The Irrawaddy Magazine

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Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘It’s Fair to Say That President U Thein Sein Is Burma’s Reform Icon’ Posted: 12 Feb 2016 09:39 PM PST The Irrawaddy speaks with Minister of Information Ye Htut about President Thein Sein's five-year tenure and the media's role in the country. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. This week I will speak with the sole spokesperson for President U Thein Sein as well as Minister of Information U Ye Htut. We will talk about the successes and failures of President U Thein Sein over the past five years, and if the state-run propaganda newspapers of the Ministry of Information will be needed once the democratic government has fully come to power. We will also talk about [Ye Htut's] plans for after he retires. I'm Irrawaddy English Editor Kyaw Zwa Moe. The five-year term of incumbent President U Thein Sein is ending soon. What are his top three achievements out of all of his political and economic reforms? Ye Htut: The most important achievement is that the government brought those who were outside political life and not involved in the 2010 election, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, into the political process. The second achievement is that the government initiated a process of ceasefire negotiations that could lead to political dialogue for the very first time in our country. And the third is that the government reintegrated Burma, a former pariah state, into the international community. If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is said to be Burma's democracy icon, it's fair to say that President U Thein Sein is Burma's reform icon or the icon of a Burma Spring. KZM: One or two years after President U Thein Sein took office in 2011, he was recognized by both Burmese people and by the international community as a real reformist. But after 2012, some criticized that the reform process has slowed and even stalled. Why did this happen? YH: It is because of high expectations. When we initially assumed power, people did not have trust in us. They had low expectations. After we saw a degree of success [with reforms], people's expectations grew. The president and our cabinet, however, have very limited capacity. First, we do not have much experience and expertise—one of our weakest points. Second, the president's mandate stated in the Constitution is limited. Under such circumstances, the government could not meet the expectations of the people. Still, looking back, it is fair to say that we have come a long way. More importantly, along the way, we were able to avoid bloodshed and transition to a relatively stable stage with few problems. KZM: We found that U Thein Sein, as the top leader of the country, could have done more regarding constitutional reform and other important issues. But he didn't. Why? YH: He stated both in his first and final speech that the first five years is really just the first stage of reform, and if the 2015 election could be held peacefully and freely, [the country] would be able to move on to the next stage. It is his strategic goal. You said the president could have done more. Yes, there were many things he could have done along the way to gain political popularity. But then— KZM: For example, [the suspension of] the Myitsone Dam helped him gain popularity. YH: Yes, there are also many other things. But when the chance to gain popularity by pleasing the crowd was at odds with the stability of the reform process, the president sacrificed the opportunity to grow in popularity for more attention to his strategic goal—to get through 2015 in a stable way. Rather than focusing on getting re-elected, he focused on holding a peaceful election in 2015 and ensuring that whoever won the election could take power peacefully. Therefore, he had to leave certain things untouched. And unfortunately, that has drawn criticism. KZM: We recognize the international community has given credit to the reforms initiated by the president. Burmese expats have also come back home. But the results of the 2015 election strongly indicate that people do not like President U Thein Sein or his government or his party. Can this be said to be a failure or a success for the president? YH: Firstly, the fact that people voted freely in 2015 is a success of the president's reforms. Secondly, the views of the people on the president, and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the former administrative mechanism may be different. People may like and support the president personally, but they may simply not want the old system and its procedures. KZM: Here I would like to question how much the president understands about the will of the people. The president on his visit to Irrawaddy Division said that "we have made changes. What more change do you want? If you want more, go for communism." Doesn't this imply that he does not understand the voices and wishes of the people? YH: It is not like that. The president was talking about the political system. He wanted to stress that the country has already adopted democracy and that there is no other system to switch to and that we need to improve this system [democracy]. But because his speech was taken out of context, it could lead to some misunderstandings. To which I say, take a look at the speeches he has given and the acts he has carried out during his term, and it is easy to see that he listens to the voices of the people. He did what he could within the current framework, striking a balance between what is possible and what should be done. KZM: Why has the Ministry of Information still existed throughout the reform process? Why do state-run newspapers, which are widely regarded as propaganda for the government, still exist? YH: It is because you private media outlets do not tell all the things that we want to tell the people. That's why we need to be here. KZM: But doesn't that look like propaganda to a democratic society? YH: Every government wants to convince its people of its policies. This has also been true for the US government. This was explicitly termed "propaganda" in the past. It was later changed to "public relations," and then to "public diplomacy." In essence, every government has to mobilize public support and has to use the media in doing so. In countries where media pluralism flourishes, [the government] uses private media outlets. In countries like ours, however, where private media don't report the things they don't want to, there must be a government-run newspaper and media, I think. That's why we exist. KZM: But doesn't this tarnish the image of democracy in a country that's in transition? YH: Rather than arguing about if the existence of an organization is in line with democracy or not, I would focus on whether the existence of that organization contributes to the flourishing of democracy. There are [similar] organizations in different forms under different names in different countries. In my view, the existence of the Ministry of Information does not affect the development of media or Burma's democratic transition between 2010 and 2015. Frankly, that you can talk to me now, face to face, is only because our Ministry of Information invited you and recommended you for an entry visa. KZM: The Ministry of Information abolished pre-publication censorship in 2012, providing a great deal of press freedom. But your ministry could have granted greater press freedom. Why didn't you do that? YH: We need to strike a balance between taking big steps and making sure each step we take is concrete. There is huge room for improvement in terms of the legal and market conditions of our media environment, and we—both state-run and private media—have yet to improve ourselves much in terms of ethics and expertise. So again, we are just trying to make sure each step is concrete. The president has said that taking fast steps will help us win credit, but if the consequences of being fast can affect the country's stability, we will sacrifice popularity to focus on what should get done. KZM: If the incoming NLD government decides to keep the Ministry of Information and offer you the minister position, what will you do? YH: I have written my history with U Thein Sein. I would not play on another team. Even if the NLD decides to keep the Ministry of Information, it should appoint someone who has grown with the party and knows its policies, more precisely, those of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. KZM: Should state-run newspapers like Kyemon, Myanma Alinn and the Global New Light of Myanmar continue to run under the incoming NLD government? YH: I have trained the state-run media how to acquire the ethics and expertise, which are needed to create public service media. My staff members have improved from only being able to put out [in newspapers] the news given to them to making reports from various angles. This is what I have done for the ministry as a whole. For individuals, I have trained them to be able to work shoulder to shoulder with their peers in the world of private media, even if the Ministry of Information and state-run newspapers are abolished. I believe that my staff personnel will be able to survive in the media world whether or not the ministry continues to exist or not. And I'm proud of myself for having done this. KZM: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD government will seemingly abolish the Ministry of Information bit by bit, and privatize the state-run newspapers. Will they be able to do it easily over a short amount of time? What is your advice to them? YH: Firstly, I want to tell the ministers who are to take the reins of the ministries that everyone has his own expectations and has formed his own preconceived idea of the ministries they lead. When they actually assume office, however, they should forget these ideas for a while and try to understand the nature of the ministry and staff members before making changes. Otherwise, they will not be able to reach their goal smoothly. KZM: Suppose the Ministry of Information and state-run newspapers cease to exist next year. Do you think press freedom in Burma will be much better than it is now? YH: Whether press freedom will improve or not has nothing to do with the existence of state-run newspapers, I don't think. It depends on two things—if media pluralism can be maintained, and if the government will be able to build good relationships with private media. KZM: You said you have no plan to work with the new government. So what have you planned to do after March 31? YH: Firstly, I will rest for three months. Then I will do a scholarship or fellowship with an educational organization. Afterward, I'll try to write about my experiences with the reform process. I'll work together with local NGOs that are engaged in raising the political awareness of the public, if there are such NGOs. KZM: Do you have plans to establish [an NGO] of your own? YH: I don't. But I'll also write political reviews on my Facebook and write essays—this is an interest that I've recently taken up. KZM: Will you continue to be a man of the media? YH: I'll be a citizen journalist. KZM: Referring to what you just said, what do you mean by scholarships? YH: It is not a scholarship. It is a fellowship. If there are organizations interested in Burma's affairs and if they want, I'll give lectures on my experiences and take part in discussions and write a paper, if possible. KZM: We heard that President U Thein Sein will continue to chair the USDP. The USDP may rise again in 2020. If that were to happen, would you have any ambitions to re-enter politics or re-engage with the administration? YH: It is said that a week's time is pretty long in the political world. And you are asking me about the next five years. I don't know. KZM: So it is still early? YH: Yes, it is still early. I will be able to tell you around January 2020. KZM: Thank you. The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'It's Fair to Say That President U Thein Sein Is Burma's Reform Icon' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 13, 2016) Posted: 12 Feb 2016 06:00 PM PST A couple uses a mobile phone on the side of a street in Rangoon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Telenor Races to 13.7 million Subscribers Telenor now has almost 14 million subscribers in Burma but competition is ramping up, the Norwegian telecommunications firm said in its latest results announcement. Telenor has been quickest out of the blocks of the two private competitors looking to tap into one of the world's last populations to be connected to mobile phone networks. It began a staggered rollout of services only in September 2014, shortly after Ooredoo of Qatar became the first foreign mobile phone company to offer services in the country. The incumbent operator MPT, which has teamed up with a pair of Japanese companies to modernize its services, is still thought to be ahead in terms of subscribers, with Reuters recently putting its count at 18 million. But Telenor's subscriber number quickly moved into eight figures, outpacing Ooredoo, which had only 4.8 million subscribers as of its latest results, which are from September last year. Ooredoo Myanmar CEO Rene Meza said recently that the company was now taking a new approach to the Burmese market. Ooredoo was slashing its data tariffs and focusing on improving distribution in order to compete for a bigger mass market presence, Meza told Reuters. If Telenor's latest results, published this week, are anything to go by, the sector is already getting more competitive. The company's results for the last three months of 2015 said Telenor Myanmar had picked up an additional 1.9 million subscribers in that period, bringing its total to 13.7 million. Telenor claims that it has 37 percent of SIM cards in circulation. That growth was slightly slower than previous quarters—Telenor put on 2.3 million subscribers in the third quarter of 2015. Some deceleration may have been expected, considering that mobile phone penetration has exploded from below 10 percent just four years ago. But Telenor also noted a fall in the average revenue per subscription per month, or APRU, a signal of how much Telenor SIM-card holders are using the company's services. "ARPU was MMK 5,995 [$4.87], which is 4% lower than the normalised ARPU for the third quarter," Telenor's results said. While that's only a small drop, Telenor said competition could be part of the reason. "The decline in ARPU was triggered by tougher competition, coupled by network expansion into low ARPU rural areas," the company said. In a presentation of the results, Telenor also said that 52 percent of its subscribers were "active data users" suggesting that Burma is fulfilling predictions that its mobile phone users will move quickly toward smartphones. Telenor now has 4,200 phone towers around the country. It said the network rollout was going "according to plan" and aims to eventually have 9,000 sites. India's Tata Group Making Moves Toward Burma In a sign that Burma may be beginning to live up to its promise for Indian investors, several different branches of the conglomerate Tata Sons are looking to enter the country, according to a report in the Mumbai-based Economic Times newspaper. Tata Sons—India's oldest and one of its largest business empires—is the holding company for Tata Group, which has interests in sectors including aviation, autos, healthcare IT and telecoms. The report said that at least seven of the group's companies "have zeroed in on Vietnam and Myanmar as markets that need to be penetrated." Subsidiaries Tata Power, Tata Projects, Tata Chemicals, Tata Motors, agricultural products company Rallis, trading arm Tata International and Titan—which makes watches and other luxury goods—were all "either active or are exploring opportunities in the Vietnam and Myanmar markets," a spokesman told the Economic Times. "The demographics and the economic development stage of these countries represent a market for several products and services from the Tata group," the spokesman said. Burma is in theory an important part of the Indian government's "Act East" policy, as it forms a gateway for Indian companies to Southeast Asia—one of the world's fastest growing regions, where integration should make cross-border business easier in the coming years. But other Asian countries like Japan and South Korea have been more prominent in Burma since the economic reforms initiated in 2011. Indian firms are involved in oil and gas exploration in Burma, as well as pharmaceuticals, private healthcare and shipping. But there have also been reports that the slow pace of Indian investment has frustrated the Burmese government. The Business Standard newspaper in 2014 quoted Ye Htut, the spokesman for the government of President Thein Sein, complaining about Indian businesses' tendency to "window shop" in Burma. "Indian businessmen understand our culture, our sensitivities and our tradition. But they are not coming as much as we expected," Ye Htut was quoted saying. Marubeni Sets Up Fertilizer Factory at Thilawa SEZ Marubeni Corporation has announced that it is setting up an agricultural fertilizer plant in the Japanese-government backed Thilawa Special Economic Zone close to Rangoon. The company said in a statement last month that it would begin operations in 2017, and expected to sell 30,000 tons of fertilizer in its first year, mainly catering to the rice-growing heartland around Rangoon and the Irrawaddy Delta. Japanese firm Marubeni "expects to expand this volume to 150,000 metric tons across Myanmar in 2020 while also increasing the number of products in accordance with domestic market growth," a recent statement said. It said the Japanese conglomerate—which operates in a number of sectors, including energy, paper and pulp, and foodstuffs—was looking to expand its global fertilizer business. "In Myanmar, where the improvement of income for farmers is a crucial policy issue, Marubeni is contributing to the increased productivity of major crops such as rice and corn through its sales of effective fertilizers and experimental agricultural studies," it said. Indonesia's Pertamina Confident of Winning Fuels Tie Up An Indonesian state-owned energy company is bidding to team up with the Ministry of Energy's Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) to sell fuel to consumers in Burma, according to the Jakarta Globe. The newspaper said Pertamina's marketing director had expressed confidence that the firm would win a tender to work with MPPE, the result of which is expected to be announced this month. "It’s likely that we would win the tender," Ahmad Bambang, the marketing manager, was quoted saying. The Jakarta Globe reported that Permatina was planning to invest $33 million in the venture, which would sell co-branded fuels from 18 depots and 12 gas stations around Burma. "The state energy company virtually controls Indonesia's retail oil fuel market, thanks to its vast distribution network across the archipelago," the newspaper said. Air Cargo Firms Will Have to Wait for Burmese Boom, Says Trade Publication Trade publication Air Cargo World has published an article predicting that logistics companies looking to capitalize on Burma's political and economic opening may have to wait longer than expected. The report pointed out that Japan's Nippon Express has set up a subsidiary in Burma and will operate a warehouse at the Thilawa Special Economic Zone. Switzerland-headquartered Panalpina has also established an office in Rangoon to handle imports and exports by air and sea cargo, it said. Kuehne + Nagel, also based in Switzerland, has had an office and warehouse in Rangoon since 2013, the report said. But it quoted that firm's local managing director, Amol Singhal, as saying that most of the foreign investment coming into Burma was in the extractive industries, which don't normally require air freight services. Burma's agricultural and garment exports were also not of interest to air cargo operators, the report said. Firms are interested in potentially exporting Burmese seafood by air, but this is not yet a large enough market. Air Cargo World also analyzed the infrastructure available to companies wanting to get involved in the sector in Burma. It noted that no airlines currently fly cargo-only planes into the country, and larger aircraft do not land at Burmese airports, which may anyway not have the capacity to handle them. "Myanmar is opening up," the report concluded, "but it seems a while yet until it will be ready for business." The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (Feb. 13, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag
• ILO: Current Govt ‘Reluctant Partners’ in Fight Against Forced Labor
• Burma’s Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products ‘Unfit for Use’
• Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations
• In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi’s Military Challenge
• Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman
• Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options
• Burma’s Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week
• Burma’s Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start 

Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag Posted: 12 Feb 2016 05:29 AM PST National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi sits in meeting room after the opening of the new Upper House of Parliament in Naypyidaw, February 3, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) The mood of goodwill evident in early talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's military over the country's transition to democratic government has soured, as tensions rise over how to divide up power and deal with the legacy of junta rule. The apparent stalemate has forced Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) to push back the election by Parliament of a new president to March 17, cutting close to the April 1 deadline when the new government is supposed to start its term. While negotiations have been conducted amid tight secrecy, lawmakers say divisions emerged after the military put forward its list of demands to the incoming government last month. The appointment of ex-general Shwe Mann, now a key Suu Kyi ally, to a powerful advisory panel has also stoked mistrust, some say, because his insider knowledge could enable Burma's new rulers to delve into the actions of the outgoing government. "It seems like all of the members of the previous government are now panicking, so they try to use the military's weight to protect themselves," said a former senior lawmaker from the army-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Suu Kyi's NLD won a landslide in Burma's first democratic election in a quarter of a century in November, kicking off a lengthy transition from the semi-civilian government that in 2011 replaced a junta that had run the country for 49 years. That transition began with mutual handshakes and speeches about "national reconciliation," but as the talks drag on the tone of public debate—and that of legislators speaking privately—has changed. In recent days, the NLD and the military have bickered via the media over whether Burma's junta-drafted constitution, which bars Suu Kyi from becoming president, should be amended to let her take the highest office. Ye Htut, the outgoing Minister of Information and presidential spokesman, said Suu Kyi should respect the military as, essentially, the country's second biggest party, and urged her administration not to dwell on the issue of the presidency, instead focusing on economic reform. Looking Forward, or Back? Last week the NLD appointed Shwe Mann, a former speaker of the lower house who was purged from the USDP last year, as the head of the Legal Affairs and Examination of Special Matters Commission, a powerful panel that advises on legislation. This choice, some MPs say, could be problematic for former members of outgoing President Thein Sein's government if the NLD decided to use the commission's expertise to try to amend laws or revisit contracts approved by his administration. The issue of not raking over the past has been crucial in efforts to establish a working relationship between Suu Kyi and her former foes in the military, which under the Constitution retains a bloc of seats in Parliament and control of key parts of the state apparatus. When Suu Kyi met former junta leader Than Shwe in December she gave him assurances that the NLD would not focus on the past. In return, Than Shwe endorsed her as the future "leader" of the country. Days before disbanding at the end of January, the Parliament dominated by Thein Sein's USDP passed a bill granting life-long immunity from prosecution to the president for actions taken in office, sparking protests from human rights organizations. "That law only protects the president, but not his ministers," said the former USDP lawmaker, who is also a member of Shwe Mann's panel. He said the commission would look into recent budgets. Military Demands The military is demanding the positions of chief minister in Arakan, Shan and Kachin states and, crucially, Rangoon, where the bulk of foreign investment is likely to concentrate as Burma's economy grows at a rapid pace, two people briefed on the details of the talks said. Both Shan and Kachin states are home to powerful ethnic armed groups involved in illicit activities ranging from drug production and smuggling to illegal jade mining. Control over these states, which also include Special Regions—semi-autonomous fiefdoms with their own administrations and armies—is key for Suu Kyi, who has made a ceasefire with ethnic armed groups her top priority. China, which has important economic and strategic interests in Burma, is also anxious to protect its influence, Win Htein, one of the top NLD leaders involved in transition talks said. "Chinese government representatives and business associations are coming to us all the damn time to talk about the president and business deals," said Win Htein. The post Political Mood Sours as Transition Talks Hit a Snag appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ILO: Current Govt ‘Reluctant Partners’ in Fight Against Forced Labor Posted: 12 Feb 2016 04:08 AM PST A victim of forced labor displays the scars on his shoulder in Arakan State on June 10, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Forced labor has continued across Burma at the hands of the military, despite the signing of an agreement with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to eliminate the practice by 2015, according to the ILO's in-country liaison officer. The outgoing government, led by President Thein Sein, signed a memorandum of understanding with the UN agency in 2012, promising to ultimately end all forms of forced labor over the next three years. According to the ILO liaison officer in Burma, Piyamal Pichaiwongse, forced labor practices vary by region. In central Burma's dry zone, the incidents are mostly related to the harvesting of crops. Pichaiwongse explained that cases of this type often occur in Magwe, Mandalay and Sagaing divisions, as well as in Arakan, Chin and Shan states. "That adds more difficulty to the farmers' already hard lives," she told The Irrawaddy this week, adding that if the farmers do not grow the crops that the military and the authorities demand, they are often evicted from their land as punishment. In many cases, farmers return to their fields, but they are not allowed to register the land as theirs at the local administration departments without the military's approval. "The major stakeholder in forced labor is the military, because they are the main perpetrators," said Pichaiwongse, a Thai national and former lawyer who has worked in Burma for decades. Another responsible party, she explained, is the General Administration Department (GAD), which operates local governments in every state, division and township. "The government agreed to stop forced labor when we shared reports of cases that reached our complaints mechanism… but when farmers return to their farmland, the military says 'no, you cannot return, it is our land [now],'" she said. In northern and eastern Burma, forced labor is frequently documented as portering for military camps. In western Burma, it commonly involves forced army recruitment and the construction of border fences. Since the establishment of the ILO's Supplementary Understanding Complaints Mechanism in 2007, the organization has been receiving reports from people who are being subjected to forced labor across the country, but few of the cases are able to receive appropriate legal redress. After forming a Ministry of Labor-backed working group on the issue, the ILO has collaborated with government institutions to take action to end forced labor. The group is comprised of representatives from the military, the GAD, the foreign affairs department, the attorney general's office, the Supreme Court and the Ministry of Agriculture. But the working group lacks a willingness to resolve the problem, Pichaiwongse explained, as the current government is backed by the military. "They are our partners, but they are reluctant," she said. The ILO is hopeful that under a National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government, it will be possible to finally eliminate forced labor, as local NLD members have been working closely with the organization for years on land issues and ways of combating the practice. "What I would expect to happen is that the new minister and deputy minister within the Ministry of Labor will lead the fight in a much more positive fashion, because [the NLD] understands the problem," Pichaiwongse said. Burma initially ratified the ILO's forced labor convention in 1955, pledging to abolish the practice, but the number of cases escalated under Burma's 50-year military regime. The post ILO: Current Govt 'Reluctant Partners' in Fight Against Forced Labor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products ‘Unfit for Use’ Posted: 12 Feb 2016 03:33 AM PST Two products of popular Thai brand 'Forever Young' were found to contain a potentially harmful topical steroid, Burma's health ministry announced Wednesday. (Photo: Myanmar Food and Drugs Administration Department / Facebook) RANGOON — Products of a popular Thai cosmetics brand were found to be "unfit for use," according to an official announcement by Burma's Ministry of Health on Wednesday. "Two products of 'Forever Young' cosmetics were found to contain prohibited chemical ingredients that can harm people's health and [we] announce that these two products are unfit for use," the statement read. The two products in question are the "Facial cell boosting mask" and the "White active radiance" day cream, according to the statement, which were found to contain Clobetasol propionate, a topical steroid used to treat various skin disorders. Clobetasol propionate, which can be found in some skin whitening products, is banned in several countries as an ingredient in cosmetics due to potentially harmful side effects. 'Forever Young' cosmetics are produced in Thailand and its local distributor took to Facebook on Wednesday to affirm that the two products hold an official certificate issued by Thailand's Food and Drug Administration, dated October 5 last year. "An announcement that has been spread online which stated that two products of Forever Young cosmetics were found unfit for use, has no official endorsement or signature by respective authorized officials," the post reads. However, the deputy director of Burma's Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Dr. Tun Lin Aung, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the statement was "official" and that the health ministry would soon run the announcement in state-run media. The local distributor denied the products contained Clobetasol propionate in the Facebook post this week, and claimed the brand had a presence inside the country for three years. Tun Lin Aung said his department had received many complaints from Forever Young's consumers and that no certificate or distribution license had been issued to the company. In Wednesday's announcement, the health ministry ordered retailers to stop selling the products and cited Burma's 1972 Public Health Law that authorizes authorities to destroy harmful goods. The post Burma's Health Ministry Deems Thai Cosmetic Products 'Unfit for Use' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations Posted: 12 Feb 2016 01:09 AM PST Ethnic Karen communities in Rangoon welcomed the Karen New year on January 12, 2013, as hundreds of revelers, many of them in Karen dress, celebrated the event with traditional ceremonies. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Rangoon Division authorities have prohibited events marking the respective national days of ethnic Karen and Chin, according to leaders from both communities. In a statement issued on February 3, divisional authorities claimed that the organizations who had applied for permission to host the national day events—ethnic literature and culture associations—were illegal. The letter was signed on behalf of the chief minister of Rangoon Division and sent to township authorities, as well as Karen and Chin literature and culture committees. The Karen typically celebrate their national day annually on February 11, and the Chin on February 20. "Today is our Karen national day, but we could not celebrate it," said Saw Kyaw Zwa, a leader of the Karen Literature and Culture Committee, on Thursday. The ban came as a shock, particularly since members of the Karen National Union (KNU), one of eight ethnic armed groups to sign a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the government last year, had participated in the Karen National Day working committee in Rangoon. After decades of armed struggle, the signing of the NCA removed the KNU from Burma's list of unlawful organizations in October. "If one Karen minister had gone to apply for permission, we may have gotten it. But we did not do it properly, and I think that's why [the government] did not give us permission," he said. "There were politics behind their reason for not giving permission," the leader added. Chin community leaders said they would still mark their 68th national day in Rangoon next week even though the Rangoon Division government had denied approval for their proposed events. "It is hard to understand why they did not give permission. This was meaningless. We celebrate our national day every year," said Salai Isaac Khen, who has acted as moderator for the Chin political parties and as an advisor to the Chin Literature and Culture Committee. "Whatever they do, we will celebrate it," he said. Ethnic groups in Burma typically commemorate their national days by hosting traditional dance and music performances, presenting talks by political leaders, and reserving a venue in which people can meet and share in a celebration of their culture and history. The post Rangoon Authorities Deny Permission for Ethnic National Day Celebrations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi’s Military Challenge Posted: 12 Feb 2016 12:03 AM PST A homeless woman lies on her bed insider her temporary shelter beside a street in Rangoon, February 4, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Days before democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi led her lawmakers into Parliament as Burma's government-in-waiting, Ei Than watched bulldozers sent by the military destroy her house in a slum on the outskirts of Rangoon. Ei Than was one of around 2,500 people thrown off military-owned land at Mingaladon in a mass eviction that gives a glimpse into the challenges Suu Kyi faces in sharing power with the armed forces after nearly 50 years of iron-fisted junta rule. The land, on the edge of the commercial capital, is owned by Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a sprawling military-owned conglomerate that entrenches the armed forces' grip over swathes of one of Southeast Asia's fastest-growing economies. Suu Kyi's party won a resounding election victory last November, but must still work with the military because of its continued hold over key cogs of the government machinery. During the 20 years Ei Than had lived on the land, she had no idea it was owned by the military: like many migrants to the country's biggest city, she built her house on vacant land. "It was just scrub and bushes when we moved here," she said, breastfeeding an infant in a flimsy shelter covered in plastic sheeting that was erected nearby after the eviction. Colonel Tin Aung Tun, minister of security and border affairs for the Rangoon Division government, said he did not know what the land, surrounded by an industrial park housing many military-owned manufacturing plants, would be used for. "These lands belong to the government," said the colonel, who, as the senior military official responsible for the area, oversaw the evictions. "I had to carry out my duty." He said those evicted had been offered food, water and temporary shelter at a nearby paint plant. Some had only moved to the site recently in the hope of compensation, he added. Business Empires The eviction at Mingaladon took place on Jan. 26, less than a week before winning election candidates from Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) were sworn in as lawmakers. When a lengthy transition is completed by the end of March, they will form the party's first majority government. Land disputes are a difficult legacy of military rule. Rights activists have accused the military and army-linked enterprises of numerous land grabs in recent years. The NLD has for years worked to support those who have faced forcible evictions, and is compiling a list of land disputes. It is unclear how the party plans to resolve such disputes, given the likely military opposition. Local NLD members believe the military timed the Mingaladon eviction to avoid any potential opposition from the new government. "I think they wanted to get this done before the transition," said Nyunt May Tha, chairperson of the NLD in Mingaladon Township, whose son now sits in parliament. MEHL is one of two powerful military business empires that account for a large chunk of the economy and are involved in everything from growing tea, manufacturing cigarettes and brewing beer to jade mining and banking. They help fund the military and the pensions and welfare provided to former soldiers, but they do not make their accounts public and their revenues are not shared with the government. Major Win Myint, manager at the nearby MEHL-owned Myanandar water purification plant, told Reuters the firm owned the land but said he did not know what plans the military company had to develop it. A local government official declined to comment beyond confirming that the land belonged to MEHL. MEHL did not respond to Reuters' requests for comment on the eviction and what it planned to do with the land. Landless Burma's junta-drafted 2008 Constitution reserves a quarter of seats in parliament for the armed forces, along with control of home affairs, defense and border affairs ministries, whose ministers are chosen by the army chief, not the president. The Mingaladon evictions were carried out by the General Administration Department (GAD), which runs unelected local governments and reports to the home affairs ministry, according to a copy of the order seen by Reuters. The day after the order to vacate expired, bulldozers arrived. With them were about 200 policemen and around four times as many other men, some carrying sticks, according to a Reuters witness. "Nothing can be done while the military is still in charge of the General Administration Department," said Nyunt May Tha. "We'll only be able to get over this if Daw Suu Kyi can talk to the military and fix it." Government officials told the newly homeless people they would receive compensation and be re-housed. But two weeks after the eviction, those Reuters spoke to said they had received no help. Hundreds of rickety shelters line a track running through a nearby industrial park. Inside, people cook on portable stoves and eat and talk by candlelight. Some say they moved to Rangoon after Cyclone Nargis devastated the central delta in 2008. The few possessions Ei Than owns are scattered on the floor, where a dozen dusty children crowd around a portable DVD player. "We are sad, we have nothing," she said. "We don't know if we will get any help or not." The post In Burma, Slum Eviction Highlights Suu Kyi's Military Challenge appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman Posted: 11 Feb 2016 11:52 PM PST Villagers protest after their land was seized to allow for the expansion of a copper mine in Sagaing Division, on March 13, 2013. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Twelve farmers from Pegu Division's Taungoo Township publicly demanded on Thursday that charges against them be dropped and thousands of acres of land allegedly confiscated by a major Burmese company be returned. Since 2009, locals claim that about 5,000 acres in Ngaga Mouk village tract have been seized by the Kaung Myanmar Aung (KMA) group of companies. The conglomerate includes mining, construction, forestry and hospitality enterprises, and is owned by prominent businessman Khin Maung Aye, the chairman of Burma's Co-operative Bank. The farmers held a press conference led by prominent labor activists Myint Soe and Saw Do Htoo at the Myanmar Journalist Network on Thursday morning. Saw Do Htoo said that the farmers have faced criminal charges of trespassing, defamation and peaceful protest in the Taungoo courts over the last seven years as they try to regain ownership of the land. He explained that Burma's former military government had granted KMA a license to open a 2,400-acre teak plantation located between four villages in the tract—Htone Bo, Ngaga Mouk, Yay Ohe Zin and Kyatchae Chaung. Farmers and the local land registration department were surprised when the company then reportedly confiscated more than 5,000 acres of land. "I don't even want to hear the name of Kaung Myanmar Aung," said Daw Nyunt, a 60-year-old villager from Ngaga Mauk. She described the company as "very cunning" and said that they had tried to offer an "unfair" amount of compensation for the villagers' land—fields which they say they have farmed for more than three generations. Not all of the farmers possess ownership documents for the land, prompting businessmen from KMA to reportedly purchase the "vacant" area from the government. Earlier this year, farmers from four villages say that a verbal consensus was reached with the company's deputy general manager, Saw Maung. Seven key demands were allegedly presented and the meeting concluded when the company promised to "release" the land, according to one local, Saw Kha Hpaw. However, since the agreement was not in writing, villagers' are concerned about its validity. "We don't believe them," said Saw Kha Hpaw. "We requested that they deliver an official statement with the signature of Khin Maung Win, because his name was on the teak plantation license." Deputy general manager Saw Maung acknowledged that KMA had met with the farmers in January. He confirmed that the villagers had made clear their demands, including the dismissal of charges against them, compensation for farmland, and a promise to return the land, signed by Khin Maung Aye. Of these, Saw Maung agreed that the company would give back the land and drop the charges, but said land compensation should be left up to the owner. ''I told them to meet with the landowner to discuss the compensation but they said they didn't trust me," he said. Saw Maung estimates that his company has compensated the villagers with more than two billion kyats (US$1.6 million) from 2009 until the present. He said that the license for the teak project was obtained officially and that no additional land was confiscated, as the farmers allege; he suggested that their demand for further funds was motivated by greed. The deputy general manager also claimed that the establishment of a teak plantation in the area was aimed at preventing climate change. The post Taungoo Farmers Restate Claims of Land Grabbing Against Well-Known Businessman appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options Posted: 11 Feb 2016 09:59 PM PST A news vendor displays local newspapers on a street in Rangoon, November 9, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — The outlook for print media in Burma remains grim in the near-term, industry experts contend, with private outlets still grappling with how to make their ventures financially secure in a market where online platforms have gained prominence. Publishing costs have risen while sales are down, according to Aung Paw Tun, former managing editor of the Messenger Daily which was freely distributed to readers before closing in December. The Messenger continues to run a weekly journal. "If copies sell for under 5,000 kyat per day and there are not enough advertisements, [dailies] won't survive in the market," Aung Paw Tun said. "There are only four or five daily newspapers with better circulation which can [compete] right now, but most can't compete against government-run newspapers." There are currently less than 10 private dailies in circulation, including 7Day Day; Daily Eleven; The Voice; The Standard Times; Democracy Today; Pyi Myanmar; Mandalay Ahlin; and the Myanmar Times. They compete against three amply resourced state-run daily newspapers, The Global New Light of Myanmar, Myanma Alinn and The Mirror. Under the administration of President Thein Sein, pre-publication censorship was abolished in August 2012 and the lifting of a ban on private dailies came into effect in April 2013. By the end of that year, 26 private dailies were on the market—a number that has since dramatically fallen. The state-run dailies often distribute more than 200,000 copies per day, while private dailies maximum circulation only infrequently reaches 100,000 copies. Min Zaw, former deputy managing editor of The Trade Times Journal, which ceased publication last year, explained the paper's demise. "Here the newspaper market is very small, we can't compete with online media. Social media is used more by people now; they don't want a paper, they just want to read quick news via social media," he said. Internet connectivity and mobile phone use has soared in Burma under the administration of President Thein Sein, with many nationals now turning to online sources of news. According to Myanmar Now, citing Facebook figures, from March 2014 to March 2015, the number of Facebook users in Burma grew by over 200 percent to 6-7 million monthly users. Prominent officials such as army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and former Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann now have widely-followed Facebook accounts. Min Zaw also identified a lack of human resources as contributing to local print media's woes, while stressing the importance of enabling an independent press. "The media should not be used as a tool by anyone or any organizations," he said. Kyaw Min Swe, chief editor of The Voice, said he had considered pulling the plug several times since launching the daily newspaper in 2013. "I can say our newspaper is still losing money," he said. "Currently, due to the high expense of printing, newspapers and journals have increased their sales price, but are still losing money." Private daily newspapers are typically priced at around 200-300 kyat, while the state-run dailies are priced at around 100 kyat. "When I worked for the former Interim Press Council, I urged the government to help private newspapers if they were going to [enable a] democratic country. But they just tried to monopolize the market," Kyaw Min Swe said. Since late 2012, the information ministry has championed a plan to transform state-owned newspapers into "public service media," a proposal criticized by many industry experts who contend state-backed print media is unnecessary, with few comparable initiatives around the world. However, with the National League for Democracy (NLD) preparing to form government from April, the state-owned dailies, which are run by the Ministry of Information, face an uncertain future. "I hope a democratic government can create a better media industry," said Aung Paw Tun of the political changes ahead. Despite the challenges, more new media outlets may be around the corner. On Wednesday, the Ministry of Information approved 28 new publishing licenses, including for newspapers, magazines and journals. The post Private Dailies Face Ongoing Struggle with Competition, Costs and Online Options appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week Posted: 11 Feb 2016 07:49 PM PST President Thein Sein waves his hand as he arrives to give a speech at Union Parliament in Naypyidaw, January 28, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Burma's outgoing President Thein Sein has at the last minute canceled plans to attend the US-ASEAN summit in California next week, his office said late on Thursday, giving no reasons for the decision. While no official delegation from the Burmese side had been announced before, experts expected the trip to be Thein Sein's last chance to highlight his reformist legacy in front of President Barack Obama and Southeast Asian leaders. Thein Sein's Union Solidarity and Development Party was crushed by Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in a November election, kicking off a lengthy transition process that will end on April 1 when the new government's term begins. "Vice president Nyan Htun will visit the United States on behalf of president Thein Sein," an announcement by the President's Office read. "President Thein Sein is not visiting the US because he has other business to attend to, that's all we can say," said Zaw Htay, a senior official at the President's Office contacted by phone. Burma's military, which is guaranteed 25 percent of seats in parliament and three security ministries under the Constitution, is negotiating the terms of the transition with Suu Kyi. Details of those talks remain murky. Thein Sein's decision will likely intensify already frantic speculation over the state of behind-the-scenes negotiations in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw. The parliament decided on Monday to begin its election process for the new president on March 17, pushing back the NLD's original plans by about three weeks and suggesting talks between the party and the military have hit a snag. In 2011, Thein Sein's semi-civilian government replaced a military regime that had ruled Burma for 49 years, ushering in political and economic reforms. International observers lauded Thein Sein for organizing credible elections. Leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will meet Obama at a summit in the Californian resort of Sunnylands on Feb. 15-16. The post Burma's Outgoing President Cancels Visit to US-ASEAN Summit Next Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start  Posted: 11 Feb 2016 04:25 PM PST Government officials, members of ethnic armed groups and international witnesses pose for a picture after the signing ceremony of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in Naypyidaw on October 15, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) On Union Day, 69 years since the signing of the Panglong Agreement, it is time for a reappraisal and a new start to what has ultimately been an unsuccessful peace process. Key elements toward achieving a successful peace agreement have been missing throughout the past five years: inclusivity, trust, the meaningful and full participation of women, and—perhaps key to the whole process—political will from the Burma Army. It is the latter that will be the biggest challenge facing the incoming NLD government as it contemplates how to address both the faltering peace efforts and the civil war that has plagued Burma's ethnic communities since independence. The much-touted Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signed in October 2015 and the subsequent Union Peace Conference (UPC) in January 2016 were boycotted by many powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), while the UPC was condemned by civil society in a damning statement. The term 'nationwide,' used with a complete lack of irony by the Burma government, excluded EAOs in many parts of the country, including the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA), and the ethnic Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). Civil society cited ongoing military offensives in Kachin State and northern Shan State as a key factor in their decision to call for the postponement of the UPC. It is these ongoing offensives—in some of the most ferocious military operations since World War II—that perpetuate ethnic communities' and EAOs' lack of trust in the Burma Army and the Burma government. Furthermore, human rights violations including sexual violence, torture, arbitrary arrest and extrajudicial killings have continued as perpetrators from the Burma Army act with complete impunity. The government's peace negotiators have talked a good game, sugar-coating their words throughout Thein Sein's administration, but if the military continues as it always has—unreformed, abusive, unremorseful—such words are empty and efforts will have been ineffective. Throughout the whole peace process, as is often the case, women's voices have been limited to mere token inclusion. The meaningful and full participation of women is vital, as their experiences of armed conflict are often very different to those of men. The burdens, responsibilities, coping mechanisms and perspectives they could bring to the negotiating table would broaden and deepen the peace process, and it is well established that women's participation in peace processes ensures a more sustainable long-term peace. Yet despite a strong presence in civil society leadership, women have continued to be marginalized in the peace process. Underlying many factors contributing to the failed peace process in Burma is the lack of political will by the Thein Sein government and the Burma Army to truly address the aspirations of ethnic people: self-determination, ethnic equality, and a federal system of governance. The military is still the most powerful institution in the country and any moves toward reforming their dominance are flatly refused by the military itself through its constitutional veto powers. This will be the biggest challenge for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD government: persuading the military to reach a middle ground, to compromise, and to participate on equal terms with EAOs based on the Panglong spirit of equality and self-determination. Yet there are some positives on her side—she is trusted by the ethnic communities and EAOs much more than the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This was demonstrated by the NLD's overwhelming electoral victory in November's national polls—not just in central Burma, but in ethnic regions, too. The NLD's stated position towards ethnic equality and power sharing, while yet to be demonstrated in action, is much more amenable to ethnic aspirations than any other time in the past fifty years. Furthermore, the election victory gives the NLD a moral authority and popular legitimacy that no other ruling body in Burma has had since the time of independence. The new government, while institutionally restricted by the Burma Army's veto powers and continued control over many national affairs, thus has some space to maneuver. This is an opportunity to demonstrate the political will needed to confront issues currently lacking in the peace process, such as an end to the marginalization of women and the demand that anything with 'nationwide' in the title actually be as such. While the NLD will not be able to stop the Burma Army from launching devastating military offensives in ethnic areas and abusing local populations, it can use its popular legitimacy both at home and abroad to pressure the Burma Army in a way that the USDP never did or could. Finally the international community, and especially the peace donors that have poured millions into this unsuccessful process, must also undergo a reappraisal of their priorities. EAOs and ethnic rights-based civil society must benefit from this financial and technical assistance in equal measure to the Burma government. This may involve a certain swallowing of pride. But, after all, it is the ethnic communities they represent that have led a generations-long struggle for real peace and equality, in spite of bearing the burden of social, economic and political injustices enabled by a centralized Burman monopoly on power and resources. These ethnic communities must now be recognized as the primary stakeholders in any future peace process; it is to them that the international community and the peace donors must be held accountable. Khin Ohmar is the Coordinator of Burma Partnership, a network of regional and Burma civil society organizations supporting the collective efforts of all peoples working towards democracy, peace, justice and human rights in Burma. Alex Moodie is the Advocacy and Research Officer at Burma Partnership. The post Burma's Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Fearing water shortages, Myingyan residents protest reclamation
• First trickle of disputes hit incoming region MPs
• Land feud heats up the capital
• Fresh arrest for Facebook satire
• ‘We will not be adversarial,’ insists new ANP speaker
• Obama urged to raise human rights with ASEAN leaders
• Road safety campaigner passes away
• Cool mornings set to continue
• Clashes spread in Shan State
• Empty villages stand testimony to ever-more-bitter ethnic conflict

Fearing water shortages, Myingyan residents protest reclamation Posted: 12 Feb 2016 12:34 AM PST Farmers are protesting against a plan they say will reduce their water supply. They say water is so short they have already been forced to abandon growing paddy and switch to beans and pulses.

First trickle of disputes hit incoming region MPs Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST In what is expected to be the first of a flood of land-grab cases, a deputation of farmers has petitioned Ayeyarwady Region hluttaw, now under firm National League for Democracy control, in the hope of recovering their farmland.

Land feud heats up the capital Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST Frustrated former landowners in Nay Pyi Taw who have seized back their confiscated plots could soon face legal action, officials say.

Fresh arrest for Facebook satire Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST Perhaps inspired by the draconian measures taken against other social media pranksters, a Yangon resident decided to goad Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing online.

‘We will not be adversarial,’ insists new ANP speaker Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST Taking office as Speaker in what might well be the most complex and politically charged of Myanmar's 14 states and regions, U San Kyaw Hla is anticipating an "exciting" time as the new MPs take their seats.

Obama urged to raise human rights with ASEAN leaders Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST Parliamentarians in Southeast Asia have called on President Barack Obama to emphasise human rights and democracy when he hosts ASEAN leaders next week.

Road safety campaigner passes away Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST Myanmar's nascent road safety lobby has lost one of its strongest advocates.

Cool mornings set to continue Posted: 11 Feb 2016 08:30 PM PST The cool mornings of the past week are set to continue over the next seven days, but warmer daytime temperatures are also on the way, the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology says.

Clashes spread in Shan State Posted: 11 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST Hundreds of civilians in northern Shan State are reported to have fled a sudden offensive by government forces and separate fighting between two ethnic armed groups, while senior monks are intervening to help villagers trapped in the war zone.

Empty villages stand testimony to ever-more-bitter ethnic conflict Posted: 11 Feb 2016 02:30 PM PST The village near Kutkai in northern Shan State is eerily quiet, except for the plaintive, unanswered wails of a tiny child crouched outside a fence surrounding a wooden stilt house. As the assistant village head later explains, "Half the population has left in the last two months. There are no men left here aged under 40."

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Charges Filed Against Students Over Jan. 20 Protest March
• ‘A Change of Political Weather’: NLD Lawmakers Reflect on Personal Transformations
• Authorities Demand ‘Permission’ for Aung San Birthday Celebrations
• Detained Student Activists Mark Early Valentine’s Day at Court Appearance
• Civilians Displaced as Ta’ang, Shan Armed Groups Clash in Northern Shan State
• Rangoon Police Seize US$1 Million Worth of ‘Abandoned’ Drugs
• Burma’s First EITI Report Attracts Mixed Reviews
• Villagers in Mandalay’s Myingyan Township Protest to Keep Their Water Flowing
• Analysis: New Lawmakers, Same Silencing of Burma’s LGBTQ Citizens?
• ‘Lisu People Want to be Free From The Threats Of Armed Groups’
• India Drafts New Anti-Trafficking Bill, Raises Penalty for Offenders
• Rapidly Aging Thailand Tells Businesses to Hire More Elderly
• China Reports First Case of Imported Zika Virus

Charges Filed Against Students Over Jan. 20 Protest March Posted: 11 Feb 2016 05:13 AM PST Police accompany student activists on a protest march to Mandalay University on Jan. 20, the one-year anniversary of the start of a protest that ended violently several weeks later. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — Mandalay Division police have opened a lawsuit against four student activists for allegedly leading a commemoration ceremony in January marking a student protest march against Burma's controversial National Education Law. The four students— Kaung Zaw Hein, Shine Min Htet Zaw, Khaing Zin Thet and Nyan Lin Htet—are being charged under the Peaceful Assembly Act by police in Aungmyaythazan, Chanayethazan and Maha Aung Myay townships, according to the Mandalay divisional police office. A police officer said that the four student activists have been requested to present at their respective police stations in order to proceed with the case, as it is bailable. "They organized a protest without permission. If they don't show up, their arrest warrants will be issued at once, and the court will accept the case," said an officer. On Jan. 20 over 30 students from Mandalay's Yadanapon University and students from the Mandalay Student Union joined together in a march to commemorate one year since the long march from Mandalay to Rangoon, an act of protest against Burma's National Education Law. Their march terminated at Letpadan, Pegu Division, when police brutally cracked down on protesters. Over 50 student activists remain in jail for their role in the protest. During the ceremony last month students urged the government for the immediate release of the activists detained at Thayawady Prison, as well as the release of all political prisoners across the country. Arrest warrants for Kaung Zaw Hein and Shine Min Htet Zaw were issued at a court in Chanayethazan Township in 2014 for distributing leaflets and protesting at Zaygyo Bazar. Nyan Lin Htet faced a prison term for a graffiti protest on the grounds of Yadanapon University and was released at the end of 2015 after serving the sentence. The post Charges Filed Against Students Over Jan. 20 Protest March appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘A Change of Political Weather’: NLD Lawmakers Reflect on Personal Transformations Posted: 11 Feb 2016 04:50 AM PST NLD lawmakers at the Union Parliament assembly on February 9, 2016. (Photo: J Paing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Aung Win used to fight against the government, asking for better policies. Now, he is sitting in Burma's new Parliament hoping to create better policies. The 70-year-old politician is a new Lower House lawmaker from Rangoon's Hmawbi Township, representing the National League for Democracy Party (NLD), which won in a landslide victory against the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in November's election. The NLD secured almost 80 percent of contested seats in the Union Parliament, which convened on February 8. Lawmakers with unprecedented backgrounds have entered the legislature, including 71 ex-political prisoners. Aung Win now sits in Parliament wearing pinni suit, a symbol of Burmese independence during both the country's colonial days and during the NLD's nearly 30-year struggle against a military regime. After surviving a tough era of military repression, he is learning to act within a different political scene, he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. Burma's new legislature, he said, represents a "change of political weather." "I have to remind myself everyday now to leave all of my political bias. Whoever it is, whatever their political party is, we should only focus on working together for the genuine benefit of the country," he said. His sentiments echo calls by NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi to prioritize national reconciliation. Aung Win's ex-military background is not typical within the country's democratic movement. He attended the Defence Services Academy, graduating from the school's ninth batch, along with outgoing President Thein Sein and the chairperson of the Union Election Commission, Tin Aye. People from Aung Win's town of Hmawbi still call him "Captain," because it was the last rank he attained during his military service; he has not been a captain for 27 years. He describes his transformation from soldier to politician during the 1988 student uprising, where he became the leader of a protest group in Hmawbi Township where he was a civil servant recovering from severe injuries he endured on the front line in the army. For his role in the demonstrations, Aung Win was imprisoned for one and a half years. After his release, he joined the NLD and continued his political activities as a party member. "I believed our people were right. That's why I joined the protest against the government in 1988," he explained during an interview with The Irrawaddy in late October last year while campaigning for the election. "We suffered a lot of suppression. We fought for this one single goal—the change," he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. "Now, we are given a chance to implement what we promised during our campaign." Another NLD lawmaker, Kyi Moe Naing, from Pegu Division's Yedashe Township, said that adapting to a new political environment remains an emotional challenge. People put so much hope in the newly elected representatives, he said, but is now realizing that not everything he had wanted to do can be implemented immediately. "I used to be the one who raised questions to the government," he said. "But now, I ask questions of myself about what I can do for my people within this 5-year term." He was imprisoned from 1991 to 2000 for his involvement in pro-democracy movements. Aye Win, a lawmaker from Irrawaddy Division's Ingapu Township, has, like the ex-military MP Aung Win, been a member of the NLD since the party's formation. He told The Irrawaddy that he is also experiencing new challenges in his role. "I used to be the one who did party work at the township level," he explained. Even though Aye Win is now a political actor in the national arena, he said his original goal to work for the country remains unchanged. "Our party has assigned me to 'bigger duties' to work for our people," he said. The post 'A Change of Political Weather': NLD Lawmakers Reflect on Personal Transformations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Authorities Demand ‘Permission’ for Aung San Birthday Celebrations Posted: 11 Feb 2016 04:41 AM PST Students from the Yangon Institute of Economics celebrate General Aung San's 101st birthday on Wednesday. (Photo: Yangon Institute of Economics Students' Union / Facebook) RANGOON — Devoted National League for Democracy (NLD) members have hit a snag in preparations to mark the revered General Aung San's 101st birthday on Feb. 13, with the party faithful, as well as student union members, reporting that authorities are demanding they obtain official permission. Khin Maung Myint, an executive committee member of the NLD in Mandalay Division's Kyaukse Township, said that party members want to hold celebrations on Friday and Saturday—including a public literature talk, a quiz competition for children and a fitness contest—but that the township administration has said they can only do so with official permission. "We've now submitted a permit to host the event," Khin Maung Myint said, adding that party members were yet to receive any official word. If permission is not granted, "we will proceed anyway," he said. "We will have a fundraiser and a free feast at the NLD office on Feb. 13." This is the tack that was taken at the Yangon Institute of Economics. While members of the student union had not been cleared to hold an event on Feb. 10 honoring Aung San's birthday, some 100 students went ahead with their planned festivities, including singing songs, playing games and sharing birthday cake. As access to a field was obstructed, students had to hold the event in a different space near the institute. The students said they were filmed and photographed by police. In 2015, the NLD led "a whole year" of celebrations to commemorate the 100th birthday of Burma's martyred revolutionary. The post Authorities Demand 'Permission' for Aung San Birthday Celebrations appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Detained Student Activists Mark Early Valentine’s Day at Court Appearance Posted: 11 Feb 2016 03:53 AM PST Click to view slideshow. RANGOON — Summoned to yet another court appearance on Thursday, detained student activists were determined to remain upbeat, marking an early Valentine's Day by wearing matching t-shirts and presenting each other with chocolates. Appearing at Rangoon Division's Kamayut Township Court, Phyo Phyo Aung and her husband James, also known as Lin Htet Naing, posed for the cameras and exchanged gifts to mark the well-known day, which falls on Sunday. Another detained couple, Min Thwe Thit and Po Po, did the same. Fifty-three students remain detained for their role in demonstrating against the National Education Law early last year. Their protests came to a brutal end when police violently cracked down on the demonstrators at Letpadan, Pegu Division, on March 10. As their trials continue to drag on, courts from the commercial capital's Kamayut, Botahtaung, Tamwe, Hlaing and Mayangone townships recently tacked on charges against at least one of the students— the 28-year-old Phyo Phyo Aung. A coalition of groups released a report last month in which they claimed some of the 53 detainees at Thayawady Prison faced illnesses that were potentially "life-threatening," calling for their immediate release. Phyo Phyo Aung and James were arrested three months after their marriage in January 2015. They are being held in different prisons and only meet on hearing days. Min Thwe Thit was arrested in March and his fiancé Po Po has been on bail since April. On Thursday, Min Thwe Thit took to Facebook to express his feelings. "This year is worse as we have no freedom," he wrote. "We wore couples' shirts today. As long as we have understanding for each other and are faithful to our revolution, every moment we meet is Valentine's Day." The post Detained Student Activists Mark Early Valentine's Day at Court Appearance appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Civilians Displaced as Ta’ang, Shan Armed Groups Clash in Northern Shan State Posted: 11 Feb 2016 01:06 AM PST Soldiers from the Shan State Army-South march in formation during a military parade celebrating the 69th Shan State National Day at Loi Tai Leng, the group's headquarters, on the Thai-Burma border, February 7, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — More clashes have been reported between the Ta'ang National Liberation Army and the Shan State Army-South this week, with both armed groups trading blame over the cause of hostilities. Fighting has been reported on successive days since Feb. 7 across three townships in northern Shan State—Namkham, Namhsan and Kyaukme. According to local media reports, several hundred villagers from Tauk San in Kyaukme Township have fled their homes as clashes continue. Col Sai Hla, a spokesperson for the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), the political wing of the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), claimed Ta'ang forces attacked their base in Namkham on Sunday. "They came to attack our new base where we set up on a mountain. They could not take our mountain post as our armed forces fought back," Sai Hla told The Irrawaddy. "They burned some houses at a village in Kyaukme Township. They even arrested some villagers, including monks who tried to help the villagers escape." Tar Bong Kyaw, general secretary of the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), denied the claims, while acknowledging that Ta'ang forces had arrested members of the RCSS. The TNLA general secretary also repeated a claim, first leveled in November last year, that the SSA-S was cooperating with the Burma Army—an accusation the Shan armed group has repeatedly denied. "The RCSS troops wait to fight us outside [Kyaukme] town in order to get help from the Burma Army," said Tar Bong Kyaw, claiming that the SSA-S was able to freely pass through checkpoints manned by government troops in the area. He further alleged that the Burma Army had provided Shan forces with ammunition. Speaking to The Irrawaddy, Col Sai Hla refuted the allegations which have been hotly debated among Burmese social media users this week. The RCSS was among eight armed groups that signed the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with the government in mid-October. The TNLA by contrast was not recognized by the government and excluded from the negotiations. At a recent event to mark Shan National Day in Loi Tai Leng, the remote mountain headquarters of the SSA-S, RCSS chairman Lt-Gen Yawd Serk spoke positively of the ceasefire pact. "Signing the NCA is a way to unity, as it is signed between the government and the armed groups of both sides who think for the public," he told The Irrawaddy. "When the public cooperates, it will be successful." According to two Ta'ang civil society organizations, over 550 villagers from Law Naw in Namkhan Township have been forced to flee their homes due to ongoing hostilities. In a joint statement released on Wednesday, the Ta'ang Women's Organization and the Ta'ang Students and Youth Organization also alleged that the RCSS had been forcibly recruiting villagers in southern Shan State. 'We Need to Fight Back' Representatives of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) met with Yawd Serk in northern Thailand's Chiang Mai in December in a bid to alleviate tensions in northern Shan State. RCSS is not a member of the ethnic alliance, which includes the TNLA and whose membership is comprised of groups that opted against signing the NCA. Nai Ron Tein, deputy communications officer for the UNFC, told The Irrawaddy this week that leaders of both sides may meet next week. Both groups have accused the other of instigating the conflict which first broke out in November. TNLA leaders have viewed the clashes as playing to the time-honored divide-and-rule tactics of the former regime. "The best solution would be if Yawd Serk's troops go back to their place [in southern Shan State]," said Tar Bong Kyaw. "For us, we need to fight back as they came to take control of our area and we have no other options." The TNLA has in the past fought government troops alongside members of the Kachin Independence Army and the Arakan Army, further raising fears among some observers of the potential for this week's fighting to cement divisions between ethnic armed groups. "We do not want to fight against our ethnic armed groups," said Sai Hla of the RCSS. "It is better to work out how we can stay as one community in Namkham." The post Civilians Displaced as Ta'ang, Shan Armed Groups Clash in Northern Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rangoon Police Seize US$1 Million Worth of ‘Abandoned’ Drugs Posted: 11 Feb 2016 12:57 AM PST Police inspect the dumping site in Mingaladon Township where the abandoned drugs were found. (Photo: Yangon Police / Facebook) RANGOON — Police have seized over 260,000 methamphetamine pills worth over 1.3 billion kyats (over US$1 million) in Rangoon's Mingaladon Township, officers confirmed this week. Responding to a local tip in Pyinmabin village on February 5, police found the stimulants abandoned at a garbage dump near the Rangoon-Prome road. The tablets were wrapped in paper and packed in plastic and cement bags near the dumping site. "We assume that those stimulant tablets were abandoned weeks ago. Some of the bags are torn and some tablets are wet. We are still probing into the case. Drug squads and local police stations are working together to find the owners of those drugs," said police officer Htay Win of Htauk Kyan Police Station. Police have opened an investigation under the Illicit Drugs Act. It is not yet immediately clear if the latest discovery is linked with the chain of five previous drug hauls in Mingaladon and East and West Dagon townships last year. In these busts, police seized over 33 million pills worth around 170 billion kyats (US$138.5 million) in total. On February 8, police also confiscated 4.5 million kyats (US$3,600) worth of stimulants from a house in South Dagon Township and a haul of the same narcotics worth 500 million kyats (over US$400,000) in Tamwe Township. Translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post Rangoon Police Seize US$1 Million Worth of 'Abandoned' Drugs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s First EITI Report Attracts Mixed Reviews Posted: 11 Feb 2016 12:28 AM PST Dump trucks loaded with soil at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin State, November 26, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Burma's first ever Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) report was published last month, focusing on revenue flows from the country's oil, gas and mining sectors, completed as part of the government's effort to become a full-fledged member of the global protocol. Burma became a candidate country in July 2014, and the country's membership became a key plank of President Thein Sein's reform agenda. The London-based NGO Global Witness, which last year released a highly publicized report on corruption in the multi-billion dollar jade industry, called Burma's first EITI report "an important foundation for more accountable management of Myanmar's oil, gas and mining industries that the incoming government, civil society and companies can build from." In a detailed response to the report, however, Global Witness concluded that the assessment could have been more thorough in its coverage of the lucrative jade trade, which the watchdog group says the EITI report's authors seem to have treated as an "afterthought." Global Witness noted that the report's author avoided citing already published government data on the jade trade that was released in a 2014 Harvard study authored by David Dapice with full cooperation from the Burmese government, or other data that Global Witness had obtained and published last year. "Most bizarrely, they do not even reference published government statistics on jade production," notes Global Witness. Although the full disclosure of who owns which firms involved in a given extractive resource project is one of the main goals of the EITI process, the report left out much of this information in its coverage of the jade trade. "The report offers very little on the question of who really owns companies and what the terms of companies contracts are—both are crucial to the public's ability to hold companies and officials to account and need to be prioritized in the next stage of the EITI process," said Global Witness, whose own report last year revealed that several high-profile former members of the previous ruling regime—including the families of Snr-Gen Than Shwe and former northern commander Ohn Myint—were behind shadowy firms with lucrative concessions in Kachin state's Hpakant. Global Witness wasn't the only critic of Burma's EITI efforts. Wong Aung, director of Shwe Gas Movement (SGM)—an NGO created in response to concerns about the now completed China-backed twin oil and gas pipelines project—was part of the EITI's multi-stakeholder group at the beginning of the process.  A native of Arakan State, Wong Aung said the report did not do enough to cover issues relating to resources in ethnic areas. "I totally agree with Global Witness, there needs to be a more serious look at jade and other resources coming from ethnic areas," said the veteran campaigner. "There are still a lot of political and institutional obstacles to making the report complete." Wong Aung told The Irrawaddy that he was left somewhat disillusioned with the civil society engagement component of the EITI process, which he said glossed over the concerns of ethnic groups about resource governance and environmental policies. "The problem is that a lot of marginalized people, including ethnic people, have been left out of the process," he said. Wong Aung wants the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government to make an effort to address long-standing concerns of ethnic people about resource governance, lamenting that the issue does not appear to be a high priority for the NLD despite its national importance. Firm Linked to Japanese Govt Fails to Comply  The EITI report contained a great deal of data provided by international oil and gas firms about their payments and taxation levels to the Burmese government, which also provided data for what they received from these firms, something that the government had never done before. The report noted however, that Nippon Oil Exploration (Myanmar), which owns a 19.32 percent stake in the Yetagun offshore project, did not cooperate with the process. Most of the other major international oil firms operating in country did comply. Data available on the website of firm JX Nippon Oil & Gas Exploration Corporation revealed that it owned a 40 percent stake in Nippon Oil Exploration (Myanmar). A 50 percent stake in Nippon Oil Exploration (Myanmar) is held by the Japanese government, while the remaining 10 percent is held by the Japanese conglomerate Mitsubishi, according to the company's website. Despite the fact that Nippon Oil "failed to produce copies of their receipts" as requested for the EITI audit, the report's authors were able to include some information about the firm's activities because their partner on the Yetagun project—the Malaysian firm Petronas, which is the operator in the consortium of firms involved in Yetagun—shared its data. Information relating to the firm's Burmese operations, including the firm's local registration number and ownership structure, were not provided. Likewise, details about Nippon Oil's auditor were also missing. The Japanese government has held a stake in the Yetagun project since it entered into a partnership with JX Nippon in the 1990's, before the project went online. In February 2009, the Japanese government, led at the time by the centrist Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), formally announced its decision to become a "supporting country" of the EITI. The post Burma's First EITI Report Attracts Mixed Reviews appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Villagers in Mandalay’s Myingyan Township Protest to Keep Their Water Flowing Posted: 10 Feb 2016 11:17 PM PST Villagers from Hsa Khar in Mandalay's Myingyan Township protest against the destruction of the Mya Nandar reservoir on Wednesday. (Photo: Ko Ye Htut Mgn / Facebook) MANDALAY — Dozens of residents from Hsa Khar village in Mandalay Division's Myingyan Township protested on Wednesday against the destruction of the Mya Nandar reservoir, the only source of water for the village's residents. Protesters said that the reservoir's waterways have been blocked due to an ongoing land expansion project by the Myingyan municipal department, and that the village could face a water shortage in the months leading up to the dry season. "Because they've bulldozed most of the ground, the flow of water leading to Mya Nandar reservoir has been stemmed and the water level has significantly dropped," said Ye Myint, one of the Hsa Khar protesters. According to locals, the land expansion project, supposedly for housing and farming, was started a month ago, near Myingyan Industrial Zone and Hsa Khar village. "We've submitted several appeals to the department to clear the waterways, but we haven't received any response. So now we have to protest," said Ye Myint. During the protest, villagers demanded a stop to the project and the creation of alternative pathways for water to reach the village. "We don't want the project. We just want our water back," Ye Myint said. The Irrawaddy attempted to contact the municipal department on Wednesday but was unable to reach anyone for comment. "We've never faced a water shortage in the summer because we've always had the reservoir. This summer, however, we'll face one for sure," said Mya Ohn, another villager. "Our crops are already dying, and very soon, we could be confronted with a drought." The post Villagers in Mandalay's Myingyan Township Protest to Keep Their Water Flowing appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: New Lawmakers, Same Silencing of Burma’s LGBTQ Citizens? Posted: 10 Feb 2016 10:23 PM PST Burma's National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi looks on during a news conference at her home in Rangoon, November 5, 2015.  (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Despite last week's sea change in the Union Parliament following the roaring victory of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma's historic November election, it is unclear if the dividing line that relegates the former pariah state's LGBTQ citizens to the fringes of cultural and political life will persist. At least in part, the bones of this lie in the legacy of British colonialism that still stretches across large swaths of Asia. Section 377 of the former British penal code criminalizes "carnal intercourse against the order of nature," which has typically been interpreted to mean same-sex acts, particularly sodomy. Britain's penal code was exported to its colonies to entrench European mores among the local masses. This doubled as a form of control, and it remains intact in many former colonies today. Present-day Burma still has section 377 on its books. People who engage in same-sex acts can be punished with up to 10 years in prison. Laws against homosexuality are rarely enforced, but sexual minorities and their advocates often face abuse from police, who are known to extort bribes by using the threat of prosecution. In 2013, for instance, 12 gay men and transgender women in Mandalay were arrested and then forced to strip in public before they were taken to a police station and subjected to further humiliation. After the incident, Human Rights Watch reported that Myint Kyu, Mandalay Division's minister of border and security affairs, said, "The existence of gay men who assume that they are women is unacceptable, and therefore we are constantly taking action to have the gays detained at police stations, educate them and then hand them back to their parents," though this usually hinges on the ability to pay bond. Queer men are confronted with obstacles including greater risk of contracting HIV in a society whose stigma against homosexuality obstructs safe-sex education and shames those who are HIV positive into silence. However, non-gender conforming and queer women are arguably more obscured in larger human rights efforts in Burma. Lynette Chua, assistant professor of law at the National Singapore University, told The Irrawaddy that transgender women "are overwhelmingly targeted by police because they're seen as acting in a way that's gender transgressive." But social norms ignore abuses to this group by unspooling a narrative that its members invited violence. This is underpinned by broader discrimination against women and by a widely accepted belief in the majority-Buddhist country that being transgender is accumulated bad karma for past sins. In the lead-up to November's general election, activists aimed their efforts at summoning political muscle as a key way to protect and empower Burma's LGBTQ citizens. One of Burma's most prominent human rights voices, Aung Myo Min, said in an interview with The Irrawaddy that activists during this time had two main objectives: making sexual minorities visible, and prodding candidates to rethink social prejudices before the newly minted lawmakers took up their seats in Parliament. "Much of the public still sees homosexuality as a negative element," he said, "and politicians are wary of promoting LGBTQ rights because they fear that doing so might make it seem as if they have a more vested motive for taking up these causes. Raising awareness among political players is one of the best means of galvanizing support for LGBTQ citizens." This is likely because progress in conservative Burma must stem from simultaneous, equally powerful changes both to national culture as well as to national policy. David Gilbert, a researcher at Australia National University focusing on how regulation shapes gender and sexuality in everyday Rangoon life, put it plainly to The Irrawaddy, saying that Burma "needs law reform," including the repeal of section 377 and vague anti-loitering laws, such as section 30(d) of the Rangoon Police Act, which has frequently been used to target male-bodied transgender women. In addition to a shift in public attitudes, "new laws are needed to provide protection from discrimination," he said. Yet there is a healthy dose of skepticism to be had. While some politicians have called on the decriminalization of homosexuality in Burma, the country's tenuous political climate makes it dubious as to whether qualified words will translate into action anytime soon. Indeed, LGBTQ rights have yet to secure a crowning position on political agendas. Burma has made headway over the past few years by bringing more attention to its admittedly grim LGBTQ situation. There is a burgeoning grassroots movement, and in January activists lauded the return of the &Proud LGBTQ film festival. Hopes are certainly high that this is the dawn of a new, liberal era in Burma. But looking ahead, advancing LGBTQ rights—giving greater prominence to lesbian and transgender rights, building the capacity of local leaders and even having openly LGBTQ candidates contest elections—will require Burma's political top brass to grapple with what activists describe as a problem of political vision. "New lawmakers must see LGBTQ rights as human rights. It's important for sexual minorities to be treated as equal human beings," Aung Myo Min said. "What activists want is the universality of LGBTQ rights and the lives they protect." The post Analysis: New Lawmakers, Same Silencing of Burma's LGBTQ Citizens? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Lisu People Want to be Free From The Threats Of Armed Groups’ Posted: 10 Feb 2016 10:10 PM PST Lar Mar Lay, speaking to reporters at the opening of the Lower House on Feb. 1, 2016. (Credit: Thin Lei Win / Myanmar Now) RANGOON — The Lisu National Development Party won five constituencies in the 2015 general elections, two seats in the Lower House, two seats in the Kachin State parliament and the post of Minister of Lisu Ethnic Affairs in Kachin State. Lar Mar Lay, a 36-year-old lawyer, won a Lower House seat in Tsawlaw Township, Kachin State, for the party. The Lisu are an ethnic minority of several hundred thousand people living mostly in Kachin and Shan states; many adhere to the Christian faith. Due to its relatively small numbers, the group has struggled to defend its interests while being surrounded by bigger ethnic groups in the north of Myanmar and dealing with the previous Bamar-majority government. The Lisu do not have an armed rebel group, though some of its people have joined the ethnic Wa, Kachin and Shan rebel groups. Lar Mar Lay recently spoke to reporter Ei Cherry Aung about his party's role in the national and Kachin State parliaments, and the issues he wants to prioritise on behalf of the Lisu people. You are representing the Lisu and won in Tsawlaw Township constituency. Are there many Lisu people in this area? People believe I would address their woes in the parliament and so they voted for me. But our party['s Lisu support base] is smaller than any other [ethnic] parties in this area. It has a population of more than 6,000, among which there are 3,800 eligible voters, only 1,400 of them are Lisu people. Which issues will you prioritise in parliament? I will discuss Kachin State issues, such as IDPs [internally displaced persons], the peace process, and the poor education and healthcare services in my constituency, as well as the need for amendments to the Constitution. What did the national and state governments do for the Lisu people in the last five years? And what type of help do Lisu people now expect from the new government? President Thein Sein's government did not implement any project with special attention for the Lisu people. We expect better rule of law in Chipwi, Tsawlaw Township, Khaunglanphu, Putao, Myitkyina, Waingmaw and Tanai townships. Two militia groups, government forces and the KIA [Kachin Independence Army] forces have their military camps in Tsawlaw Township. We want to be free from the threats of these armed groups, and be able to enjoy democratic practices. People are living in poor conditions there. For example, there is no paved road in this area. The living standards are much lower than in Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyitaw. Many grade 4 schoolchildren cannot speak the Myanmar language well. Local people are not accustomed to using a toilet. The area has no landline phones. Many Lisu people in Shan state and Mandalay region have also not received citizenship cards. This is a loss of citizenship rights. The incoming government is requested to solve these problems. Are there any Lisu soldiers in the Kachin and Shan rebel forces? There might be some Lisu soldiers in these forces because some of them might have been forcibly recruited. What is your initial view of the peace process approach of the NLD government? Most ethnic armed groups have more confidence in the NLD than the outgoing government when it comes to the peace process. But we will have to wait and see whether the military will collaborate with the new administration on the peace issue. If the new peace process does not live up to expectations of ethnic armed groups, the civil war will continue. But collaboration between the government and the army could reduce these armed clashes. What is the current situation of the Kachin IDPs? IDPs in the government-controlled areas are being supported by NGOs. Those outside these areas are trying to survive by themselves as NGOs fear working there due to the lack of government security measures. It means that neither the government nor civil society organizations can fully provide humanitarian aid to these IDPs. Only a ceasefire deal could help them return home. What sort of difficulties will the next government face in the peace process? All the armed groups, including army forces, [pro-government] militias and border guard forces, need to support the government's efforts on this issue. Each armed group must be counterbalanced through activities to strengthen the rule of law. Law enforcement officers need independent authority to ensure rule of law [in conflict areas]. Which constitutional amendments would you like to see? The state and region's chief ministers should be elected by the [state and region] parliament. I oppose the fact the president can directly appoint the chief ministers—this article should be amended. What are the main challenges for the incoming government? National reconciliation should be their first priority, and then lasting peace. Armed groups should not have unreasonable demands. For example, Kayin leaders should consider the interest of all ethnic people in Kayin State. Do you think ethnic affairs can be discussed effectively with few ethnic party representatives in parliament? Aung San Suu Kyi has promised that her government will take an approach of national reconciliation, but we will have to wait and see what happens in the parliament. What are the major obstacles to creating a federal union in Myanmar? The major problem with this issue is racial discrimination. National leaders should remove any mindset that focuses only on the interest of their own race. Such attitudes will never lead to the establishment of a genuine federal union. A federal army [integrating ethnic rebels with the army] will be the first step for the federal union; such a federal army must involve young talented persons of all races. This story originally appeared on Myanmar Now. The post 'Lisu People Want to be Free From The Threats Of Armed Groups' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India Drafts New Anti-Trafficking Bill, Raises Penalty for Offenders Posted: 10 Feb 2016 09:39 PM PST A 16-year-old girl sits inside a protection home on the outskirts of New Delhi, November 9, 2012.  (Photo: Reuters) CHENNAI, India — A new bill being drafted in India aims to curb the steep rise in human trafficking by unifying several existing laws, raising the penalties for offenders and providing for victims' rehabilitation, government officials said on Wednesday. The bill calls for the creation of an organized crime investigation agency, a special court to deal with trafficking cases and severe penalties for repeat offenders and the trafficking of minors, they said. "Human trafficking in India has taken on many forms, with people being trafficked for forced labor, domestic work and even begging," a senior Women and Child Development Ministry official working on the draft bill told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "All these cases are dealt with by various agencies and under numerous different laws," she said. "The Supreme Court of India felt that all cases, national or international, should come under the purview of one single law. The new legislation will have a more holistic approach and plug the lacunae in the implementation of anti-trafficking drives." As well as creating an all-embracing law against trafficking, the bill will propose increasing the penalty for offenders to up to 15 years' jail from the present four to five years, and will provide protection for both victims and witnesses, the official said. In addition, a separate court will be established to handle serious crimes committed across more than one Indian state, she said. At present, human trafficking cases are dealt with largely under the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, though some also come under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, or sections of the Indian Penal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure, labor laws and overseas affairs, the official said. "This is a big step forward," Dr. P M Nair, a member of the expert committee set up to draft the bill, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in a telephone interview. "Since 2000, many of us working to prevent human trafficking have been pushing for comprehensive legislation. The highlight of the draft bill is that it gives victims a legal right to rehabilitation, making the state more accountable in doing so." According to National Crime Record Bureau data, 5,466 cases of trafficking were reported in 2014, an increase of 60 percent since 2010. "The new legislation hopes to fix these numbers," Nair said. "At present investigators, judicial officers and public prosecutors lack training in handling these sensitive cases. Under the new legislation, there will be an emphasis on ensuring better justice for victims." An inter-ministerial committee will examine the draft bill when it is completed and send it to parliament, which is expected to pass it into law later this year, officials said. The post India Drafts New Anti-Trafficking Bill, Raises Penalty for Offenders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rapidly Aging Thailand Tells Businesses to Hire More Elderly Posted: 10 Feb 2016 09:33 PM PST Plang Pansaior, a 66-year-old bus driver, waits for passengers while working in downtown Bangkok, Thailand, February 3, 2016.  (Photo: Jorge Silva / Reuters) BANGKOK — Pornsak Bowornsrisuk pulls an umbrella toward him to shield his head of thick grey hair from the blazing sunshine at the Bangkok bus terminal he manages. "You've got to be damned tough to do this job," says the 63-year-old, who records bus arrivals and departures, and tots up fares collected from journeys across Thailand's capital. Septuagenarian bus conductor Pranom Chartyothin moves nimbly to a door to guide students off the vehicle. She waves at the driver, 66-year-old Plang Pansaior, who glances in his rear view mirror before pulling away. Such scenes will only become more common in Thailand as its population rapidly ages, unlike its neighbors with more youthful populations. The World Bank estimates the working-age population will shrink by 11 percent by 2040, the fastest contraction among Southeast Asia's developing countries. Thailand's stage of economic development, the rising cost of living and education, and a population waiting longer to get married are among the reasons it is aging more quickly than its neighbors. An effective contraception program in the 1970s also played a part, said Sutayut Osornprasop, a human development specialist at the World Bank in Thailand. Thailand's fertility rate dropped to 1.5 in 2013 from 5.6 in 1970, according to United Nations data. The government is urging businesses to hire more older people to soften the impact of the aging workforce on productivity, as well as limit the rise in the cost of its modest pension scheme. Thailand will have to boost productivity to foot the bill for supporting the elderly, Bank of Thailand Governor Veerathai Santiprabhob told Reuters in an interview in January. "Everyone has to be able to earn more to be able to shoulder the cost of our aging society," he said. The state paid 61.37 billion baht (US$1.73 billion) in 2015 in pensions and the cost is expected to rise by 16 percent to 71.23 billion baht in 2020 Older Workers Keep Their Cool The government established a Department of Older Persons in March 2015 to tackle elderly employment and related issues. The Bangkok Transport Co., which employs Pornsak, Pranom and Plang, is embracing the change. Around 13 percent of its workforce is over 60. The firm likes older staff as they can keep their cool in Bangkok's bumper-to-bumper traffic, said the director Phatharawadee Klomjaroon. "Bangkok's streets are jammed," she said. "Young employees sometimes still cannot control their temper, but the older employees are focused and more mindful. They can keep a calm demeanor when it comes to driving." With monthly pensions of 600-1,000 baht a month ($17-$28), many Thais have no choice but to keep working. "It is tiring but we just have to keep going. There isn't anyone to take care of me," said Pranom, who used to work as a cleaner and became a bus conductor after her husband died. Nearly 40 percent of the 10 million Thais who are above the mandatory retirement age of 60 are still in the workforce, said Anusan Thienthong, head of the Department of Older Persons. The government is considering extending the retirement age for some occupations, he said. Just outside the Thai capital, the Cho Heng Rice Vermicelli Factory Co. says more and more older people are seeking jobs. "We're getting more calls asking if we accept old applicants," said factory owner Varatus Vongsurakrai, adding that 62 of his 1,600 workers are over retirement age. He said he valued older workers for their reliability and experience. One of those is Darunee Kamwong, 72, a cleaner who has five children and helps pay for the education of two of her grandchildren. "I think I'll work another five years," she said. "I'm old already but I can't rest just yet." The post Rapidly Aging Thailand Tells Businesses to Hire More Elderly appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Reports First Case of Imported Zika Virus Posted: 10 Feb 2016 09:25 PM PST A scientist displays Aedes aegypti mosquitoes inside the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) insect pest control laboratory in Seibersdorf, Austria, February 10, 2016.  (Photo: Leonhard Foeger / Reuters) BEIJING — China's first case of the Zika virus has been found in a 34-year-old man who recently traveled to Venezuela and is now making a speedy recovery, the government said Wednesday. The man from the southern city of Ganzhou had been treated in Venezuela on Jan. 28 before returning home on Feb. 5 via Hong Kong and the southern Chinese city of Shenzhen, the National Health and Family Planning Commission said in a statement. The commission said he had been confirmed as having the Zika virus on Tuesday and was being treated at the Ganxian People's Hospital. His temperature is now normal and a skin rash is receding, it said. The commission said the chances of the virus spreading in China were "extremely low" due to cold winter temperatures and a lack of mosquito activity, the primary avenue by which Zika is transmitted. The Zika virus is spreading rapidly through Latin America. Most people who contract it have either mild or no symptoms, but it is suspected of causing a birth defect in which babies are born with abnormally small heads. Bernhard Schwartlander, the World Health Organization representative in Beijing, said imported cases of Zika in China are to be expected given the frequency of travel between the country and South America. "Chinese health authorities are well prepared to respond to this and any further imported cases," Schwartlander said in a statement issued by his office. "The current risk of a widespread outbreak of Zika virus in China is low." The post China Reports First Case of Imported Zika Virus appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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