zarni Mann / The Irrawaddy)

MANADALAY — Three activists have been sentenced to four months in prison for holding a prayer session in support of student demonstrations earlier this year, the latest in a string of convictions for violating Burma's controversial Peaceful Assembly Law.

Myint Myint Aye, 57, Khin May Si, 65, and May Thet Oo, 54, were founding guilty of holding an assembly without permission by the Meikhtila Township Court on Friday, a breach of Article 18 punishable with up to six months in prison.

"They said they were just praying but they held placards while walking to the pagoda, which was performed like a public rally and requires a permit," said township court Justice Maung Lwin. "Since they held a public assembly, I've decided on my own decision that they should serve four months in prison."

In early May of this year, solidarity prayers and marches sprung up in several parts of Burma in support of a grassroots student movement protesting a new National Education Law. The events were largely premised on urging the government not to use violence to disperse a core column of student activists sequestered outside a monastery in central Burma's Letpadan.

On May 3, the three women sentenced on Friday—who members of the Social Assistance Network, the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, respectively—were joined by other activists to pray for the safety of the students. Shortly thereafter, the Meikhtila Police Superintendent brought the charges against the trio.

Dozens of supporters gathered outside the heavily guarded courthouse on Friday, but none were allowed in to hear the court's ruling.

Khin May Si, the NLD member, addressed the crowd just after the decision as she was leaving the courthouse en route to her cell.

"We were just praying peacefully at the pagoda and they say we are guilty," she said. "We're disappointed that we have no freedom to worship and o pray, so we would like to urge everyone not to worship at the pagoda or you will be jailed."

Speaking briefly with The Irrawaddy just before her transport, Myint Myint Aye called the decision "unfair."

"The authorities fear the students and the activists, so they put everyone behind bars," she said. "Arrests, lawsuits and unfair sentences against the students, activists, even farmers, they show that the authorities fear everyone—especially activists—for their participation in the upcoming elections."

The three women were immediately transported to Meikhtila Prison to carry out their sentences. Their lawyer, Han Su Yin, said they plan to appeal at a district-level court.

"We thought they would just be fined, but sentencing them to prison is too much; all of them are old enough that they shouldn't be behind bars," Han Su Yin said.

Myint Myint is already serving a two month sentence on unrelated charges of trespassing, which were brought against her during a land rights demonstration.

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No DNA Evidence Lost in Murders of Britons, say Thai Police

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 04:42 AM PDT

Thai police take a sample for DNA testing as data is collected from people who work near the spot where bodies of two killed British tourists were found, on the island of Koh Tao on Sept 19. (Photo: Reuters)

Thai police take a sample for DNA testing as data is collected from people who work near the spot where bodies of two killed British tourists were found, on the island of Koh Tao on Sept 19. (Photo: Reuters)

KOH SAMUI, Thailand — DNA evidence in the murder case of two British backpackers has not been lost, Thai police said on Friday, taking back earlier statements by police that crucial evidence had been misplaced.

The trial of two migrant workers from Burma accused of killing tourists David Miller, 24, and Hannah Witheridge, 23, in Thailand began on Wednesday.

Thai police said in October that Zaw Lin and Win Zaw Htun, both 22, had initially confessed to the killings.

Witheridge and Miller, who met while on holiday in Thailand, were found dead on a beach on the island of Koh Tao last September. Post-mortem examinations showed both suffered severe head wounds and Witheridge was raped.

The high-profile murder case has been mired in controversy from the start. Soon after the bodies were found, Thai netizens mocked the police investigation and accused officers of failing to seal off the crime scene quickly enough and failing to stop potential suspects from leaving the island.

DNA evidence is central to the high-profile case. Police say it is what links the two suspects on trial for the murders with the body of one of the victims.

The defense team has requested that some DNA samples be retested.

Thai police said on Thursday some key DNA evidence in the trial of the two men had been lost or that there was not enough of it to be retested as the defense has demanded.

Police Colonel Somkiat Kaewmook, deputy police chief of Surat Thani province, where the island is located, and the legal coordinator for forensic police, said no evidence had been lost.

"Nothing has been lost," Somkiat told reporters. "There are materials that were finished in the testing process, [which] means they do not exist.

"But those remaining items that are solid… we will send to the court," he added.

Thai police said in October the two accused men had confessed to the killings, but they later retracted their confessions, saying they had been made under duress.

Police say they have a watertight case, and that DNA found on the victims matched the suspects.

The men could face the death penalty if found guilty. A verdict is expected in October.

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Art Exhibition Conjures Burmese Days Gone By

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 04:20 AM PDT

Click to view slideshow.

RANGOON — A new exhibition at Rangoon's Lokanat Gallery offers a telling glimpse into the fashions and pastimes of days long gone in Burma.

"A Burmese Legend," featuring 46 watercolor and acrylic works by Wa Lone, captures spectacular characters of bygone times in the golden land.

In his third solo exhibition, Wa Lone said he sought to conjure the days of black and white memory, but offer them to a contemporary viewer with a modern sensibility.

"In the past," he said, "everyone had their own Myanmar style. King, hunter, artist, trader, man and woman; they had their own styles, and I drew those."

Works will be on view through July 14, and are available for purchase with price tags ranging from US$150 to $1,500.

Lokanat Gallery is located on the first floor of No. 62 Pansodan Road in Kyauktada Township, and is open daily from 9 am to 5 pm.

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Burma Ratifies Chemical Weapons Treaty

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 03:43 AM PDT

Workers dressed in protective clothing, hold a dummy chemical World War Two grenade, during a media demonstration at the Society for the Disposal of Chemical Weapons and Ordnance (GEKA) in Munster, March 5, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Workers dressed in protective clothing, hold a dummy chemical World War Two grenade, during a media demonstration at the Society for the Disposal of Chemical Weapons and Ordnance (GEKA) in Munster, March 5, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma has ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, more than two decades after becoming a state signatory.

Foreign Affairs Minister Wunna Maung Lwin addressed the 79th executive council session of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPWC) in The Hague, Netherlands, on Thursday, and will become the 191st state party to the protocol after 30 days.

"Myanmar is committed to fulfilling its obligations under the Convention and looks forward to cooperating with other States Parties to bring about a world completely free of chemical weapons," the minister said in a statement by OPCW.

Burma was among the early signatories to the treaty, signing on in 1993, though several neighboring countries—including China and India—succeeded in ratifying much more quickly. Only five countries have yet to become members: Angola, Egypt, Israel, North Korea and South Sudan.

OPCW Director General Ahmet Üzümcü said in a statement that "Myanmar's membership will significantly strengthen the global prohibition against chemical weapons, especially in Asia."

The Chemical Weapons Convention prohibits the production, development, possession, stockpiling, transfer and use of chemical weapons.

Once a country has ratified the convention and become a States Party, it must declare and destroy stockpiles of chemical weapons and related production sites. States Parties are also obligated to submit to international monitoring and verification.

Burma's address to the OPCW ironically took place almost one year to the day of the sentencing of five media workers to lengthy prison terms with hard labor for reporting on an alleged chemical weapons plant.

The journalists—four reporters and the CEO of Unity Weekly journal—were found guilty of violating a colonial era state secrecy act while investigating a military-owned facility in Magwe, central Burma.

Initially sentenced to 10 years, their punishment was later reduced to seven years with hard labor, which they are currently serving. The infamous case brought international attention to Burma's protracted non-party status.

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Senator: No US Trade Benefits for Burma Before Election

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 02:53 AM PDT

US Senator Mitch McConnell, left, talks to reporters after meeting Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi at Suu Kyi's home in Rangoon on Jan. 16, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

US Senator Mitch McConnell, left, talks to reporters after meeting Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi at Suu Kyi's home in Rangoon on Jan. 16, 2012. (Photo: Reuters)

WASHINGTON — The United States should not provide trade benefits to Burma until after November parliamentary elections that will signal the state of political reform in the former pariah state, the Senate leader said on Thursday.

Republican Senator Mitch McConnell strongly criticized the quasi-civilian government of Burma for blocking changes late last month to a junta-era constitution that still gives the military a veto on any amendments and prevents opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from seeking the presidency.

"In light of the recent defeat of constitutional reform, I believe that steps, such as including Burma in the Generalized System of Preferences program, should be put on hold until after this fall's election," McConnell said.

McConnell, who is a prominent voice in Congress on US policy toward Burma, said its leaders “took a step backward from the path to more representative government.”

He said additional steps to normalize relations, such as including Burma in a program that provides duty-free benefits to poor countries, should be put on hold until after the vote.

State Department spokesman Mark Toner on Wednesday welcomed the announcement of the Nov. 8 election date, saying a credible parliamentary vote will be an important step in Burma's democratic transition. He said the United States was providing technical support to the election commission, political parties and civil society to ensure elections are "inclusive and transparent."

The last general election was held in 2010 under rules widely seen as rigging the outcome to favor a military-backed party, which won the lion's share of parliamentary seats. This year's vote is expected to be more competitive, with Suu Kyi's party likely to fare well.

But McConnell warned that because of the defeat of the constitutional reforms, "even if the actual conduct of the election proves to be free and fair, it risks being something other than the will of the people."

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Court Brings Trespassing Charges Against Two NLD Members

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 02:49 AM PDT

National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi points to names on a voter list in her Kawhmu Township constituency on Saturday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi points to names on a voter list in her Kawhmu Township constituency on Saturday. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A Naypyidaw court this week brought charges against two opposition party members accused of trespassing while carrying out a door-to-door voter list verification campaign in the capital.

Tin Htay, 53, and Sein Maung Myint, 63, members of the Naypyidaw chapter of the National League for Democracy (NLD), were notified by police late last month that they had been reported as trespassers while visiting a residence in the capital's Zabuthiri Township.

The pair was indicted by the township court on Wednesday under Penal Code Article 448, which carries potential penalties of a fine and a maximum one-year prison sentence for trespassing on residential property.

They were initially notified that they would be charged under a different article, 477, punishable with three months in prison.

Tin Htay told The Irrawaddy that police took depositions from the two men on June 23, but excluded a witness present at the time of the alleged offense.

Tin Htay and Sein Maung Myint visited the home Thet Htun Oo in Shwe Kyar Pin ward in mid-June as part of a door-to-door voter list verification drive carried out by the NLD, which has complained of irregularities and inaccuracies in the roster.

The defendants said they entered the house with the permission of its occupants, and had no trouble while they were there. A few days later they warned by township police that they may face charges.

"The father of Thet Htun Oo allowed us to enter the house. We gave that statement to the police but he has been excluded [from the deposition and hearing]. Instead, the ward administrator and his brother are listed as witnesses, but they weren't present when we made the visit," Tin Htay said, maintaining their innocence.

"We were just doing the right, as our central committee instructed, and as [Union Election Commission] Chairman Tin Aye requested—for parties to work together to make the voter lists accurate," he said.

The township's NLD Chairman. U Swe, said nearly 50 percent of the area's voter lists contained errors. Additionally, some 20 percent of the township's eligible voters were not included in the list at all, he said.

"We will defend against [these charges]," U Swe said. "Voter lists throughout the country have errors, and if we don't correct it we will not have free and fair elections. I think this is a warning not to continue the verification, but we will keep at it."

Tin Htay said the two men will return to court on July 22 for trial. No other NLD members have faced legal action or other repercussions for their participation in the campaign, he said.

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As Suu Kyi Eyes Election Triumph, Beijing Goes Courting

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 02:30 AM PDT

China's President Xi Jinping shakes hands with Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during their meeting at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on June 11, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / China Daily)

China's President Xi Jinping shakes hands with Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during their meeting at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on June 11, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / China Daily)

Beijing's recent courting of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was deliberate and well-calculated. At a time when the political maneuvering in Myanmar is heating up ahead of elections later this year, "The Lady" flew to Beijing in June to meet Chinese president Xi Jinping in the Great Hall of the People.

Should her visit surprise anyone?

In the minds of Chinese leaders, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's invitation letter was effectively penned after she made visits to the White House and other Western capitals in 2012. Beijing could not simply sit back and watch the influential opposition leader be subsumed exclusively into the Western orbit.

The government invited senior members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to China for discussions over the last two years, laying the groundwork for last month's high-level meeting.

On Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's part, she sent a signal of appeasement to China in 2013 when she led a commission that green-lighted the controversial Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mine project despite significant local opposition.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy.

"We have to get along with the neighboring country, whether we like it or not," she said amid the wave of ensuing criticism.

Once dubbed the "darling of the West," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recently accused the US and others of complacency on Myanmar policy. "The United States and the West in general are too optimistic and a bit of healthy skepticism would help everybody a great deal," she said.

While the US and its allies have seemingly become more tolerant of the Myanmar government, the relationship between Naypyitaw and Beijing has soured since the 2011 suspension of the US$3.6 billion China-backed Myitsone hydropower project in northern Kachin State. Needless to say, China was not happy with the decision and has sought to have the project revived.

Tensions have also recently arisen over conflict in the Kokang Special Region along the Sino-Myanmar border which has spilled over into Yunnan, leaving several Chinese villagers dead or injured. China's People's Liberation Army carried out a live-fire drill along the border last month that was widely viewed as a warning to the Myanmar government.

Interestingly, the day after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's plane landed in Beijing, the Kokang group that has been battling the Myanmar Army since February declared a unilateral ceasefire. Yang Houlan, China's outgoing ambassador to Myanmar, told Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing that the Chinese government had contacted Kokang leaders to stop military operations and solve problems through political means. Was the timing a coincidence?

Sending Signals

Despite friction, China remains Myanmar's largest investor, accounting for about US$14.6 billion in cumulative investments—nearly a third of all FDI. The country has invested in just about every sector of Myanmar's budding economy, with a particularly strong foothold in hydropower, gas and oil and with grand plans, such as a railway line linking Yunnan and Rakhine State, still in the offing.

China views Myanmar as crucial to securing strategic access to the Indian Ocean. But seeing the rise of Western influence in the country once dubbed a Chinese "client state" has given Beijing pause.

What if Western companies ramp up their investment in Myanmar, where resentment toward Chinese firms runs deep? What if US-Myanmar relations continue to improve? Chinese leaders realize the country could lose the advantage it once had when Myanmar was internationally ostracized and cut off from Western investment.

Beijing knew that inviting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to China, with its history of support for Myanmar's previous military junta, was complicated, but could also win the hearts and minds of many Myanmar citizens. In reaching out to the NLD leader, China was bypassing the Myanmar generals, whom it senses harbor a degree of anti-Chinese sentiment.

The visit also sent a signal to the West that China remains a key player in Myanmar affairs, even as the US, the EU and others step up their engagement with the once pariah nation.

In an English-language editorial, the state-run Xinhua News Agency said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit was a sign that the Communist Party not only communicates with parties with "the same ideology, but also those with a different political vision."

"China welcomes anyone with friendly intentions and it bears no grudge for past unpleasantness," the editorial said.

In fact, China has been courting four potential post-election leaders in Myanmar. President Xi Jinping has separately hosted President U Thein Sein, Myanmar Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Union Parliament Speaker U Shwe Mann in Beijing.

Many are curious to know what the Chinese president and the Myanmar opposition leader spoke about during their meeting in Beijing. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been tightlipped about the visit, telling the Washington Post only that it was "a good discussion" and that "we all understand neighbors have to live in peace and harmony."

Many activists called on the NLD leader to speak up for imprisoned Chinese dissident, writer and fellow Nobel Peace prize winner Liu Xiaobo during her meetings in China. Sadly, this was always wishful thinking.

Like other seasoned politicians around the world, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is guided by pragmatism; she is no longer an icon of democracy and human rights. China knows this and hence felt comfortable inviting her to Beijing.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's shrewd political pragmatism may come from her father, Gen. Aung San, who led an alliance with the Japanese in order to drive out the British colonialists. He later switched sides, back to the British, in order to dislodge the Japanese. In the view of many Myanmar, Gen. Aung San is respected as a leader willing to cut a deal with either friends or enemies to achieve his goal: the nation's independence.

Beijing may view Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the best chance of securing its stake in the country. She is bound to be an influential political player after the elections and, if properly courted, might be willing to endorse Chinese investments and calm rising anti-China sentiment among the public.

Whether supporting China-backed development projects and large-scale investment is in the best interests of the nation is, however, an open question.

This is a new ball game, where China has decided to make a move with one eye on the November poll. The invitation to Myanmar's opposition leader may hint that China has already placed a first bet on where political influence will lie in Myanmar's post-election landscape.

Although it would publically state the exact opposite, for Beijing, the coming election in its troubled neighbor is much more than an "internal affair."

This article originally appeared in the July 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Thailand Says It Rejected China’s Request to Deport All Uighur Muslims

Posted: 10 Jul 2015 12:38 AM PDT

Suspected Uighurs are transported back to a detention facility in the town of Songkhla in southern Thailand after visiting women and children at a separate shelter in March 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Suspected Uighurs are transported back to a detention facility in the town of Songkhla in southern Thailand after visiting women and children at a separate shelter in March 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — Thailand said on Friday that it had rejected a request from Beijing to deport all Uighur Muslims held in detention camps back to China, two days after the deportation of nearly 100 Uighurs sparked international criticism.

Beijing's request was denied based on the grounds that the Uighurs' nationalities had to be "verified" by Thai authorities first, Col. Weerachon Sukhondhapatipak, deputy Thai government spokesman, told reporters.

"We did this according to international agreement and international law and keeping in mind human rights," said Weerachon.

"This decision was difficult to make. It is not like all of a sudden China asks for Uighurs and we just give them back. China asked for all Uighur Muslims in Thailand to be sent back but we said we could not do it," he said.

More than 170 Uighurs were identified as Turkish citizens and sent to Turkey from Thailand over the past month, said Weerachon, while nearly 100 were sent back to China. Fifty others still need to have their citizenship verified.

Thailand's decision to deport nearly 100 Uighurs from several immigration detention centers in Bangkok late on Wednesday was condemned by the United States and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which strongly urged China to ensure proper treatment of the Uighurs.

Hundreds, possibly thousands, of Uighurs have fled unrest in China's western Xinjiang region where hundreds of people have been killed, prompting a crackdown by Chinese authorities. They have traveled clandestinely through Southeast Asia to Turkey.

China's treatment of its Turkic language-speaking Uighur minority is a sensitive issue in Turkey and has strained bilateral ties ahead of a planned visit to Beijing this month by President Tayyip Erdogan. Erdogan plans to raise the plight of the Uighurs during his trip.

The deportation of the Uighurs has sparked protests in Turkey. Police used tear gas on Thursday to disperse about 100 protesters at the Chinese Embassy in the capital Ankara after they knocked down a barricade and protesters attacked Thailand's honorary consulate in Istanbul late on Wednesday, smashing windows and breaking in.

Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha has raised the possibility of shutting the Thai embassy in Ankara, but on Friday said he wanted to maintain good relations with both Turkey and China.

"Thailand and Turkey are not rivals and we do not want to destroy trade and commerce with Turkey," Prayuth told reporters in Bangkok. "At the same time, we do not want to destroy the relationship between China and Thailand."

Turkey has vowed to keep its doors open to Uighur migrants fleeing persecution in China. Some Turks see themselves as sharing a common cultural and religious heritage with their Uighur "brothers" and Turkey is home to a large Uighur diaspora.

Human Rights Watch called on Thailand to halt the deportation of Uighur Muslim migrants to China in a statement on Friday, fearing they could face ill-treatment.

The New-York based rights group said the risks to Uighurs forcibly returned to China were "grim and well established."

"Thailand should make it clear it won't further violate international law by immediately announcing a moratorium on additional deportations of Turkic people to China," said Sophie Richardson, China director for Human Rights Watch.

On Friday, the Global Times, an influential tabloid published by China's ruling Communist Party's official newspaper, said China's Ministry of Public Security confirmed that police "successfully repatriated" more than 100 people from Thailand.

The newspaper said the people were mostly from China's Xinjiang region, the heartland of the Muslim Uighur people who call the region home, and were "illegal immigrants" or members of gangs involved in people smuggling.

"Many among them planned to reach Turkey through Southeast Asian countries and then head to Syria and Iraq to participate in terrorist groups," the newspaper said.

The Ministry of Public Security did not respond to a request for comment.

Beijing denies restricting the Uighurs' religious freedoms and blames Islamist militants for a rise in violent attacks in Xinjiang in the past three years in which hundreds have died.

China is home to about 20 million Muslims spread across its vast territory, only a portion of whom are Uighurs.

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Seoul: North Korean Leader Has so Far Executed 70 Officials

Posted: 09 Jul 2015 11:42 PM PDT

 North Korean leader Kim Jong-un visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the 21st anniversary of the death of founder Kim Il-sung in this undated picture released by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency on July 8, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / KCNA)

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un visits the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to mark the 21st anniversary of the death of founder Kim Il-sung in this undated picture released by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency on July 8, 2015. (Photo: Reuters / KCNA)

SEOUL, South Korea — Young North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has executed 70 officials since taking power in late 2011 in a "reign of terror" that far exceeds the bloodshed of his dictator father's early rule, South Korean officials said Thursday.

South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se, at a forum in Seoul, compared Kim Jong-un's 70 executions with those of his late father, Kim Jong-il, who he said executed about 10 officials during his first years in power.

An official from South Korea's National Intelligence Service, who refused to be named, citing office rules, confirmed that the spy agency believes the younger Kim has executed about 70 officials but wouldn't reveal how it obtained the information.

Yun also said that the younger Kim's "reign of terror affects significantly" North Koreans working overseas by inspiring them to defect to the South, but he also didn't reveal how he got the details.

North Korea, an authoritarian nation ruled by the Kim family since its founding in 1948, is secretive about its government's inner workings, and information collected by outsiders is often impossible to confirm.

High-level government purges have a long history in North Korea.

To strengthen his power, Kim Jong-un's grandfather, North Korea founder Kim Il-sung, removed pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese factions within the senior leadership in the years after the 1950-53 Korean War.

The high-ranking victims included Pak Hon-yong, formerly the vice chairman of the ruling Workers' Party of Korea and the country's foreign minister, who was executed in 1955 after being accused of spying for the United States.

Kim Jong-un has also removed key members of the old guard through a series of purges since taking over after the death of Kim Jong-il. The most spectacular purge to date was the 2013 execution of his uncle, Jang Song-thaek, for alleged treason. Jang was married to Kim Jong-il's sister and was once considered the second most powerful man in North Korea.

South Korea's spy agency told lawmakers in May that Kim ordered his then-defense chief Hyon Yong-chol executed with an anti-aircraft gun for complaining about the young ruler, talking back to him and sleeping during a meeting.

Experts say Kim could be using fear to solidify his leadership, but those efforts could fail if he doesn't improve the country's shattered economy.

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In Burma, a Rising Exodus but No Trafficking Arrests

Posted: 09 Jul 2015 11:05 PM PDT

A migrant boat intercepted by the Burma Navy near Irrawaddy Division in late May, 2015. (Photo: Ministry of Information)

A migrant boat intercepted by the Burma Navy near Irrawaddy Division in late May, 2015. (Photo: Ministry of Information)

NYAUNG CHAUNG, Arakan State — The bamboo-and-thatch village of Nyaung Chaung in Burma's Arakan State is typical of the places from which Rohingya Muslims flee. The fields don't provide a living, locals say. Jobs are scarce. Daily life is a series of humiliations from Burma's government, which officially considers them intruders and denies them citizenship.

Tens of thousands of Rohingya have fled Arakan State since the start of the year, joining perilous journeys on the boats of human traffickers through the Bay of Bengal.

But local officials say no one has been arrested for trafficking in the Burma state that supplies the vast majority of victims to this brutal trade.

"There have been no trafficking cases in Rakhine [Arakan] State so far [this year]. There is a police unit to track down human traffickers, so it's very rare in this area," Hla Thein, the Arakan State Attorney General, told Reuters.

Local Middlemen

Villagers give a very different account, linking local middlemen to a regional network that has been the subject of arrests abroad.

They say the link is a local man, Soe Naing—widely known as Anwar. His arrest in southern Thailand on April 28 led to the discovery of dozens of migrant graves along the Thailand-Malaysia border.

For years, Rohingya have fled poverty and persecution in Arakan State, boarding boats to Thailand, Malaysia and beyond to seek work and asylum. But clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in 2012 saw an explosion in the exodus, amid violence that killed hundreds and displaced more than 140,000.

As more than 100,000 fled, traffickers began holding migrants for ransom in jungle camps in Thailand and Malaysia. Untold numbers died on the journey.

In early May, Thailand began a sweeping crackdown on the trade after discovering scores of graves in abandoned trafficking camps along the Thailand-Malaysia border.

'Back and Forth'

Since the crackdown, Anwar's family home—a rambling structure of bamboo and corrugated iron, slathered in sky blue paint—has stood empty behind a metal fence.

Local police have not yet paid a visit.

Police Lieutenant San Min, the head of the anti-human trafficking unit in Maungdaw Township, whose office is a 10-minute drive away, told Reuters: "As far as I know, there hasn't been action against any human traffickers here."

The reason for that may be that police have not regarded Rohingya fleeing the country as being trafficked, said Police Lt. Col. Thet Naung, the national head of the police Anti-Human Trafficking Team.

They "were just going back and forth between regional countries, including Thailand, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia and Myanmar," he told Reuters.

He said Thai police had requested assistance in taking DNA samples from Rohingya in Arakan State, as part of their efforts to investigate alleged murders inside Thai camps, including those linked to Anwar.

Burmese authorities are ready to cooperate with the request, Thet Naung said.

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