The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

Five Decades On, Is Asean Ready to Grow Up? Posted: 26 Sep 2015 07:34 PM PDT President Thein Sein, center, with regional leaders at the 25th Asean Summit in Naypyidaw, November 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) SINGAPORE — The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is a peculiar creature. Though it draws a diverse mix of foreign leaders and ministers to its meetings, it has much less clout internally and often cannot get its own members to implement its decisions. The bloc works at a "practically glacial pace" and "every idea takes 10 years to mature," as Asean's inaugural secretary-general, Malaysia's Ajit Singh, put it at the annual Asean Roundtable, held at the Yusof Ishak-Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore this month. Nearly 50 years since its founding, Asean members are still struggling to surrender any political sovereignty, the key to becoming the powerhouse regional community they say they want to be. As an intergovernmental grouping, Asean's members are used to a loose kind of collective decision-making and an aversion to broaching the sensitivities of member states. Resolving these internal contradictions may well be the major challenge facing the bloc in the years ahead, as it steps up integration efforts with the official launch of the Asean Community in December. Putting itself forth as a community—especially the audacious push for a common market and eradication of trade, labor and capital barriers—throws up a wider mix of challenges for the organization. How these goals can be achieved, given that Asean members are allowed to pick and choose which elements they find palatable, with no sanctions on non-compliance or inaction, will determine how its journey to real integration will play out. What Community? Many binding Asean agreements have not been ratified more than five years after they were agreed to, noted Termsak Chalermpalanupap, the lead researcher for political-security issues at Singapore's Asean Studies Centre here. Clearly, the administrative backlog does little to add to Asean's clout and reflect poorly on how much value its own members put to the organization. Likewise, member states do not always have, or bother to invest in, the structures to implement binding Asean agreements. "There is no pain, no pressure if government officials don't do Asean work (inside member countries)," said Termsak, adding that Asean implementation committees in member countries often lack clout. For instance, the 2002 Asean Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution was ratified by Indonesia only last year. Its forest fires are now clouding Southeast Asia's skies, ruffling the feathers of its neighbors. "We must recognize what Asean is—essentially a grouping of 10 sovereign states who have not and are unwilling to give up any of their sovereignty," explained Tan Hung Seng, Singapore's permanent representative to Asean. With three months till the launch of the Asean Community, the barriers to integration seem entrenched. Many at this year's roundtable highlighted the Asean Community's goals as being largely state-driven, the wide development gap among its members, and the lack of a Southeast Asian identity and genuine political will. They asked if the Jakarta-based Asean secretariat had the capacity and resources to handle the Community blueprints, noting the secretary-general's weak position in holding countries accountable to commitments. Working to achieve specific, measurable targets in the Asean Community is perhaps part of the regional bloc's evolution, which started without many of the usual instruments of an organization. Asean did not have a secretariat until 10 years after it was formed in 1967, and it has no offices overseas. Its charter was only put in place in 2007, its 40th year, finally giving the association a legal personality. Still, Asean has proven its value in keeping the peace in Southeast Asia, no small feat given that some member countries would not even sit at the same table two decades ago. Today, 83 non-Asean countries have ambassadors to the bloc. Dialogue partners such as China, Australia and the United States praise Asean's political weight. "It's underappreciated in the larger global community," especially when it comes to keeping the peace in the region, said Nina Hachigian, the US ambassador to Asean. "We're all in into Asean and we're members of the Asean fan club," she said. Changing the Asean Way Against the backdrop of such support, all eyes are on how Asean countries execute their ambitious Community goals. In the end, it will boil down to what Asean members are willing to do with their own regional organization—and how seriously they take it. As it takes on bigger goals, Asean will need to change its practices, including the reliance on consensus as a decision-making method, said Michael Vatikiotis, the head of the Asian regional office of the Geneva-based Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. According to Vatikiotis, the consensus model may well be the root cause of the inability to integrate more fully. Participants at this month's roundtable pointed to how hard it has been for Asean to agree even on smaller issues, such as making Aug. 8, Asean's founding day, a holiday, or putting the Asean logo on passports. Noting that Asean did not rank high in the national agendas of its member states and was relatively unknown amongst the general public, Termsak said that national politicians did not feel obligated to implement the bloc's decisions . As the December launch of the Asean Community approaches, national politics are likely to trump regional aspirations. Jokowi's government in Indonesia faces continuing domestic woes, Singapore's People's Action Party has just received an overwhelming mandate in the country's September election, and Burma will head to the polls in November. "The timing of all this…is terrible," said Vatiokiotis. "Asean states are preoccupied with internal political issues, elections, leadership crises, and therefore, at this point perhaps hardly has time to focus on the nitty-gritty of integration," he said. Those involved with the association since its outset say that, despite Asean's glacial progress in brokering regional cooperation, in bringing together countries such profound ethnic, linguistic, financial and developmental diversity should be recognized. When Singh, Asean's founding secretary-general, was asked if he had thought decades ago that the bloc could evolve into what it is today, he replied, "I would have been hard put to say yes." Johanna Son, based in Bangkok for 15 years, has covered regional affairs for more than two decades. This article is part the 'Reporting Asean: 2015 and Beyond' series by the IPS Asia-Pacific news agency. The post Five Decades On, Is Asean Ready to Grow Up? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States

National News

---

At least three Myanmar pilgrims die in Hajj stampede Posted: 27 Sep 2015 12:47 AM PDT Three Muslim pilgrims from Myanmar have been confirmed dead and 10 remain missing following last week's stampede near the holy city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia, a Muslim organisation says.

You are subscribed to email updates from National News. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States

The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

• Remembering Saffron: Of Monks and Military Men
• Aviation Expert: ‘Every Challenge is an Opportunity’
• The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Sept. 26, 2015)

Remembering Saffron: Of Monks and Military Men Posted: 25 Sep 2015 08:14 PM PDT A group of monks sit in protest after being halted by riot policemen and military officials as they attempt to proceed to the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon on Sept. 26, 2007. (Photo: Reuters) In this article from The Irrawaddy archives, first published in September 2014, Irrawaddy founding editor Aung Zaw examines the legacy of the short-lived Saffron Uprising. In 2007, thousands of monks marched in protest against one of the most repressive and corrupt regimes in the world. They were peaceful demonstrations, with the clergymen chanting the prayers of the Metta Sutta—the Buddha's discourse on loving kindness. They took to the streets to show that monks shared a deep sympathy with the suffering Burmese people, who had lived under authoritarian rule for decades. Military leaders saw a threat: the strongest movement of defiance against their iron grip on power since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Troops joined the monks in the streets, not to take up their chants but to fire on them, and raid their monasteries. Seeing live footage and images of the brutality, the world condemned the regime. The UN said it deplored the crackdown, and regional neighbors that were usually passive in addressing Burma's gross human rights violations openly condemned the killings. The United States tightened the noose of its sanctions regime. The monk-led protests, known as the "Saffron Revolution," were a turning point in Burma's modern history. Unlike the 1988 uprising, during which hundreds if not thousands of peaceful demonstrators were gunned down, the uprising in 2007 was rather short-lived, but also had a lasting impact. Social media played a key role, exiled media produced 24-hour coverage of the events, and campaign groups overseas reached out to key policymakers in the West and Asean to speak out against the regime's brutality. Grassroots opposition was strong, both inside and outside the country. Burma headlines appeared everywhere, and the White House spoke out. "Americans are outraged by the situation in Burma," then US President George W. Bush said in an address to the UN General Assembly, as he announced even stricter sanctions on regime leaders and financial backers. The images of thousands of monks pouring onto the streets in defiance of the regime no doubt shook the military leadership. Within three years, we saw the beginnings of a political opening in the country that continues—in fits and starts—to this day. However, many of the same people who have brutalized the nation and mismanaged its resources have continued to rule, albeit having swapped their military uniforms for civilian garb. But today, while poverty and oppression persist in Burma and accountability for the Saffron Revolution crackdown remains elusive, the monks are not coming out as they did seven years ago. Over the last two years or so, some have instead shown a darker side of Buddhism, one in stark contrast to the teachings of the Metta Sutta. Since mid-2012, we have seen the rise of an extremist fringe of Buddhism, featuring not peaceful street protests, but rather sword-wielding monks, hate-filled speeches and economic discrimination against Burma's Muslim minority. The moderate voices, and many of the monks who once chanted for peace and loving kindness, have disappeared or been marginalized. In the process, the country's much-acclaimed "peaceful transition" to democracy has been stained by the blood of victims of the interreligious violence that has plagued many parts of Burma in recent years. It has also raised questions about the government's ability and willingness to crackdown on extremists, and the most cynical allege that some powerful politicians had even conspired to stir up the hatred in the first place. The Sangha community in Burma is under siege and divided. After the 2007 uprising, regime leaders have managed to carefully divide the monks' community, estimated to be between 300,000 to 400,000 members. The politically active monks who are known to be anti-regime have been punished or marginalized. Monks who appear to take a neutral stance or promote nationalism and narrow-minded religious hatred are allowed to operate freely. So far, it seems the strategy is working. Over the last two years, we saw the ascent of the anti-Muslim 969 movement, complete with proposals to limit interfaith marriage, boycotts on Muslim-owned businesses and an entire Muslim population denied its own existence in the country's first census in more than 30 years. All this at a time when officers who were involved in the Saffron uprising continue to live out their lives unpunished. Myint Swe, a former general who was then a powerful commander in Rangoon Division, was in charge of security affairs in 2007. Last year, when monks from the 2007 uprising sought a formal apology from the former regime leaders, Myint Swe (now chief minister for Rangoon Division) denied involvement in the violent crackdown. "If you think I'm responsible, I am ready [to face justice]," he reportedly told businesspeople from the Myanmar Fisheries Federation at a meeting in Rangoon. He said that he was willing to be investigated and would even submit to the death penalty if found guilty of involvement. In a country where the concept of "rule of law" is laughable, and the justice system a farce, the words carried little weight. Indeed, Myint Swe and many senior leaders and ministers who served in the previous regime are still serving in the current government or sitting in Parliament. As the Saffron Revolution faltered in the face of seemingly insurmountable government brutality, the regime officially announced that 15 people were killed during the demonstrations. A press briefing held by then police chief Gen. Khin Yi had little credibility. He was on the ground and demonstrators watched as he commanded truncheon-wielding riot police to attack the monks and thousands of others who had joined the clergymen's lead. Then UN human rights special rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro countered by saying that at least 31 people were killed during the nationwide protests. Thousands of others were detained and monks were roughly tossed into temporary detention centers and full-fledged prisons. As for Khin Yi, today he is one of the powerful Union ministers of this self-styled reformist government. If anyone can answer the question of how many people actually died or were tortured over those two months in 2007, it would be Khin Yi, Myint Swe or any of several other former generals who still hold positions of power. For a government that has in recent years trumpeted the virtues of transparency and accountability, however, the truth in Burma remains a surprisingly hard thing to come by.  Aung Zaw is founder and editor of The Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org. The post Remembering Saffron: Of Monks and Military Men appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Aviation Expert: ‘Every Challenge is an Opportunity’ Posted: 25 Sep 2015 08:04 PM PDT Michael Gaebler, CEO of global airline and tourism representative Aviareps. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) Burma is fast becoming a popular travel destination for both tourists and businesspeople, from Asia and further afield. Its growing aviation industry is undergoing a rapid transformation as more routes now connect the country with regional and international hubs to which access was once relatively limited.  The Irrawaddy recently sat down with Michael Gaebler, the CEO of global airline and tourism representative Aviareps, to talk about the challenges of working in Burma and the country's prospects as a travel destination.  What kind of work does AVIAREPS do in Burma? Aviareps, on a global scale, is a leader in the [aviation] industry for general representation of airlines. We've also extended our business into tourism, working for destinations for authorities, for tourist spots, as their arm into the international field. We've also diversified more into representing hotel chains and so on. Myanmar [Burma] came on our radar some two years ago. Our director of Asia aviation recognized that Myanmar is a very interesting outbound destination. It's very much in fashion for European and American travelers, Asian as well. So we looked into it and recognized possible partners. Aviareps Myanmar is currently representing nine airlines, and we are ambitious enough to say that we're going to double this number. Again, we want to extend our activities. We've started to become active for the Singapore tourist port. One of our projects in the Myanmar market is to give Singapore a strong face in the nation. Are you focused on technical support, or more structured marketing and business models? Actually, we're a sales marketing firm, a PR firm. For airlines, it's mainly sales driven, so we drive their revenue. Internationally, airlines, logically, focus very much on their home markets, maybe some neighboring markets. If they appoint a professional company that completely keeps their identity, we don't act as Aviareps, we act in the identity of the airline. Take the Singapore airlines in the Russian Federation, for example. We act fully in their identity in terms of business cards, email addresses, events, and total communication. We give airlines a face in international areas and have a no-fixed cost solution, so it's purely based on their rival compensation, and that's also what we do in Myanmar for international companies. We're also interested in working for Myanmar as a nation. There are a number of interesting airline candidates in this country that are logically, because of their domestic flight carrier or regional flight carrier, looking very much to national sales. We would like to become active for them in European, American and Asian areas, to become their sales vehicle abroad. So is the marketing only provided to international airlines? What about domestic airlines? We're talking to the current airlines in Myanmar to become their sales and marketing vehicle abroad because there's huge potential abroad. Myanmar as a destination, in terms of tourism but even for corporate [interests], is in a very early stage. And today I think the first ones to go global are the winners. It's very simple. How do you see the current domestic airline industry in Burma, now that a lot of the regional airlines are eyeing the Burmese market? First of all, I'm certainly not an expert on the local Myanmar aviation industry. And secondly, it's also a political question, which I couldn't answer, even if I did know. What I do know is that the more flexible and transparent you act in a market, the better your local players become. That maybe sounds a bit odd at first: Why should we open up traffic to other competitors, and maybe to neighboring countries that are already more advanced? Look at these low-cost carriers that are flying for peanuts, really—if they survive or not, it doesn't matter, they have an impact. The overall impact for a local aviation industry is nevertheless positive because people only change if they have to. We've also helped to move companies into the new, digital age. I want to give you an example not of a domestic carrier, but of a regional, European carrier called Aer Lingus, from Ireland. They've been struggling to be a legacy airline, so to speak, fighting against European competitors, against long-haul airlines, and in their backyard is Ryanair, which is maybe the most aggressive local carrier in the world. So Aer Lingus had to change. They hired Aviareps, outsourced all their European offices, and let Aviareps make the drive toward digital revenue. What are your prospects for hotel chains and other tourism markets here? Let me start with the tourist board. The tourist board is a key driver in terms of brand events abroad—client relationships, trade relationships, media relationships. As far as my information goes on Myanmar at the moment, it's represented in the global field in two offices—the US and Japan—which is good, but far from good enough, because there are intensive travel markets. Take, within Europe, Germany and France, which have high travel intensity to this region. There are other Asian or APEC countries that would definitely require a stimulating organization, not administrative, because an embassy is something else and has a different job, but a marketing and PR firm has another job—they have to continuously stimulate the brand event and travel to Myanmar, so that's for sure somewhere where we should become active. This is equally logical to hotel chains, which usually have a strong focus locally and regionally, and again, it's very important to have this traffic and revenue stream from abroad. As you know, we're still a developing country, and we need better infrastructure—including the Internet and other communications. Do you believe your business will be successful in Burma? What would be your biggest challenges here? True, infrastructure, technology, and other factors are creating some barriers to faster development here in Myanmar, but I can tell you that other markets are horribly competitive. That's much more horrible than infrastructure problems, so there's no easy exercise, and you can certainly say that every challenge is an opportunity, and it has a fantastic momentum. Economic and infrastructure development go hand in hand. I don't know any nation that's ready to invest sums of money without seeing a fast return, that the first fruit must somehow be low hanging. There have been more people traveling to Myanmar to spend more money. Consequently, there's an understanding that infrastructure plays a more vital role. It's a challenge, but also an opportunity. The post Aviation Expert: 'Every Challenge is an Opportunity' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Sept. 26, 2015) Posted: 25 Sep 2015 06:36 PM PDT Power lines in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone, located in Rangoon Division's Thanlyin Township, June 2014. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) IFC to Advise Burma on Environmental, Social Guidelines for Dams The World Bank's International Finance Corporation (IFC) has signed up to advise the Burmese government on its controversial plans to build more hydropower dams. The IFC said in a statement this week that it would provide "advisory services" to Naypyidaw to improve the government's management of the environmental and social risks of such projects. Campaigners are concerned that large-scale dams are being proposed without the impacts being properly assessed and before consultation with local communities has taken place. "The World Bank Group wants to play a pivotal role in supporting the development of a sustainable hydropower sector, as part of its efforts to help Myanmar achieve a balanced energy mix," Vikram Kumar, IFC Myanmar resident representative, said in the statement. "We will incorporate international best practices while assisting the government in developing environmental and social guidelines for the hydropower sector. We will also encourage greater collaboration between the public and private sectors as well as civil society so that developers can help shape policy and contribute to improving environmental and social risk management in Myanmar's hydropower development." The IFC, the World Bank's private lending arm, said Burma has the potential to generate some 100,000 megawatts from hydropower, compared with less than 5,000 megawatts that the country's dams currently produce. "Unleashing this potential could turn Myanmar into the largest energy producer in the region with the ability to supply electricity to neighboring countries," the IFC statement said. But projects already proposed by the government have drawn opposition, especially as most lie in ethnic minority areas where both the Burma Army and other armed groups have been accused of human rights abuses, especially over land. One such project is the Mong Ton dam in southeastern Shan State, a proposed 7,000 megawatt dam that would flood a large part of the state. Most of the electricity generated by the dam, which is backed by Thai and Chinese state-owned companies, would be provided to Thailand. Australian firm Snowy Mountain Engineering Corporation has garnered controversy in its efforts to conduct public consultations on the dam in Shan State. The Australian government is funding the IFC's project to advise the government on hydropower, which began in January, according to the IFC statement. The World Bank has in recent years come in for criticism over the impacts of the projects it funds—including hydropower dams—on people in developing countries. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists has found that about 3.4 million people have been displaced by World Bank projects in the past 10 years, and alleged that the Bank regularly fails to uphold its own safeguarding policies. According to campaign group International Rivers, the IFC faced resistance this year to a plan to fund the Gulpur hydropower project in Pakistan. The United States government in February voted against funding the project over concerns about the methodology of the IFC's impact assessment on the dam, saying that it "sets an unacceptable precedent for IFC engagement in areas of critical habitat." "In violation of its policies, the IFC ignored its own analysis on the downstream releases necessary to sustain endangered fish species," International Rivers said in a release at the time. "By opting to restrict ecological flows in a bid to maximize profitability, the IFC is all but assuring the species' demise." The website hydroworld.com reported in June that the IFC had nevertheless agreed to go ahead with providing at least US$50 million in funding for the Gulpur dam. IMF, ADB Issue Warnings over Gas Price Exposure International financial institutions are warning that a continued global slump in natural gas prices could damage Burma's economic prospects. Both the International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank raised the issue of gas revenues in assessments of Burma's economic situation in the past week. According to the IMF, global prices for natural gas are expected to be 20 percent lower in the current fiscal year, which began for Burma in April, than the previous year. This means that despite rising production in Burma's offshore gas fields, the government's earnings from gas could take a dive. "Lower natural gas prices would further reduce export earnings and government revenue, and could also lead to lower-than-expected FDI (Foreign direct investment) inflows in the medium to long run," the IMF said in its 2015 executive board assessment for Burma. Also this week, the ABD said in an update to its Asian Development outlook for the year that "A prolonged decline in global prices for natural gas, a major export from Myanmar, would erode its fiscal and external positions." The IMF predicts that Burma's gas export revenues will fall as a percentage of GDP from 6.8 percent in the 2014-15 fiscal year to 4.8 percent in 2017-18, although the volume of exports is expected to rise. The IMF also expects a slight fall for gas export revenues in real terms, from $4.31 billion in 2014-15 to $3.83 billion in 2017-18. This could further weaken the country's trade deficit, the IMF warned. The Fund recommended that the government should allow more flexibility in the kyat-to-dollar exchange rate in order to "absorb external shocks" and advised that the government promote "diversification of export growth through investment in agriculture and infrastructure [and] improve the business climate to attract FDI and develop SMEs." The IMF also suggested that the government could introduce a so-called fiscal rule, which would limit public spending so as to avoid running up large deficits. "In the area of public financial management, the government should adopt a medium-term fiscal framework and consider introducing, over time, a fiscal rule to smooth spending against volatile gas revenues," the Fund said, adding that reforms of state-owned enterprises, such as the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, should also be accelerated to improve their efficiency and profitability. "This includes revising MOGE's financial requirements to reflect its role in collecting natural gas rents on behalf of the government," it said. Thilawa Zone to Be 'Model of Corporate Social Responsibility' Burmese Vice President Nyan Tun officially opened the massive Japanese-backed industrial zone at Thilawa on Wednesday. According to state media, he said that the Thilawa Special Economic Zone, which the government hopes will spark a manufacturing boom, could also set an example for the wider economic transformation that has begun since the current administration came to power in 2011. The 2,400 acre zone is a joint venture between the Burmese and Japanese governments and a group of large Japanese conglomerates. Investors from the United States, Sweden, China, South Korea and Australia, among others, have already committed to operating in the zone, the Global New Light of Myanmar reported. "Vice President U Nyan Tun expressed his belief that the investors will become a model of corporate social responsibility in Myanmar," the state-run newspaper said, going on to quote Nyan Tun. "The special economic zone is a paradigm shift in the investment sector, bringing sustainable development to the country's industrial sector without damaging the environment," he said. "With new visions, new policies and new rules, Thilawa SEZ has opened a new chapter in the investment sector, which creates a good investment environment for local and foreign investors." Microsoft to Aid Local Conglomerate's 'Digital Transformation' US software giant Microsoft has entered into an enterprise agreement with local conglomerate Kanbawza (KBZ) Group to upgrade the company's IT infrastructure. In what Microsoft says is its biggest deal in Burma to date, the company, which has had a presence in the country since 2013, is stepping further into a nascent tech sector where pirated software is the norm. The agreement between the two companies will first see Microsoft supply servers that allow the group's KBZ Bank to use secure cloud computing across its business, a statement on Microsoft's website said. "The digital transformation journey will at a later stage involve the other subsidiaries of KBZ Group, which includes interests in mining, banking, aviation, insurance, manufacturing, agriculture, real estate, trading, healthcare, tourism and hospitality," it added. With intellectual property rules not widely enforced, many Burmese businesses, including larger companies, still use unlicensed software for their operations. In comments in Microsoft's statement, Stephane Lamoureux, KBZ Group's IT director, suggested that partnering with Microsoft would set the company apart from others in the country. "This partnership not only enables us to grow our business, but also raises our brand value in both the country and region due to our commitment to security and intellectual property rights," Lamoureux was quoted saying. German Chemicals Firm Opens Rangoon Office German company BASF, the largest chemicals producer in the world, has set up an office in Rangoon as it hopes to cash in on increased demand for its products in Burma. The company said in a statement that while it has been operating in the country for five years, it had now opened its office in the Sedona Hotel "to support its growing base of local customers and cater to an increasing demand for high quality and sustainable chemical products and solutions in the country as it develops." The statement said the company's products were targeted at the agricultural industry, construction and mining, among others. "BASF offers solutions that can help produce better yields in agriculture, affordable higher-quality buildings, clean water and better nutrition, and more sustainable manufacturing and mining," Boonchai Opas-iam-likit, BASF's managing director for Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Burma, said in the statement. "With a representative office in Myanmar, we can support our customers directly as they expand and develop their businesses." The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Sept. 26, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States

The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

• Thai Princess Sirindhorn to Visit Burma in October
• Protests in Nepal Choke Essential Supplies from India
• Indian Environment Minister: Less Poverty is Climate Justice
• Japan’s Abe Airs Abenomics 2.0 Plan for $5 Trillion Economy
• Burma’s Bond with Israel: From Meditation to Military Muscle

Thai Princess Sirindhorn to Visit Burma in October Posted: 24 Sep 2015 11:20 PM PDT Thai Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn visits the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon, March 16, 2010. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Thai Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, daughter of the country's revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej, will visit Burma next month. The princess, who will be in the country from Oct. 3-6, will visit the coastal town of Dawei in Tenasserim Division before touring the National Museum in Naypyidaw, according to Burma's deputy commerce minister Than Swe. The minister, who was informed of the princesses' plans by the Burmese ambassador to Thailand Win Maung, said she would visit two pagodas in Dawei thought to be built by Siamese kings—the Auragalon Pagoda in Sinseik Ward and Octagonal Pagoda in Konwundat Ward. The area of present day Tenasserim Division was part of the Hanthawaddy Kingdom that ruled lower Burma from the late 13th to the mid-16th centuries. After the Burmese-Siamese War of 1759-1760, King Alaungpaya reestablished Burmese authority in Tenasserim as far down as Dawei. Than Shwe said he was unsure if Princess Sirindhorn would visit the long-stalled Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ), a controversial project backed by successive Thai governments which is reportedly under development again after years of delays due to financing difficulties. The princess has made several visits to Burma, the first in 1986 at the invitation of the late dictator Gen Ne Win. In 1994, she made a two-day cross-border trip to Kengtung and Tachilek in Shan State. Almost 10 years later, on her third visit to Burma in 2003, the princess spent five days visiting Pegu, Mandalay, Muse, Puta-O in Kachin State and Mrauk-U in Arakan State. In a 2010 trip, she visited a school and hospital in Irrawaddy Division established with donations by the Thai royal family in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. The post Thai Princess Sirindhorn to Visit Burma in October appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Protests in Nepal Choke Essential Supplies from India Posted: 24 Sep 2015 09:04 PM PDT Porters load goods inside a truck during a general strike called by the Madhesi groups in Biratnagar, Nepal, September 15, 2015, in protest at the proposed constitution. (Photo: Navesh Chitrakar / Reuters) KATHMANDU, Nepal — Nepal's top political parties on Thursday reached out to protesters angry about the country's new constitution, after violence in the region bordering India halted more than 1,000 oil tankers and trucks with essential supplies from entering Nepal. Officials said nearly 400 Nepalese protesters clashed with police in Birgunj, a town on the border with India, on Thursday. They belong to ethnic and religious groups dissatisfied with Nepal's constitution adopted on Sunday, and demand more territory and rights for ethnic federal states. The area is nearly 300 kilometers east of Kathmandu, the capital. About 1,500 oil tankers from India used to enter southern Nepal every day from the Jogbani border post, but there has been no movement for the past three days, said Indian official Sri Prakash. The disruption of traffic has raised fear of shortages in the Himalayan nation. Trucks from India are loaded with sugar, salt, food and cooking gas cylinders. Nepal is heavily dependent on supplies from its giant neighbor. Ashok Arya, an Indian customs official at a border crossing in Gorakhpur district, blamed the Nepalese side. Nepalese officials apparently are reluctant to allow the vehicles to travel unescorted for fear of being looted by protesters. India says that the aspirations of the disgruntled groups from the southern plains bordering India have not been met, and that the troubles might flare up violence spilling into India, where a large number of Nepalese nationals work. Nepalese Home Ministry spokesman Laxmi Pasad Dhakal declined comment on some Nepalese media reports that India had enforced a blockade to pressure the Nepalese government to meet the concerns of the ethnic and religious groups. Dhakal said Thursday there have been some minor protests in the region, but they had gone down significantly. The violence in recent weeks has killed at least 45 people. A senior leader of the Madhesi ethnic group in southern Nepal, Laxman Lal Karna, said earlier this week that the new constitution failed to address many of the issues and that protests would continue. On Thursday, three major political parties appointed Forest Minister Mahesh Acharya to try to broker talks. "He will talk to the agitating parties to build an environment of trust," said Chudamani Khadka, a Maoist leader and aide to Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The ethnic groups have not yet responded. The post Protests in Nepal Choke Essential Supplies from India appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Indian Environment Minister: Less Poverty is Climate Justice Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:56 PM PDT A laborer drinks water as smokes rise from the chimney of a brick factory at Togga village on the outskirts of the northern Indian city of Chandigarh, December, 2009. (Photo: Ajay Verma / Reuters) NEW DELHI — India will confirm plans next week for a fivefold increase in renewable energy by 2020, the environment minister said. But it will continue to champion poor countries in their demand that industrialized nations assume the brunt of responsibility for decades of climate-warming emissions. Describing poverty as a key source of global pollution, Prakash Javadekar told The Associated Press on Thursday that nations hoping to reach a global climate pact in Paris in December must commit to a world where all 7 billion-plus inhabitants have equal rights and access to electricity, opportunity and justice. "Poverty is, in a way, a real polluting factor," Javadekar said, adding that India's top priority is elevating hundreds of millions of Indians still living on less than $2 a day. At the same time, expanding the economy and building infrastructure will cause carbon emissions to grow, as the country relies on burning coal to fuel most of the 254 GW of electricity it generates today. "But today, I see the carbon space occupied by the developed world," he said. "We are asking the developed world to vacate the carbon space to accommodate us. That carbon space demand is climate justice. It's our right as a nation. It's our right as people of India, and we want that carbon space." India is one of the last major polluters yet to submit its plans for combating and coping with climate change to the United Nations, before the world's nations attempt to nail down a global climate pact in December. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi joins other world leaders at the UN General Assembly meeting Friday, experts and officials are eager for India's climate commitments. Already, countries and territories accounting for at least 60 percent of global emissions have announced their targets, including the world's No. 1 and 2 polluters, China and the United States. But experts say the pledges so far fall short of what's needed keep temperatures from rising more than 2 degrees Celsius by mid-century—a level beyond which scientists say we'd see extreme climate changes, including sizzling hot summers, much higher sea levels, torrential storms and more severe droughts. Current national pledges put us on track for a 2.9 to 3.1 degree temperature rise. On Thursday, Indonesia submitted its pledge to the UN, vowing to strengthen forest protection and increase renewable energy production to account for at least 23 percent of the Southeast Asian island nation's total capacity by 2025. Experts have worried that India's position could doom global efforts to limit the rise in temperatures. "India for a long time has been resistant to the notion of developing countries taking targets at all," former UN climate chief Yvo de Boer said Thursday in Paris. "Modi has indicated he wants to make a very big push on the economy, focus more on manufacturing. There's a lot of coal in India so the logical fuel for him to choose in driving that growth is coal. If he takes an ambitious climate target, that means he wants to balance that growth with climate ambitions." Javadekar said the Indian pledge on climate action will be released Oct. 1, and will include targets not only for increasing renewable energy but also for curbing its emissions intensity, or how much carbon dioxide the country produces divided by its GDP. In 2009, India said it could cut emissions intensity by 20 to 25 percent below 2005 levels by 2020. Javadekar indicated the new intensity target would be more ambitious, but he would not give details. The pledge will not include targets for cutting overall emissions, and it will not include a projection for when India's emissions growth might peak. "Nobody has actually asked us for this… because they know India's particular situation," the minister said, alluding to India's relatively low emissions rate of 1.6 tons per capita compared with a US rate that is about 10 times higher. While the US and China, emitting around 7 tons per capita, pledged to bring theirs to a common 12 tons per capita by 2030, India "will never reach there," Javadekar said. "I don't see going beyond 10 any time soon." India's plans for a fivefold boost in renewable energy, from about 34 GW today to 175 GW by 2020, had been promised earlier by Modi as he vowed to bring universal electricity access to India's 1.2 billion people by 2020. The 175 GW goal includes 100 GW of new solar power, 60 GW from wind, 10 GW from biomass and 5 GW from small hydropower dams. It's an astonishing pledge, considering where India is today. A quarter of the country, or 300 million people, still has no access to electricity, while hundreds of millions more make do with just a few hours a day. Blackouts are so common that hospitals and many businesses are forced to use diesel generators, while about a quarter of the 254 GW being produced today is lost in grid leakages and theft. Experts estimate it will cost at least $150 billion for India to sort out its electricity woes and meet the renewable energy target—funding India does not have. Instead, it will rely on building business opportunities, and will hope for international commitments in waiving high intellectual property costs for technologies that can help India improve its energy production and efficiency. "We definitely will expect a good amount of technology, affordable technology," Javadekar said. "Why people should profit from disaster? They should actually help India to build this huge program, making it a reality." The post Indian Environment Minister: Less Poverty is Climate Justice appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Japan’s Abe Airs Abenomics 2.0 Plan for $5 Trillion Economy Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:41 PM PDT Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (front, center) shouts "banzai" (cheers) as he raises his hands with members of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party during the annual party convention in Tokyo, March 17, 2013. (Photo: Toru Hanai / Reuters) TOKYO — Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's updated plan for reviving Japan's economy and achieving a GDP target of 600 trillion yen ($5 trillion) suggests a recognition that earlier policies are not doing the trick. Abe took office in late 2012 vowing to end deflation and rev up growth through strong public spending, lavish monetary easing and sweeping reforms to help make the economy more productive and competitive. So far, those "three arrows" of his "Abenomics" plan have fallen short of their targets though share prices and corporate profits have soared. Recent data suggest consumers and corporations remain reluctant to step up spending—the key to getting growth back on track. Japan's inflation rate remained flat at 0.2 percent in August, according to data reported Friday, with core inflation excluding volatile food prices slipping 0.1 percent. A preliminary survey of manufacturers released Thursday showed a sharp drop in export orders. Recent corporate investment figures were likewise worse than expected. In a news conference Thursday, Abe did not dwell on those harsh realities. "Tomorrow will definitely be better than today!" Abe declared on national television. "From today Abenomics is entering a new stage. Japan will become a society in which all can participate actively." Abe announced his updated economic platform after his re-election, unopposed as head of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. The initiative also appears aimed at shoring up support ahead of elections for the upper house of parliament next year, analysts said. The new targets indicate a fresh resolve to focus on the economy after enacting security legislation enabling Japan's military to participate in combat even when the country is not under direct attack. Abe's popularity ratings took a hit after the "collective self-defense" law was forced through parliament, as thousands of Japanese converged outside in protest. Apart from his 600 trillion yen ($5 trillion) GDP target, Abe says he is determined to ensure that 50 years from now the Japanese population, which is 126 million and falling, has stabilized at 100 million. He also set a target for increasing the birth rate to 1.8 children per woman from the current very low rate of 1.4. Abe said his new "three arrows" are a strong economy, support for child rearing and improved social security, to lighten the burden of child and elderly care for struggling families. But with Japan also committed to reducing its massive public debt, it is unclear how he intends to achieve those goals. Abe recently announced plans to accelerate reductions in corporate taxes. The central bank also is widely expected to add to its already unprecedented monetary easing by pumping more cash into the economy later this year. Japan's economy, estimated at $4.6 trillion in 2014, contracted at a 1.2 percent annual rate in the April-June quarter, and China's slowdown and recent market turmoil are hindering a rebound. At Japan's recent pace of growth, achieving Abe's goal—for which he set no timetable—would be a stretch. The Japan Center for Economic Research, an independent think tank, is forecasting growth at 0.9 percent this year and 1.5 percent in 2016. A sales tax increase planned for April 2017, to 10 percent from 8 percent now, is expected to dent growth for that year. Japanese officials acknowledge in private that the country needs a "great leap" in productivity, which is hard to attain at a time when the labor force is shrinking due to the aging population. Given that reality, Japanese employers have been reluctant to invest or to raise wages, even when many are short-handed. With wages still barely rising, families have tended to save, and increases in demand from monetary stimulus have been weaker than expected. The post Japan's Abe Airs Abenomics 2.0 Plan for $5 Trillion Economy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Bond with Israel: From Meditation to Military Muscle Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:13 PM PDT Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing during a tour of ELTA Systems Ltd in Ashdod, Israel, on September 8. (Photo: Min Aung Hlaing / Facebook) Surrounded by hostile neighbors, Israel has long sought to cultivate allies further afield, including in Asia. In Burma, which achieved independence from Britain in 1948—the same year Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion proclaimed the establishment of the state of Israel—the Jewish state found an understanding ally. Jacob Abadi, the author of several books on the Middle East, wrote in "Israel's Quest for Recognition and Acceptance in Asia: Garrison State Diplomacy" that "Burma served as a workshop for Israel's foreign policy in Asia." Both countries were born into conflict. Burma faced ethnic and communist insurgencies that sparked soon after independence, followed by the incursion of Chinese nationalist Kuomintang troops into Shan State. In the same period, Israel faced a fight for its very existence with the outbreak of the Arab-Israeli war in 1948. Jewish merchants began arriving in Burma in the early 19th century. Historical sources describe the Jewish populace as largely flourishing under British colonial rule, however, the majority left Burma following the invasion of Japanese troops during the Second World War. In Burma's former capital Rangoon—renowned as a center of ethnic and religious diversity—the Musmeah Yeshua Synagogue was built in the 1890s. Today, the over 100-year-old synagogue remains a prominent cultural landmark in the city and a reminder of early Jewish influence. Israel's Ally: U Nu After the war, then Prime Minister U Nu visited Israel in 1955, becoming the first Asian leader to travel to the Jewish state. During his visit, U Nu toured several "kibbutzim" communities—settlements based on co-operative agricultural practices—and was sufficiently impressed that he established similar settlements in Shan State upon his return. U Nu, one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement, was seen as Israel's lone champion in Asia, as one western diplomat put it at the time. Subsequently, hundreds of Burmese students, military officers and officials were sent to Israel for education and training. According to Jacob Abadi, U Nu had pushed for Israel to be invited to the 1955 Bandung Conference in Indonesia, but reneged over concerns of alienating Arab states. But Israeli officials likely noted U Nu's public support and the budding bilateral relationship flourished. The two countries not only established economic and agricultural ties but also military cooperation. Under U Nu, Burma purchased second-hand spitfires from Israel, as well as machine guns and ammunition, and a team of Israeli pilots was sent to Rangoon to conduct trainings. Israeli construction company, Solel Boneh, was also involved in construction projects in Burma, again, at the invitation of U Nu. Building Ties Interestingly, there seemed to be little domestic opposition to Burma forging stronger relations with Israel. Instead, much, largely uncritical, local literature was widely available on the Jewish state's quest for independence, its national intelligence agency Mossad and the eye patch-wearing defense minister Moshe Dayan. Many Burmese in the 1970s even suspected that some of the country's intelligence officers were trained by Mossad, but there were no grounds to substantiate such speculation. In reality, U Nu could not pursue a pro-Israel foreign policy without countenancing other pressures, including from China, a country that fostered ties with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. U Nu publically distanced himself from Israel over the Suez Canal crisis in 1956. The Burmese leader condemned Israel and Western powers, including the UK and France, and backed the United Nations' calls for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Egypt. But the honeymoon was far from over. In 1961, Israel's Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion visited Burma, seeking to make an immediate positive impression on his local interlocutors by wearing traditional Burmese headgear, or gaungbaung, during official functions. On the lengthy overseas trip, the Israeli prime minister practiced meditation at U Nu's residence, a man he described in his memoirs as representing a state that evinced more loyalty and sympathy to Israel than any other nation in the world. Prominent Israeli figures including Shimon Peres, Moshe Dayan, Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and Golda Meir all visited Rangoon in the 1960s. Shimon Peres and Moshe Dayan came to Burma in 1958 where they met Ne Win, the nationalist general and former member of the legendary "Thirty Comrades" that were trained by the Japanese ahead of their ouster of the British colonial power in 1941-42. The general informed his visitors of his strong support for Israel, a fact cited in Shimon Peres' autobiography published in 1995. Military Imperatives In 1959, Ne Win, who was then serving as interim prime minister, reportedly made a strong impression on his Israeli counterparts during a visit to the country. Around that time, Burma sent some 80 soldiers and army veterans to study the agricultural methods practiced in Israel's kibbutz communities. Three years later however, the general staged a military coup and placed David Ben-Gurion's friend, U Nu, in detention. As Ne Win shut the door to the outside world and Burma's foreign policy turned increasingly nationalistic, the general's bodyguards were still equipped with Israeli supplied Uzi submachine guns. Despite flagging ties, in the mid-1980s, Burma's socialist government awarded Israeli communications firm Telrad a US$5 million contract to install public telephones in the country. The deal, aided by the World Bank, was labeled by Telrad as the company's "first breakthrough in the Burmese market." But the diplomatic warmth enjoyed when U Nu was in power had evaporated and there was only limited contact between the two countries throughout the 1980s, although diplomatic missions were maintained in Rangoon and Tel-Aviv respectively, as Jacob Abadi notes. The Israel-Burma relationship came under increased scrutiny after the 1988 military coup in Burma that accompanied a ruthless crackdown on nationwide pro-democracy protests. After much of the international community had imposed sanctions on the country, in 1991, Israeli weapons manufacturers reportedly sold submachine guns and 150mm howitzers to the military regime. Other Israeli companies also continued to deal with Burma's ruling generals. Koor Industries Ltd. opened an office inside the country in 1995 and Telrad expanded its operations the following year to provide digital and switchboard telecommunications systems. The visit to Israel by Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing earlier this month reminded many of the cozy, and at times controversial, ties of the recent past. The commander-in-chief, alongside other senior military brass, toured Ashdod Naval Base to inspect FAC Super Dvora Mark 3 patrol boats, an unknown number of which have been ordered from Israel by Burma's military. He also toured the offices of local defense manufacturers. Speaking to journalists at a meeting in Naypyidaw on Monday, Min Aung Hlaing described the visit as an opportunity to promote cooperation between the nations' armed forces. The trip's military focus, however, did little to convince observers of a genuine and robust re-embrace between the two countries. In contrast to David Ben-Gurion's 1961 visit, Min Aung Hlaing's mission centered more on military hardware than modes of meditation. The post Burma's Bond with Israel: From Meditation to Military Muscle appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States

National News

---

• ‘The USDP will try to win in the constituencies they need to control militarily or economically’: Aung Thu
• Under pressure on all sides, UEC reinstates 11 Muslim candidates
• Daw Nyo Nyo Thin campaigns quietly
• Ma Ba Tha takes aim at defamation accusations
• Factory workers weary of the Arbitration Council
• Fire at Coca Cola warehouse
• Police officer stabbed in Mandalay
• Government urged to halt alabaster mining near religious sites
• Flood-hit farmers to get new loans, but no write-offs
• NGOs propose elephant wildlife sanctuary in Bago

‘The USDP will try to win in the constituencies they need to control militarily or economically’: Aung Thu Posted: 24 Sep 2015 11:30 PM PDT 88 Generation activist Aung Thu, who decided to run as an independent after being rejected by the NLD, speaks about his motivations and the USDP's election strategy.

Under pressure on all sides, UEC reinstates 11 Muslim candidates Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:58 PM PDT Eleven Muslim politicians have successfully challenged their controversial disqualification from contesting the November elections following a surprise reversal by the Union Election Commission.

Daw Nyo Nyo Thin campaigns quietly Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:54 PM PDT Nicknamed the "solo running horse" of Yangon Region parliament for her lone defiance of the ruling party, Bahan township's independent candidate Daw Nyo Nyo Thin marched into her third day of grassroots campaigning yesterday.

Ma Ba Tha takes aim at defamation accusations Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:53 PM PDT Nationalists monks of the Ma Ba Tha association have rejected accusations of defamation levelled by the National League for Democracy, branding the party's claims as irresponsible and aimed at destroying its efforts to protect Buddhism.

Factory workers weary of the Arbitration Council Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:48 PM PDT Factory workers have had enough of the arbitration council, the nascent, quasi-judicial body established to resolve labour disputes through mediation.

Fire at Coca Cola warehouse Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:44 PM PDT A fire possibly caused by a burning mosquito coil yesterday destroyed a Coca-Cola warehouse in an industrial zone of Yangon's Mingalardon township, with losses estimated at over K112.5 million, according to police.

Police officer stabbed in Mandalay Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:43 PM PDT A traffic police officer was yesterday stabbed and killed after issuing a fine to a motorcyclist found driving without a licence.

Government urged to halt alabaster mining near religious sites Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:41 PM PDT Monks and local residents have joined forces to fight an alabaster mine they say is disturbing monks' meditation and undermining their monasteries.

Flood-hit farmers to get new loans, but no write-offs Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:36 PM PDT The Ministry of Cooperatives says it is unable to write off loans to flood-hit farmers because the money needs to be repaid to China.

NGOs propose elephant wildlife sanctuary in Bago Posted: 24 Sep 2015 08:34 PM PDT Animal protection group Four Paws International has proposed establishing a wild elephant sanctuary in a Bago township forest in partnership with local NGO Mingalar Myanmar.

You are subscribed to email updates from National News. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States

Shan Herald Agency for News

---

One dead and two injured after shootout in meeting between Wa and Burma Army officials Posted: 25 Sep 2015 01:05 AM PDT One official from the Burma government's division of Military Security Affairs (MSA) was killed and two officials from the United Wa State Army (UWSA) were seriously injured after the two sides opened fire during a meeting on Wednesday in southern Shan State's Mong Ton Township. The incident occurred at about 4:30 p.m. in a house in Nar Kong Mu village while the Wa and Burma Army officials were discussing disputed land in Mongsat Township. After an argument between the two groups allegedly escalated, both began shooting at one another, leaving Ngyi Ngyi Aung, the MSA official, with gunshot wounds to his stomach. He was taken to the nearby Mongsat Hospital, where he later died from his injuries. "The Burma officials were on an inspection trip regarding the disputed land," said a source close to both parties. He explained that the Burma Army allegedly asked the Wa officials to clarify the boundaries of their territory in the area, but that "the answer from the Wa was unclear." "The Burma Army official got angry and then opened fire," he said. The source added that the case has now been reassigned to the headquarters of the Burma Army's regional command in Keng Tung, eastern Shan State "We will apologize if we are wrong," said U Ta Lue, an official from the UWSA-South. "They [the Burma Army] were the ones who first opened fire. Therefore, they should apologize to us." In a meeting in Keng Tung earlier this month, U Thein Zaw, vice chairman of the government's Union Peacemaking Working Committee (UPWC) told the UWSA's representatives that there would be no guarantee for the security of UWSA-controlled areas in southern Shan State if they do not sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA); the signing is scheduled to be held in the first week of October. The UWSA have had a presence in Mongsat since 1998, when Burma was under the rule of Khin Nyunt, the military general who briefly served as the country's Prime Minister. BY SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)

Ceasefire signing ‘do or die’ for Naypyitaw Posted: 24 Sep 2015 11:09 PM PDT For the government, the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) before the November elections is a mission that must be completed regardless of the number of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) involved, said government chief negotiator U Aung Min, during the 6th forum on the framework for political dialogue (FPD) which was held on 14 September, In Rangoon. "For us, it is a 'do or die' mission," he said. Dr Min Zaw Oo, from the government technical team Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), seconded him by saying, "Ta-tet-sa-le-kyetthun, Hna-tet-sa-le-kyetthun (Eat one section, it's garlic; eat two sections, it's still garlic — old Burmese saying). It doesn't matter how many EAOs are signing. It is NCA. There'll be an open book for those who are yet to sign." It was a day after U Aung Min and U Thein Zaw, his co-chairman of the Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC), returned from a two-day visit to Shan State East capital Kengtung, where they met the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) representatives. The UWSA, 5 days earlier, had issued a statement that since it would mean a breach of promise made to the Yunnan government not to allow the western nations to be involved in conflicts along the Sino-Bumese border, it could not be expected to be a co-signatory of the NCA. (China, on 21 May 2014, had called for a "New Asian Security Concept" which would exclude anyone from outside of Asia from playing a role in Asian security.) Other major EAOs that are yet to state whether or not they would sign include Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), among others. The NCA is expected to be signed during the first half of October. The EAOs are planning to hold another "summit", 28 – 30 September, in Chiangmai in order to reach a decision on the matter.

You are subscribed to email updates from Shan Herald Agency for News. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States