Tuesday, March 8, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Endangered Irrawaddy Dolphin Population On the Rise

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 05:27 AM PST

A fisherman waits for a tail-swishing signal from a dolphin to begin a cooperative fishing session. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

A fisherman waits for a tail-swishing signal from a dolphin to begin a cooperative fishing session. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY – Burma's endangered Irrawaddy dolphin population increased this year, according to a survey by the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS).

The survey was conducted in February in the Irrawaddy River between Mandalay and Kachin State's Bhamo. It found 65 dolphins, including three babies. The previous 2015 survey found 58 dolphins in the protection area, and three that had died in 2014.

"The total we found in February is quite satisfactory," said Kyaw Hla Thein, a project coordinator with WCS. "We hope the number continues to increase, especially since we found three babies, swimming beside their mothers."

A 230-mile stretch of the Irrawaddy River from Mingun to Kyauk Myaung in Sagaing Division was designated as a wildlife protection zone in 2005. The area has strict measures in place to protect the dolphins, but rules go largely unenforced.

Catching or killing dolphins is prohibited, as is trading their meat. A ban on electro-fishing and regulations on the types of nets permitted are also intended to protect the species, which is listed as critically endangered in Burma.

According to WCS, the number of Irrawaddy dolphins found in the protection zone was fewer than 20 between 2007-2009. The number of dolphins increased dramatically after 2010, to 86.

However, in 2014, the number declined to 63, which shocked researchers. The deaths were attributed to electro-fishing, which is illegal in the country. Despite threats of jail time, the practice continues.

"We are still struggling to stop the electro fishing," said Kyaw Hla Thein. "Many still use this illegal method, threatening the lives of the dolphins and depleting fish stocks."

Despite the efforts of the WCS and the government's Fishery Department to stop the practice, attempts have been unsuccessful. But drawing the attention of foreign tourists and researchers has indirectly helped.

"On the bright side, the tourists' interest in the dolphins has somehow persuaded local fisherman to protect [the dolphins]," he said. "This, along with our education programs, has resulted in the increase in population."

The post Endangered Irrawaddy Dolphin Population On the Rise appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

10 Things to Do in Rangoon This Week

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 04:40 AM PST

EVENT

Invitational flyers for a host of events in the commercial capital this week.

The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events, ranging from dance and punk to arts shows, happening in Rangoon this week.

 

Various Events

BigB

Music – Punk

Big Bag, the punk rock music band, will stage a show.

Where: People's Park on Pyay Rd.  When: Fri March 11. Time: Starts at 6pm

ora

Music – Classical

Orchestra for Myanmar and a choir made up of children from local international schools will stage a show bringing musicians together from a range of organizations including the AOC Orchestra, Gitameit Music Center, the University of Arts and Culture, MIT, Ame Gita and MRTV.

Where: Strand Hotel, When: Fri 11 March. Time: Starts at 7pm

Technology

All things to do with mobile technology will be on show at the Mobile, Communication with Satellite Expo 2016.

Where: Tatmadaw Hall, U Wizara Road. Tel: 094-3096-666; 094-2000-1617

When: Sun 13 March ,Time: 9am – 5pm

photo-1

Yangon Photo Festival

The eighth edition of this festival under the patronage of Aung San Suu Kyi has the title: "Eyewitness: Myanmar by Myanmar Photographers." The festival of various exhibitions will be held at five galleries—River Gallery, Pansuriya Gallery, Myanmar Deitta, Goethe Villa, Rough Cut, and Institut Francais de Birmanie (French Institute), until March 31. For full information, visit yangonphotos.com/exhibitions. On Saturday, March 12, a selection of the best photos will be shown at the French Institut. Prizes, will be awarded by a jury of international photo personalities.

Where:  Various locations (above), When:    Sat 12 to Thurs 31 March

Zumba

Classes in the Brazilian dance are held every Tuesday and Thursday night.

Where:  Piano Bar at 2 Parami Road, Mayangone Township.

When: Tuesdays, Thursdays. Time: 6.30 to 7.30pm

 Art shows

San Minn 14th One Man Show Installation Series copy

Installations

Artist San Minn will display around 30 of his installation works dating back more than 10 years in his 14th one-man show.

Where: Think Art Gallery, 23, Nawaday Street, Dagon Township. Tel:  094-2016-2858

When: Tues 8 to Sat 12 March.  Time: 9am – 5pm    

Motion & Emotion copy

Motion and Emotion

Thabye Myint Thein and Soe Naing feature in a show of around 70 oil paintings titled Motion & Emotion. Prices from around $100 to $500. The event's brochure states: "When matter moves, motion starts. When mind moves, emotion starts. This event is a narration about how matter and mind move together."

Where: Lokanat Galleries, No. 62, Pansodan Street. Tel: 092-5004-1424

When: Wed 9 to Sun 13 March. Time: 9am – 5pm

6 YEAR COLLECTION OF AN LOVER copy

Collector's Choice

A collection titled "Six Years Collection of An Art Lover" will feature the works of 11 artists, including Khin Maung Than, Aung Maung and Myint Swe.

Where: Gallery 65,  65  Yaw Min Gyi Street, Dagon Township. Tel: 01 246317

When: Sat 12 to Wed 16 March. Time: 10am – 5 pm

The Value art exhibition copy

Feet First

A debut solo show from 23-year-old Nyan Ye Naing is titled "The Value" and will feature 34 watercolor paintings of footwear. Prices from around $35 to $200.  "People have to use footwear every day, but usually they fail to notice the value of a pair of slippers which brings them where they want to go and bears their weight the whole time," says the artist.

Where:  Cloud 31 Gallery, No. 49/51. 1st Floor, 31st St (lower Block), Pabedan Township. Tel: 097-8510-4231

When: Fri 11 to Tues 15 March. Time:  9am – 5pm

The Myanmar Eminent artists exhibition copy

Eminent

A show featuring mainly acrylics and oils by 12 eminent Burmese artists.

Where: Embassy of the Republic of Korea, 97, University Avenue Road. Tel: 095-0058-49

When:  Wed 11 to Sun 15 March. Time:  Office hours

The post 10 Things to Do in Rangoon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Army Chief’s Fixation on Ethnic Disarmament Hinders Peace Process

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 04:21 AM PST

Min Aung Hlaing

Burma Army Commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing looks at pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during talks at the Presidential palace at Naypyidaw on April 10, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

As armed conflict intensifies amidst both an ongoing peace process and a democratic transition, the time has come for the Burma Army to change its mindset if it truly wishes to build peace with the country's many ethnic groups.

Fighting broke out in one Kachin State location in June 2011, between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Organization. Five years later, at the end of outgoing President Thein Sein's term, armed conflict with government forces has spread to ethnic Palaung (Ta'ang), Shan, Arakan, Karen and Kokang areas.

Governmental power will soon be transferred to Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), the winner of November's general elections. Many ethnic armed groups wish to seek peace under her leadership, but they dare not offer full trust to the Burmese government as long as there are military men who continue to attack them on their land. The Burma Army will remain an important political player, but one that has repeatedly shown itself to be an obstacle to peace and democracy in the country.

lawei

Lawi Weng is a Senior Reporter for The Irrawaddy English edition.

Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of the Burma Army, has spoken of professionalizing the military in line with Burma's political reforms, which were initiated in 2011. He has reminded the military to treat civilians more humanely, to end the recruitment of child soldiers and the reliance on forced labor.

But one thing that has not appeared to have changed is Min Aung Hlaing's insistence that ethnic armed groups operate under his command. This has hurt Burma's peace process and contributed to intensified fighting in northern Shan State, where government offensives encourage ethnic armed groups to build up troop numbers, vowing not to disarm under the current conditions. Large numbers of internally displaced civilians in Kachin and Shan states is a reminder that reforms have not impacted these areas.

There is no guarantee that Min Aung Hlaing's views on disarmament will evolve with a new NLD-led government. The Burma Army's hope is that the ethnic armed groups will one day act as militias which defend government interests in their respective regions. For those who refuse to participate, the Burma Army will likely deploy more troops to their areas, surrounding and isolating the groups in order to pressure them to give up their struggle.

Most ethnic armed leaders do not speak of disarmament as an option; they believe they may need to fight again. They feel that their armies exist to protect their people and their regions, and to provide them with a power platform in the country. If they cease to be armed, the groups worry that the government may no longer listen to them.

These groups are aware of Min Aung Hlaing's intentions, and they continue to reinforce troops to defend against the Burma Army, even amidst the ongoing peace process. While ethnic armed groups feel that they need to pursue peace, if left with no other choice, they will continue to use force to fight for their goals.

Lawi Weng is a senior reporter for The Irrawaddy.

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NLD Announces Second ‘Official’ Party Voice

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 03:54 AM PST

Zaw Myint Maung, a sitting lawmaker in the Mandalay regional legislature, is pictured in Naypyidaw in February. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

Zaw Myint Maung, a sitting lawmaker in the Mandalay regional legislature, is pictured in Naypyidaw in February. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The National League for Democracy (NLD) designated an additional spokesperson on Tuesday, doubling the exclusive club of those allowed to speak officially on party matters, after chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi was earlier this year declared the party's lone voice of authority.

A statement released by the party's central committee said Zaw Myint Maung of the Mandalay divisional legislature had been assigned as "an additional spokesperson for the party's policies and the transitional process."

In January, the NLD announced Suu Kyi as "sole spokesperson" on party matters after senior NLD member Nyan Win was quoted by Agence France‑Presse (AFP) revealing details on prospective candidates for legislative speakerships in the Union Parliament.

An apparent breach of NLD plans for the official rollout of its speakerships roster, the party quickly sought to cast doubt on Nyan Win's remarks, which ultimately proved to be true. The confusion highlighted what has been an opaque NLD march to the halls of power in Naypyidaw.

The party has defended the aversion to divulging details in recent months by saying its leadership had to "handle things delicately at present," amid an uncertain transition period ahead of a handover of power at the end of March.

A medical doctor by training, Zaw Myint Maung has been tipped as a prospective candidate for chief minister of Mandalay Division. He is an NLD central committee member and was recently appointed to a five-member NLD "secretary group." He is a former political prisoner who served 19 years behind bars and won a seat representing the NLD in Burma's abortive 1990 election, the results of which were ignored by the ruling military junta of the time.

The NLD is expected to reveal its pick for the presidency this week, with that individual due to take the reins of government on April 1. Suu Kyi is barred from assuming Burma's highest civilian office, owing to a contentious constitutional provision on presidential eligibility that disqualifies those with spouses or children of foreign nationality.

The NLD leader's two sons are British, as was her late husband.

The post NLD Announces Second 'Official' Party Voice appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Can Burma’s Human Rights Commission Fight Sexual Violence in Conflict Areas?

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 02:09 AM PST

Ethnic Kachin refugees in a camp for internally displaced people near the capital of Myitkyina in Kachin State in July 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Ethnic Kachin refugees in a camp for internally displaced people near the capital of Myitkyina in Kachin State in July 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) has said they are ready to address cases of sexual violence perpetrated by the Burma Army, but rights groups remain skeptical of the commission's ability to achieve justice.

"If there are women being abused in the conflict areas, we want them to make complaints to the MNHRC, but they haven't done it so far," Dr. Than Nwe of MNHRC'S Policy and Law section, told The Irrawaddy. "If some cases are related to the military, we would ask the military for an explanation."

Lway Cherry, secretary of the ethnic Ta'ang Women's Union and policy board member of the Women's League of Burma (WLB), explained that trust in the commission depended on the results that the government-founded investigative body was able to achieve.

"So far we have not heard about the sexual abuses cases shared with the MNHRC being fairly solved," she said, adding that rights groups have long been sending evidence of military-perpetrated sexual violence both to government and non-government bodies, in search of justice for the victims.

While MNHRC members insist that they help as much as they can regarding crimes against women in conflict areas, in more than three years of operation, few cases related to the military's reported campaigns of systematic sexual violence against ethnic women have been pursued by the commission.

On Wednesday, which is also International Women's Day, the WLB highlighted in a public statement the need for "better justice" regarding cases of sexual violence against women in Burma's conflict zones.

"The rapists or perpetrators are still being given impunity," the statement said.

In November 2015, the WLB, the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand (KWAT) and the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) reported that sexual violence perpetrated by the Burma Army remains ongoing in ethnic areas. SHRF cited eight cases of rape in as many months in Shan State, all allegedly by government troops. SHRF added that such crimes are rarely prosecuted.

Many of the gender-based cases that the MNHRC handles are related to the issue of sexual harassment in the workplace, on which Dr. Than Nwe feels the commission has dealt with effectively.

"We try to solve [these cases] by meeting the relevant ministries. We are now working with UN Women on the issue," said Dr. Than Nwe.  "We were able to intervene by informing the respective ministries. They are required to respond to us within a month. They can not ignore and hide as they must respond us."

Burma Partnership, who has monitored and investigated the commission's work, laments that the MNHRC has "been unable to uphold its mandate of human rights protection and promotion." They attribute this to a lack of "independence, effectiveness and transparency," due to government ties.

The post Can Burma's Human Rights Commission Fight Sexual Violence in Conflict Areas? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Inspiring Women of Burma  

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 12:25 AM PST

Ethnic Lisu women wait for the arrival of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Hsihseng Township in Shan State on September 5, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Ethnic Lisu women wait for the arrival of pro-democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Hsihseng Township in Shan State on September 5,
2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Today is International Woman's Day, when people around the world mark the achievements and challenges of half of humanity.

There is no denying that in this country that one woman above all others dominates the national consciousness.

Aung San Suu Kyi enjoys unrivalled stature at home and huge respect abroad. This month she holds the hopes of the nation's recent voters in her hands as she prepares—from whatever official position—to shepherd her party and the country into unchartered political territory.

It is sometimes forgotten that Burma has always had great female figures who have risen to the challenges of the day to help shape the nation's social and political life.

In the early 20th century when the country was under colonial rule, women were active in the nationalist movement that culminated in independence in 1948.

More recently, women from all backgrounds and ethnicities have played important roles in the country's struggles towards democracy and social justice.

Many more have overcome significant barriers to become leaders in the worlds of business, the arts, education and entertainment, among others.

This week the Irrawaddy will revisit some of the women who have featured in our coverage of Burma over the last two decades, and who continue to play a vital part in the transition to a more democratic future.

Today, we briefly reprise the careers of three significant women whose past and current activities highlight just a few of the arenas in which female figures are making positive contributions to the nation's social and political life.

Zin Mar Aung: Zin Mar Aung, Lower House lawmaker with the NLD. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Zin Mar Aung: Zin Mar Aung, Lower House lawmaker with the NLD. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Zin Mar Aung

Before she became an elected lawmaker with the National League for Democracy in last year's election, Zin Mar Aung was well known for having spent 11 years behind bars as a human rights activist.

The 40-year-old who is now sitting in the Lower House of Parliament representing Rangoon's Yankin Township, also serves as a member of the same house's Public Affairs Administration Committee.

In one of her first debates within the parliament she urged the government to review its drug eradication program, pointing out that in some parts of the country, ''there is no electricity, but drugs are easily available.''

She is known for her outspoken criticism of a controversial law restricting interfaith marriages, a stance for which extreme nationalists sent her hate mail and death threats.

"The proposal was unacceptable because it was based on extreme nationalism and religious extremism. It interfered with individual freedoms and particularly with the personal choices of women," she said.

Zin Mar Aung is a co-founder of the Yangon School of Political Science. She has also founded an organization titled Rainfall to encourage greater women's participation as the country moves toward democracy.

Thanks to her long time devotion to human rights, Zin Mar Aung was selected as an International Woman of Courage in 2012 and as a Young Global Leader at the World Economic Forum in 2014.

Ma Thandar: Ma Thandar, co-founder of the Women and Peace Network and Lower House lawmaker. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Ma Thandar: Ma Thandar, co-founder of the Women and Peace Network and Lower House lawmaker. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Ma Thandar

Long before she made headlines for seeking justice in relation the death in military custody of her husband Par Gyi in 2014, Ma Thandar was a leading political activist.

She was known especially for fighting on justice, women rights and land grabbing issues, along with her fellow activists who co-founded the Women and Peace Network.

Ma Thandar's victory in last year's general election has taken her to the Lower House as a lawmaker, and last month she also became a member of the Citizens' Fundamental Rights Committee.

She is hopeful about the possibilities her new positions may open up.

"I believe I will get more opportunities now, including to collaborate with the Home Affairs and Justice ministries, and the judiciary, to push for citizen's rights," she told The Irrawaddy.

Though two soldiers initially implicated in her husband's death were acquitted by a military tribunal, Ma Thandar's call for answers on the case prompted the army to make an unprecedented statement admitting the journalist had been shot in custody.

During her appeal for her husband's justice, she said: "If justice can be done for my husband, the truth may also be revealed for others who were killed unnoticed like him, and we can prevent this from being repeated."

Ja Nan: Ja Nan Lahtaw, director of the Myitkyina-based Nyein Foundation and technical advisor to Burma's peace process. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

Ja Nan: Ja Nan Lahtaw, director of the Myitkyina-based Nyein Foundation and technical advisor to Burma's peace process. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

Ja Nan Lahtaw

Ja Nan Lahtaw is one of only a handful of women privy to the inner workings of the peace process.

The director of the Nyein Foundation, a long-time local development organization that also operates as a peace facilitation group, she is among a small cadre of professionals working as technical advisors to the process.

The Nyein Foundation is also known as ''Shalom'' and is based in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina.

For her activities Ja Nan has been the recipient of a number of international honors including a prestigious N-Peace Award, which she received last year.

Born in Myitkyina in 1965, Ja Nan was schooled abroad before she returned home and followed in the footsteps of her predecessors. The Nyein Foundation was established by her father, a reverend and former director general of the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), who along with his brother was a key broker of the 1994 ceasefire between the Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO).

Ja Nan has said that peace brokering is "something of a family tradition."

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Kachin Groups Urge Halt to Resource Extraction in Northern Burma

Posted: 08 Mar 2016 12:16 AM PST

Trucks are seen at a mine dumping site at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin State on Nov. 25, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Trucks are seen at a mine dumping site at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin State on Nov. 25, 2015. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

More than 60 civil society organizations, political parties and religious groups representing the Kachin and ethnic subgroups released a statement on Monday calling for a halt to resource extraction in northern Burma's Kachin State until political stability in the region can be achieved.

The groups put forward the demand after holding a forum to discuss natural resource governance in Kachin State, in the regional capital Myitkyina.

The statement, made by 61 signatory groups, called on respective stakeholders to "stop all project operations and natural resource extraction in ethnic areas without [first] resolving conflict politically," adding that strife in the region was fueled by natural resource-based interests.

Kachin State is rich in natural resources such as gold, jade and other precious stones, as well as a significant but shrinking endowment of teakwood forests. The state has also been fertile grounds for conflict in recent years, particularly since a 17-year ceasefire between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Burmese government collapsed in 2011.

Monday's statement asserted that the Kachin people were the rightful owners of the state's natural resource endowment, urging business stakeholders to "disclose all information transparently and educate the people—on grievance mechanisms in natural resource extraction, taxation, licensing processes, revenue-sharing—with consideration for the 'right to know' of the people."

The coalition also called on the government to "ensure free, prior and informed consent with local communities before issuing operational permissions for any projects."

The statement proposed empowering the Kachin State government with "ultimate management authority" on natural resource extraction, taxation and revenue-sharing.

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From Myanmar Sweatshops to Billionaires in Switzerland

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 11:27 PM PST

 Workers from Myue & Soe Garment Factory stand in front of the Mayangone Township Labor Office in Rangoon during a protest for salary increases on September 7, 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Workers from Myue & Soe Garment Factory stand in front of the Mayangone Township Labor Office in Rangoon during a protest for salary increases on September 7, 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

The young garment factory workers share a tiny room in a wooden shack, spotlessly clean, with pictures of Myanmar pop stars beside a photo of their parents back in the village. But there is no escaping the smell of the open drain outside. The three sisters and their cousin all work in factories making clothes for export to the UK, United States and other countries for household brands such as GAP, Primark, H&M and Tesco. They belong to a labor rights group working with Oxfam to fight for better conditions for workers, and we are there to hear about their experiences on the factory floor. Myanmar's garment sector is expanding fast, now employing around 300,000 people–90 percent female and mostly under age 25.

Daily average wages of US$2.80 are not enough to survive on. Oxfam's recent survey found that almost half of garment workers are trapped in debt and have to borrow money to meet basic needs like food, medicine and transport. They work up to 11 hours a day, six days a week, rarely receiving sick pay despite this being a legal requirement. Many reported working into the night to meet impossible production targets, on one occasion sewing until 6.30am before restarting at 7.30am every day for a week. Safety was a big concern, with one in three reporting a workplace injury and many afraid of factory fires because of blocked exits.

In the week we visited Myanmar, Oxfam's report 'An Economy for the 1%' caused a stir at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, revealing that 62 billionaires now own the same wealth as the poorest half of the world. The report shows that the global economic system is skewed in favor of the top one percent, who have seen half of the total increase in global wealth in the past 15 years, while the bottom 50 percent have had to make do with just one percent.

Interestingly four of the world's 62 richest billionaires made their fortunes in high-street fashion. Amancio Ortega of Spain, worth $64 billion, heads garment giant Inditex, owner of Zara. Swede Stefan Persson, worth $24 billion, is chairman of H&M and a 28 percent stakeholder. Tadashi Yanai of Japan owns Uniqlo and is worth $20 billion. The fourth is Phil Knight, who until June 2015 had spent 51 years as chairman of Nike, and is worth $21 billion.

H&M buys from factories in Myanmar and Uniqlo is considering doing so. Inditex pioneered the model of shorter supply chains and reduced lead times, now the norm in fast fashion. But this business practice puts huge pressure on suppliers and their workers, leading to forced overtime and pressure to squeeze wages as low as possible.

H&M does at least publish which factories produce its clothes in Myanmar. Many big brands refuse to even do this. As one of my colleagues put it, 'Can you think of one good reason why a high street brand would want to hide where its clothes are made?' Both H&M and Inditex have taken steps to address poverty wages, for instance by signing an agreement with global union IndustriALL to promote sector bargaining. However, between 2001 and 2011 wages for garment workers in most of the top 15 apparel-exporting countries fell in real terms.

Some commentators have accused Oxfam of being anti capitalist for throwing rocks at an economic system than has helped to reduce global poverty. It is of course true that real progress has been made. The young women we met now earn more than the extreme poverty line of $1.90 a day, so are no longer officially counted as poor. But is that really good enough?

Oxfam recognizes the power of capitalism to transform people's lives – but we believe the current warped 'market fundamentalist' model, as the Bank of England Governor calls it, is failing us all. Matthew Paris, a former Conservative MP writing about our Davos report in The Times newspaper, put it best when he said that listening to those trying to defend today's capitalist system reminded him of Communists trying to defend the USSR: 'How much longer, then, can we market liberals shrug off huge failures in the working examples we have of capitalism?…If the free market is to be defended in the new century, these inequities are no longer something from which the center-right can turn away.'

Throughout our history, the majority of those who fought to stop children having to go to work, or for a ten hour working day, or for a weekend, or paid holiday, sick pay and above all for wages which allow ordinary women and men to live a decent life were not anti-capitalists.  They just believed we could do better. Activists of the past were dismissed as naive or seditious or both, but what they fought for we now see as being a part of a civilized society.

Today we have to continue that fight. We need to make capitalism work for the majority rather than the top 1 percent. This can be done. For example, a critical mass of companies could commit to source from countries with good labor regulation, adapt their business practices so factories can afford to pay a living wage and ensure workers are free to negotiate with management.

We have the talent, technology and imagination to build a more human economy—one where we have not just minimum wages, but maximum ones too. Where we see an end to this extreme wealth that benefits no one but a tiny elite.

When I met those young women in Myanmar learning about their rights, and the successful struggles of other garment workers in Thailand and Cambodia, I was filled with hope for the future.  For a better, fairer, future they will fight for. I know I want to do all I can to help them.

Max Lawson is Oxfam's Head of Global Campaigns. This article originally ran on Oxfam's blog, From Poverty to Power.  

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Philippine Rebel Warns Islamic State May Gain From Autonomy Delay

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 10:02 PM PST

Moro National Liberation Front rebels take up position at a guard post in Maguindanao province, in the southern Philippines, on March 12, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Moro National Liberation Front rebels take up position at a guard post in Maguindanao province, in the southern Philippines, on March 12, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

KUALA LUMPUR — The head of a Philippine Muslim rebel group warned Monday that the Islamic State group could gain from frustrations in the country's south following the failure of the Philippine Congress to pass an autonomy bill as part of a peace agreement.

Murad Ebrahim, chairman of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, said the militant IS group has attempted over the past year to recruit supporters in Mindanao but his group has worked to convince people that the peace pact signed with the government in 2014 was the best solution.

But he said the delay in enactment of the bill that aims to establish a more powerful and better-funded autonomous region for minority Muslims has led to frustrations that could be capitalized on by the IS and other small hardline rebel groups.

Malaysia is a facilitator in the peace talks, and Murad spoke while passing through Kuala Lumpur.

"There have been some efforts of penetration [by IS] but they have not succeeded in establishing a stronghold in Mindanao," he said during a news conference. "But now after the non-passage of the [bill], we are quite concerned that they can capitalize on this because the [frustration] of the people in the area is now very strong."

In Manila, Philippine presidential adviser on the peace talks Teresita Deles agreed that "frustrations of the people on the ground can lead to recruitment for radical, extremist thought and action."

However, Philippine security forces with the help of the Moro rebels have curbed the spread of extremism and maintained peace and order through joint government and rebel ceasefire committees, Deles said.

The 11,000-strong Moro Islamic Liberalization Front dropped its secessionist bid and settled for broader autonomy for minority Muslims in the south of the largely Roman Catholic nation in a Malaysian-brokered pact it signed with the Philippine government in 2014. The conflict has left 150,000 people dead and stunted development in the country's poorest region.

Under the deal, a bill was submitted to Congress to create the autonomous region to be called Bangsamoro. The bill's passage was stalled by anger over the killing last year of 44 police commandos in fighting that involved some fighters from the Moro group.

Lawmakers ended the last regular session of their term last month without passing the bill.

Murad said his group will not completely abandon its armed struggle but will not revert to violence as long as the peace process has a chance of moving forward. He said he is hopeful that the new Philippine president, to be elected later this year, will support and continue the efforts for peace.

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MH370 Families’ Painful Choice: Demand Answers or Move On?

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 09:42 PM PST

 Family of passengers onboard of Malaysia Airlines flight MH370, which went missing in 2014, hold placards as they shout slogans in front of a holding area for journalists at Lama Temple in Beijing on March 8, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

Family of passengers onboard of Malaysia Airlines flight MH370, which went missing in 2014, hold placards as they shout slogans in front of a holding area for journalists at Lama Temple in Beijing on March 8, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — Nearly every day, the retired factory worker goes to the airline office, riding a series of buses across Beijing to hand-deliver a letter. And nearly every day, the letter says the same thing.

"Tell us the truth, and get our loved ones back to us."

Once she hands over the letter, Dai Shuqin gets back on the bus and goes home, back to a small apartment where boxes hold copies of hundreds of letters she has delivered over the past two years, all begging for news on her sister and four other relatives who vanished when Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 disappeared on March 8, 2014. There were 239 people on board.

Most of the passengers on the plane, which was en route from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing, were Chinese. So across China, dozens of families are still wrestling with how—or if—to accept that their relatives are dead. Investigators believe the Boeing 777 crashed in a remote stretch of the southern Indian Ocean, killing everyone on board after flying far off course and running out of fuel. But they have only theories to explain exactly what happened, or why. Only one confirmed piece of plane wreckage has been found, a battered, rowboat-sized wing part that washed up on an Indian Ocean island about eight months ago.

What can you do when you don't know what happened to people you loved?

Some of the grieving families have filed lawsuits, including 12 families who did so Monday. Some have accepted cash settlements with Malaysia Airlines in exchange for agreeing not to file suit. Many are still debating what to do.

And some, like Dai, find their only solace comes in believing that their relatives are still alive. Somewhere. Somehow. As a result, their lives are now consumed by demanding answers from an airline that has few answers at all.

"People say we are nuts," said Dai, a 62-year-old woman whose younger sister was on the flight, along with her sister's husband, son, daughter-in-law and grandson. "But for us, we have the feeling that our loved ones are still alive."

Officials "just tell us all the passengers are dead. We don't accept that. If they tell us the truth, or give us a convincing explanation, then we'll stop coming here every day."

She does not care if her quest looks impossible.

"I can't sleep and I can't get over this," Dai said.

Her apartment has few decorations beyond a large world map stuck to one wall. A folding metal table is covered with copies of letters sent to the airline.

"I have no other ways to handle this. … Going to Malaysia Airlines every day gives me a bit of relief, and I feel I am doing something for my sister."

Many relatives believe the real story of MH370 has been hidden from them. They disagree on what may have happened, debating theories and trading facts and rumors. But few believe they know the entire truth.

That suspicion is heightened in China, where widespread censorship and the official control of access to information has led to a general sense among Chinese that what they see in the media, or hear from the government, is not to be trusted. This widespread cynicism foments a quiet if deep-seated anger, and a willingness to accept conspiracy theories.

Kelly Wen, who runs a furniture store, is desperate to move on, to find a way to start her life again after her husband disappeared with the plane.

But she remains overwhelmed by the loss.

"My family is still in the shadow of the MH370 accident," said Wen, a 31-year-old Beijing resident with a 5-year-old son now left without a father. "I can't work like I did before because there are too many issues I need to handle in my family. But I do hope I can gradually walk out of the accident and go back to work."

With the second anniversary approaching, Wen increasingly believes she needs to make up her mind about what to do.

"I need to decide whether to accept compensation and reach agreement with Malaysian Airlines or file suit in court," she said.

She and some 80 other relatives of MH370 passengers went together to meet Malaysia Airlines staff in late February to get updates on the situation. From the start, it did not go well. Outside the airline office were nearly two dozen policemen in case there was trouble.

When they left, few of the relatives were satisfied.

They had come with detailed questions about the status of the search and the investigation. Wen wanted to see security video of passengers boarding the aircraft. The search is expected to end in June, plane or no plane, and they wanted more details on that decision.

But no security video was released, she said, and little new information emerged. Few of the relatives have faith in the official investigation, which was set up by Malaysia and includes experts from Malaysia, Australia, China, Britain, the United States and France.

"We hope we can have a third-party, independent investigation when they stop search-and-rescue in June," she said.

After the meeting, about 10 members of the group ate lunch together in a nearby restaurant.

"This kind of gathering is very important for us," said Wen. "We are already so helpless. If we don't gather among other relatives, we will feel even more lonely," she said.

Dai, however, doesn't think much about moving on. For the foreseeable future, her life is about delivering the letters that she and other relatives have signed.

A year ago, her only daughter had a baby, her only grandchild. Now, her daughter wants Dai to look after the little boy.

But Dai says that won't happen. Going to the airline office takes up too much of her time.

Sullivan reported from New Delhi.

The post MH370 Families' Painful Choice: Demand Answers or Move On? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


SNLD general secretary tipped for vice presidency

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

A National League for Democracy official confirmed yesterday that the party will allocate a vice presidential position to the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy.

ANP moves against dissenters

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

The Arakan National Party has taken a tough response to dissenters within its ranks who this week broke with the party's official policy of opposing the incoming National League for Democracy government.

Benefits of protecting migrants overlooked: UN

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

Migrant workers are often looked down on – even reviled – in their host countries, and ignored by or trafficked from their home countries. But policies to protect the rights of migrants benefit almost everyone involved and help drive economic growth, according to a new United Nations study.

NLD rebuts ‘fake’ statement

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

The National League for Democracy yesterday denounced as "fake" a widely circulated letter purporting to reveal its choice of proxy president, as speculation over who will take the role reaches fever pitch.

New Yangon mayor and chief minister named

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

More names have been leaked from the National League for Democracy's regional government picks, including who the party will appoint as Yangon's next chief minister and mayor.

Dolphin numbers bounce back

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

Despite the constant menace of cyanide and mercury used in the search for gold, and the threat of electrocution from unscrupulous fishermen, the number of Irrawaddy dolphins has slightly increased this year, fisheries officials say.

Military sends in bulldozers to seized land

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

The military has sent bulldozers to dig up land claimed by farmers who say it was seized from them, without compensation, more than 20 years ago. The move came after the farmers, in Mekin Kone village, Patheingyi township, Mandalay Region, asked the authorities to restore their land to them.

Committees reshuffled after less than a month

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

All change. Striving to hit the ground running, the new parliament, led by the National League for Democracy, got off to a nimble start by allocating MPs to a number of committees in its first two weeks.

School bus program to start this year

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PST

Yellow is for safety, schoolchildren will start learning next year, as new school buses in canary colours are drafted in to replace the motley fleet of vehicles now in use.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


To Hopeland and Back: The 17th trip (2-7 March 2016)

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 11:25 PM PST

This latest trip was made primarily to attend the 5thmeeting of the Committee for Shan State Unity (CSSU) which was jointly formed in October 2013 by the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA), Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) and Shan State Joint Action Committee (SSJAC) as well as several Shan CSOs.

Summit Parkview Hotel,Yangon (Photo: http://www.tripadvisor.com)
The SSJAC itself is an alliance of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNDP), Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) and Shan People's Militia Force-Hseng Keow.

Day One. Wednesday, 2 March 2016.

Each of us is a God.

Each of us knows all.

We need only to open our minds to hear our own wisdom.

(Attributed to The Buddha)

For the second time since January, the airways official is having trouble trying to find my name on her set. The first time it was when I was checking in for the trip to Switzerland. It took them some 40 minutes to access my name. It wasn't that way before the Thai airport administration changed its system a few months ago. On the contrary, it was as fast as checking other normal passports.

Mine is a different matter. I hold a Traveling Document for Aliens issued by the Passport Division in Bangkok. The T.A.says my nationality is XXA (sounds dangerously like SSA, doesn't it?), which I was told means a stateless person. Well, I suppose it isn't quite reassuring to the country I'm going, that I'm likely to jump ship there at my age, is it?

Anyway, she politely informs me to wait and goes up to the Immigration office upstairs to check. She is back in a few minutes, which indicates it hasn't any problem with me going out of the country. She then calls up what I think is Suvarnabhumi in Bangkok. Takes her another while to decide my document is in order and she then issues me a boarding pass. The whole process takes her half an hour and I thank her for her time and trouble. Luckily there's another counter to take care of other passengers.

After going up and through the immigration to the departure lounge, I run into a young old friend Sai Hsai Wan and his family. He's taking them to visit his parents, Sai Aung Tun and Nang Noom, in Yangon. Both of them used to be my teachers during my years in Taunggyi, 1962-68.

"Father's being conferred Ambassador for Peace award by the World Peace Movement Trust in India on 5 March," he says. "If you, Lay Lay (Uncle), can make yourself available, we'd like you to be there at the ceremony."

Of course, I reply I hope so, though I'm not sure. Because the CSSU meeting is supposed to last until 5 March. Is it something like the Nobel? I ask. He doesn't know.

At 12:00 Burma Standard Time, after less than an hour flight, we're in Mingladon airport. Takes me another half an hour to get to the hotel Summit Parkview on Ah Lone Road.

At 14:45, I'm at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) on the Shweli Street. My host is U Hla Maung Shwe, who says he has arranged a meeting on the evening of 5 March for the CSSU leaders and Dr Tin Myo Win, designated as the deputy peace commissioner under The Lady, who's also going to be "above the President."

In the evening I'm visited by a childhood friend. "They say the NLD doesn't have capable administrators and they will need people from the outgoing government to come and help," he complains. "But aren't they the same people who have since 1962 dragged the whole country down to become an LDC (Least Developed Country)?"


Well, I don't think anyone's going to argue he's wrong, is there?

By SAI KHUENSAI / Director of Pyidaungsu Institute and Founder of Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N)
All views expressed are the author's own

Monday, March 7, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


ANP Leadership Publically Criticizes Party’s Internal Divisions

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 05:35 AM PST

Elected Arakan State parliament members from the ANP posed for a photo outside the party headquarters in Sittwe, the state capital. (Photo: Arakan National Party / Facebook)

Elected Arakan State parliament members from the ANP posed for a photo outside the party headquarters in Sittwe, the state capital. (Photo: Arakan National Party / Facebook)

RANGOON – Seven Arakan National Party (ANP) central executive committee members held a press conference on Sunday in Rangoon to highlight their dissatisfaction with recent actions of their party.

ANP Lower House lawmaker Ba Shein, who was not at the press conference but spoke out in support of it, attributed the group's internal divisions to emotional volatility within the leadership, and urged them to instead engage in dialogue to overcome differences.

He cited the conference's purpose as "to unveil to the public the reality of the ANP."

After winning a majority of seats in the Arakan State parliament in the 2015 general election, in January 2016 the party declared that it would not join any coalition with the country's overall winner, the National League for Democracy (NLD). Rather, the ANP stated that it would stand as an opposition party unless it was allowed to form its own state government.

ANP vice chairperson Phoe Minn accused those who hosted the press conference of pushing for the disintegration of the party. He pointed out that although the ANP's statement on self-government had been public for two months, no official objections had previously been voiced.

According to official party procedure, the ANP will hold an investigation into the actions of the members who organized the press conference.

"Our citizens will decide who was right or wrong," Phoe Minn said.

Others outside of the ANP have recently criticized what they see as apparent disunity within the ethnic Arakanese party. Voters are frustrated by the formation of divisions so soon after the election. "The ink on my pinkie isn't even gone," wrote one individual on an online forum.

Several of the members who organized Sunday's press conference were once members from the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), which later merged with the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) in 2014 to form the ANP in hopes of consolidating votes in the 2015 legislative election. The party was able to secure 45 out of the 77 state parliament seats it contested.

Success within the state parliament was once viewed as an important step toward the party's goal of getting an ANP parliament member appointed as the state's chief minister.

The post ANP Leadership Publically Criticizes Party's Internal Divisions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Affected Locals Tell New Govt to Solve Old Problems at Dawei SEZ

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 05:16 AM PST

 Local civil society groups and affected villagers discuss the Dawei special economic zone on Monday in Rangoon. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

Local civil society groups and affected villagers discuss the Dawei special economic zone on Monday in Rangoon. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Villagers affected by the Dawei special economic zone (SEZ) and deep-sea port in Burma's southeast are urging the Burmese, Thai and Japanese governments to solve existing problems related to the project before pushing ahead with its implementation.

At a public forum organized by local residents affected by the Dawei SEZ on Monday in Rangoon, local civil society groups bolstered that argument with calls for improved transparency on the 204.5-square-kilometer infrastructure project and greater public inclusion.

Since implementation began, the SEZ has affected livelihoods in 20-36 villages, in which 22,000 to 43,000 people reside, according to a 2014 report by the Dawei Development Association (DDA), one of the CSOs in attendance on Monday.

Progress on the SEZ in Tenasserim Division has been slow-going in recent years, but with a new government soon coming to power in Burma and Japanese support for the project secured last year, locals are concerned that development will accelerate in the months to come.

Saw Frankie Abreu, the director of the Tenasserim River and Indigenous People's Network (TRIP NET), said the new Burmese government's overall attitude toward economic development would be crucial in determining whether it would listen to the public or not.

Since its initiation in 2008, the project has faced criticism due to its potential environmental and social impacts. Its implementation has been delayed in part due to local resistance, but also difficulties in securing funding.

It is being backed by the Burmese, Thai and Japanese governments.

The CSOs on Monday highlighted impacts of the project that included loss of lands at the project site and due to related road infrastructure; skyrocketing land prices; negative effects on women's security; and locals' loss of traditional livelihoods.

Su Su Swe, the general secretary of the Tavoyan Women's Union (TWU), said: "Development projects should not damage the public's lives, but we still have witnessed human rights abuses … which were common under military rule, and still today."

Not only facing loss of livelihoods, some locals from Char Kham village, at the geographic heart of the project, have also faced imprisonment for attempting to protect their lands.

Hla Thein was one of three villagers imprisoned for one month in 2014 after he and two others refused to leave their fishing village in 2012. Prior to his imprisonment, Hla Thein endured a 12-month ordeal of repeated court appearances before a verdict was finally reached, his wife Aye Cho told The Irrawaddy.

Char Kham was a coastal village where locals had depended on fishing to earn a living for years, but had to resettle to nearby Htein Gyi village when the project began, in the process forcing some of the relocated to seek alternative livelihoods.

"I wish I could be a fisherman again," recalled Hla Thein, who had caught fish in the sea for nearly two decades before changing to his current job as a day-laborer. He added that he had been able to support his wife and two children with his fishing job, "but now everything has changed."

Even farther afield, lives too have been affected by the SEZ's development. In Thabuchaung village, some 59 kilometers away from the main project area, villagers lost land as a road was paved to link-up the SEZ and deep-sea port. Despite compensation being offered in 2012, many of the affected refused to take it, said Saw Ke Doh, a Tabuchaung villager.

The post Affected Locals Tell New Govt to Solve Old Problems at Dawei SEZ appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sustained Fighting as Burma Army ‘Everywhere’ in N. Shan State: TNLA

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 03:58 AM PST

 Soldiers from the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) are seen in the village of Kyauk Phyu, Kyaukme Township, on Feb. 18, 2016. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

Soldiers from the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) are seen in the village of Kyauk Phyu, Kyaukme Township, on Feb. 18, 2016. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has reported at least 16 clashes over just the last week between its troops and the Burma Army, with the ethnic rebel group claiming to have killed dozens of the latter's soldiers in the northern Shan State fighting this month.

Tensions in the area remain high amid a large-scale Burma Army offensive in territory claimed by the TNLA, leading to clashes that began on March 1. In the latest exchange of hostilities, fighting broke out at Kyaukme Township's Kyauk Phyu and Bar Lane villages on Monday morning.

"Most fighting, in terms of duration, lasted less than one hour. But one fight yesterday nearby in Mong Yu village lasted three-and-a-half hours," Mai Aike Kyaw, a TNLA spokesman, told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

According to the TNLA, about 2,000 Burma Army troops have been deployed to the conflict zone, a territory that spans several townships in northern Shan State including Kyaukme, Kutkai, Namtu, Manton, Namhsan and Mongmit.

"They [Burma Army troops] are everywhere. Our troops try to avoid them as much as we can, but our troops have to attack them sometimes as they come near to our base," he said.

Dozens of Burma Army soldiers were killed, while some members of the TNLA were also wounded in the recent clashes, according to the TNLA spokesman.

"Among our troops, there were some wounded from the fighting, but no one was killed. Their side suffered high causalities on March 3 and 6. Dozens of them were killed," he said.

Meanwhile, hundreds of civilians have been displaced in northern Shan State, with populations especially affected in Kyaukme Township, where more than 3,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) have fled recent fighting between the TNLA and another ethnic armed group, the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S).

The two sides split last year over a so-called "nationwide" ceasefire agreement that eight non-state armed groups signed in October. The RCSS was a signatory, while several other groups including the TNLA were not.

Fighting between the RCSS and TNLA first flared in late November and has persisted in the months since, prompting the Burma Army to enter the fray, ostensibly to quell the violence and bring stability to the region.

The Burma Army has 10 light infantry divisions, seven of which have been deployed in northern Shan State, according to Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.), an ethnic media outlet.

The post Sustained Fighting as Burma Army 'Everywhere' in N. Shan State: TNLA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Smuggled Weapons Seized in Thai Border Town

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 03:24 AM PST

Thai police and army pose with seized weapons and ammunition in Mae Sot on Saturday. (Photo: Karen National Media / Facebook)

Thai police and army pose with seized weapons and ammunition in Mae Sot on Saturday. (Photo: Karen National Media / Facebook)

Thai authorities seized a stash of smuggled weapons in the border town of Mae Sot over the weekend, arms which sources claim could have been bound for one of Burma’s ethnic armies or for gangs operating in the area.

The weapons included ammunition, as well as ten M-16 rifles and seven AK-47 machine guns, models that are frequently used in the region by armed groups fighting against Burmese government forces. The guns in question reportedly belonged to a former police officer in Mae Sot.

Maj Saw Roe, a liaison officer with the Karen National Union (KNU) in Burma's Myawaddy, opposite Mae Sot, said that he only learned of the seizure through Thai media and is not aware of a trade involving the smuggled weapons and the KNU.

"It is hard to say whom the weapons were to be sold to, because we don’t know the case in detail," he said. "There are a lot of gangs on the border and these kinds of smuggled weapons are widely traded."

He also said that it is difficult to know whether the weapons were supposed to be sent to other ethnic armed groups. There are several other ethnic Karen armies operating near the Thai-Burma border, including Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and KNU/KNLA (Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army) Peace Council.

Weapons smuggling across the Thai-Burma border was once common; the trafficking of drugs also remains well established at the Myawaddy-Mae Sot crossing.

The post Smuggled Weapons Seized in Thai Border Town appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parsing Prospects for Burma’s Overshadowed VP

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 03:00 AM PST

Military representatives are pictured at Parliament in Naypyidaw in early February. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Military representatives are pictured at Parliament in Naypyidaw in early February. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — This week, the Burmese people's months-long wait to find out who their next president will be is expected to finally end.

On March 10, the Lower and Upper houses of Parliament as well as lawmakers appointed by the military are due to nominate three vice presidents, with one assuming the country's top post. These names can come from among the ranks of newly seated lawmakers, but can just as easily be individuals from outside the legislature.

The trio will then be put to a ballot in a joint session of the bicameral assembly, with the winner of the most votes becoming Burma's next president. The runners-up will remain vice presidents.

Barring intraparty ructions that virtually no one is anticipating, the presidential candidates nominated by elected members of Parliament's two houses will have the blessing of the Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD), which holds a super-majority approaching 80 percent of elected seats in both chambers.

Speculation in the months since Burma's Nov. 8 general election, which propelled the NLD into its king-making position, has focused on who from the party might get the nod. The most obvious candidate, Suu Kyi herself, is constitutionally barred from assuming the post, making possible stand-in candidates the subject of intense conjecture during the lengthy transition period that has followed the November poll.

Another possible scenario bandied about posits the NLD naming someone from an ethnic political party as a presidential candidate, the theory being that this would be in line with its stated desire to form an inclusive, "national reconciliation" government.

Less attention has focused on the military's choice for its vice president.

The Burma Army maintains an important role in the country's politics, despite the NLD's thumping election win last year. It controls three powerful ministries—Defense, Home Affairs and Border Affairs—in addition to the Constitution reserving 25 percent of seats in the Union Parliament and regional legislatures to military representatives appointed by the commander-in-chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

The third presidential candidate, then, is Min Aung Hlaing's to choose.

Brig-Gen Tint San Naing, a spokesperson for military lawmakers in the Lower House, told The Irrawaddy that the military would pick someone who could further the country's development and has the required "vision" on matters of defense, politics, economics and administration.

"Whoever we choose, it will be that kind of person. Only can [a candidate with] those four visions make the country secure and developed," he said.

While the NLD's intentions vis-à-vis the presidency have understandably garnered more attention in recent months, a handful of high-ranking generals have made their way to the fore of less common discussions as to who the military might choose as its man "on the inside" of an NLD administration.

Deputy commander-in-chief Snr-Gen Soe Win; commander-in-chief (Air Force) and special operations coordinator (Army, Navy and Air Force) Gen. Khin Aung Myint; retired Gen. Hla Htay Win; retired Gen. Thura Thet Swe; and retired Lt-Gen Khin Zaw Oo have all been tipped as potential presidential candidates. Rumors of late have had it that current Rangoon Division Chief Minister Myint Swe is also a potential contender.

A former lieutenant-general who was tipped to be selected vice president in 2012, Myint Swe was passed over to fill that unexpected vacancy, as one of his sons was an Australian national. Unconfirmed reports, however, say his son has since been reinstated as a Burmese citizen, which if true would remove that obstacle to his father's nomination.

Other sources close to the military, on the other hand, expect the army chief to choose someone younger than him who is still in active service.

"The commander-in-chief will consider someone his junior as seniority means a lot in the military. That's why he will name someone who will listen to him," said Naing Ye Zaw, a retired lieutenant-colonel.

If that be the case, only two men from the list above are likely to be eligible: Soe Win and Khin Aung Myint, as active-duty generals who graduated from the Defense Services Academy's 22nd and 20th intakes, respectively.

Min Aung Hlaing is a graduate of the elite academy's 19th intake, while Myint Swe would be a nonstarter if the seniority criterion were borne out, given that the former lieutenant-general is four intakes senior to the current commander-in-chief.

Reporting to Whom?

The president "takes precedence over all other persons" in Burma, as per the Constitution's Article 58, a provision that would appear to imply vice presidential subservience.

The peculiar form of "democracy" enshrined in Burma's charter could complicate the hierarchy, however. Will a vice president from the ranks of the military, chosen by that institution for the VP post, answer to an NLD president or fall back on the chain-of-command dictates of Min Aung Hlaing?

This delicate dance between Burma's military and nascent civilian power structures is likely to be further complicated by another question hanging over the new government that will come to power in April: To what extent will an NLD president be able to influence and cooperate with the three powerful ministries controlled by the military?

During the five-year term of outgoing President Thein Sein's government, the question was of little practical significance. The military-led and quasi-civilian camps were viewed as "birds of a feather," given that essentially the entire administration came either from military backgrounds or the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Less clear-cut is how this dynamic will play out for the incoming Suu Kyi-led government. Whoever the NLD selects as president, Suu Kyi has already vowed to govern from "above" that individual, and the true nature of the NLD chairwoman's relationship with the top brass is an open question.

Political commentator Yan Myo Thein posited that the military's choice for vice president would be an individual willing to deviate from his civilian higher-up if deemed necessary.

"Generally speaking, I don't think the military vice president will say 'yes' to every case. When it comes to either military issues or reviewing military interests, there would be confrontations," he said.

Technically, vice presidents are not as powerful as the president, but their inclusion on the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), the highest authority in the Burmese government and responsible for the country's security and defense affairs, could make a difference. On the 11-member council, civilian members, including the president, are outnumbered by military representatives, who hold six spots, including the commander-in-chief as well as the vice president appointed by him.

According to the National Defense and Security Council bill that was distributed to Upper House lawmakers in December, Article 14 of the draft gives the president no right to vote on council matters, except to cast a deciding vote in the event of a deadlock. The same article also says that the council must strive to reach a consensus in its decisions, and to accept a majority vote if a unanimous resolution cannot be reached.

"They are taking the upper hand in the NDSC. Guess which side they will be on when it comes to military interests?" said Yan Myo Thein.

Khin Zaw Win of the Tampadipa Institute, an independent think-tank in Burma, agreed that dealing with the military would be challenging for the incoming government, adding that the military's choice for vice president was likely to face a dilemma over whose orders he takes.

"As far as I'm concerned, the incoming government should cleverly handle its relations with the military, for matters ranging from the vice president to NDSC to the three powerful ministries, by appointing someone as an 'advisor' for their relations with the military."

He said that person should be either a serving or recently retried member of the military with a respected reputation and who clearly understands the Burma Army's current mindset as well as wants to see the country developed.

Asked whether Shwe Mann—a former general as well as ex-chairman of the USDP who was purged last year for his close ties to Suu Kyi—might be the best candidate for the post, Khin Zaw Win said this was "unlikely."

"He has been appointed as the chairman for Parliament's legislative commission. Plus, he is not popular among the military personnel. But he could make a recommendation," said the director of the institute.

"The NLD has experts on other issues apart from the Burmese military. If they have one [on military affairs], it would be very helpful," he added.

The Irrawaddy's Htet Naing Zaw contributed reporting from Naypyidaw.

The post Parsing Prospects for Burma's Overshadowed VP appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Central Bank Grants Four More Foreign Bank Licenses

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 02:21 AM PST

A man passes by a branch of Vietnam's Bank for Investment and Development in Hanoi on January 8, 2016. The bank is one of four Asian financial institutions to be awarded a license to operate in Burma. (Photo: Kham / Reuters)

A man passes by a branch of Vietnam’s Bank for Investment and Development in Hanoi on January 8, 2016. The bank is one of four Asian financial institutions to be awarded a license to operate in Burma. (Photo: Kham / Reuters)

RANGOON — The Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM) announced on Saturday that it had granted licenses for four more foreign banks from Asia.

The institutions awarded in the March 4 selection include the Bank for Investment and Development of Vietnam (BDIV), the E. Sun Commercial Bank from China, South Korea's Shinhan Bank and the State Bank of India.

The applicants for this second round of licenses came from within a pool of 13 total competitors, including banks from Taiwan and Mauritius.

According to the Central Bank announcement, the preliminary approval they have been granted is valid for 12 months. During this time, successful applicants will have to fulfill commitments made in their applications, ensure functional banking operations and comply with the Central Bank's requirements.

Thein Tun, chairman of the Tun Foundation Bank, said that foreign financial institutions now number more than half of the 25 private banks in Burma.

"Even though the government still doesn't allow retail banking [by foreign institutions], what I want is that they promote local banks more," he said. "Most [local banks] can't make profits to compete with [foreign banks]," he said. "I am concerned that local lenders will lose the game after more foreign banks come in, wherever they are coming from."

The Central Bank is still placing heavy restrictions on foreign bank operations—they are only permitted to engage in wholesale banking with investors from their respective countries, and can open only one branch in Burma.

Zaw Lin Htut, chief executive officer of the Myanmar Payment Union said that he hopes the new licensing will boost trade from the countries in question, but acknowledged that many restrictions still hinder success.

"Limited operations and no clear definite instructions [by the CBM] are the difficulties facing them," he said.

In the first round of selection in 2014, nine banks from China, Australia, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and Japan were awarded licenses by the Central Bank.

The post Central Bank Grants Four More Foreign Bank Licenses appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘No Religion Sanctions Violence Against Women’: Interfaith Leaders

Posted: 07 Mar 2016 01:03 AM PST

Leaders from different religious communities in Burma weigh in on issues of violence and discrimination against women at a Rangoon panel discussion on Saturday. (Photo: Nyein Nyein)

Leaders from different religious communities in Burma weigh in on issues of violence and discrimination against women at a Rangoon panel discussion on Saturday. (Photo: Nyein Nyein)

RANGOON – Religious leaders from four of Burma's major faiths have called for a change in community attitudes in order to end discrimination and violence against women and girls.

On Saturday, days before International Women's Day on March 8, religious leaders served as panelists at a discussion entitled "Step up Action to End Discrimination and Violence against Women and Girls: Reflections from a Religious Perspective." The event was co-organized by UN Women and Religion for Peace (RfP) Myanmar.

Panelists included Dr. Tin Nwe of the Buddhist organization Ratana Metta; Cardinal Charles Bo, the Archbishop of Yangon Archdiocese; Al Haj Aye Lwin, the chief convener of Rangoon's Islamic Centre; and U Hla Tun, the coordinator of the Hindu Sanatan Dharma Swayamsevak Sangh.

No religion has teachings intended to discriminate against women, said the organizers and panellists, who highlighted how their respective religions call for the equal treatment of every human being, regardless of their gender.

Yet violence and sexual assault against women and girls is still prevalent, as well as discrimination against women in the workplace; participants in the discussion said that behavioral changes are key to ending these practices.

Out of more than 100 participants in the panel discussion, women made up the majority and were also joined by foreign diplomats. They emphasized the need for education to improve women's leadership at the decision-making level.

Myint Swe, chairman of Ratana Metta Organization and a panel attendee, said that women's capacity should be utilized beyond the household level.

"Despite it being said that religions praise equality, there is discrimination in reality," Myint Swe said. "We must change those attitudes. It is not an easy task, but we have to raise awareness that a woman should no longer seen as a baby-maker, a cook or someone to be locked in the house. If we keep [women] in the kitchen, our country will remain behind in development."

Ratana Metta is a member of the RfP coalition, which has worked to prevent conflict between different faiths, as well as for the social advancement of women and girls in Burma.

Dr. Than Nwe, of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission's (MNHRC) Policy and Law section, told The Irrawaddy that a widespread campaign to raise awareness on the issue of gender-based violence and discrimination is much needed within Burmese society.

Like others who participated in the discussion, she said that a change in men's perspectives is crucial in order to educate and empower women.

The post 'No Religion Sanctions Violence Against Women': Interfaith Leaders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘The Major Cause of the Fighting Is Conflict of Interest’

Posted: 06 Mar 2016 11:08 PM PST

Irrawaddy journalists Lawi Weng and J Paing discuss what they found at scenes of recent fierce fighting in northern Shan State, with Burmese edition editor Thalun Zaung Htet.

Irrawaddy journalists Lawi Weng and J Paing discuss what they found at scenes of recent fierce fighting in northern Shan State, with Burmese edition editor Thalun Zaung Htet.

Thalun Zaung Htet: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy. This week, we will discuss the recent clashes in northern Shan State, and prospects for peace under a National League for Democracy [NLD] government. Irrawaddy news team members Ko JPaing and Ko Lawi Weng have joined me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy's Burmese edition editor Thalun Zaung Htet.

TZH: Both of you covered the clashes in February between the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South [RCSS/SSA-S] and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army [TNLA] in Namhsan and Kyaukme in northern Shan State. What did you see?

JPaing: Fierce clashes broke out on February 7, and since then thousands of civilian victims have fled to Kyaukme. When I went to Kyaukme, I found that the number of displaced persons was increasing rather than reducing. The clashes started to ease on February 17 and stopped the following day. So the fighting lasted for 11 days. It is fair to say that this was the longest clash [we've seen] between ethnic armed groups.

I went by motorbike to Tawt San, Nyaung Bin Hla and Nyaung Maung villages in Kyaukme Township. Some villagers alleged that TNLA troops had set their houses alight and tortured them. The TNLA later denied those allegations. There were no [other] eyewitnesses.

Most of the clashes occurred on parts of the main routes linking the southern and northern parts of Shan State. Goods trucks were passing through the area at the time. The three villages I mentioned saw fierce fighting. SSA and TNLA troops are still deployed in those areas now.

TZH: As far as we understand, in the past, serious clashes only occurred between the military and ethnic armed groups. Between ethnic armed groups, there were only skirmishes. Ko Lawi, what do you think is the major reason behind these events?

Lawi Weng: I arrived in Kyaukme on February 17. I found mainly displaced Shan people sheltering in a monastery there. There were also Palaung [Ta'ang] people. The refugees were a pitiful sight. As Ko J Paing has said, some refugees alleged that the TNLA had committed human rights violations.

The next day, I went by motorbike to a TNLA-controlled area. I arrived at Kyaukphyu village, where I found up to 2,500 TNLA troops from Brigade No. 2 stationed. I interviewed the brigade commander, Major Robert. He said the RCSS and the TNLA had co-existed in the region before the signing of the NCA.

TZH: The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.

LW: He meant that the RCSS had signed the NCA, while the TNLA had not. I then asked Major Robert why the clashes had happened. He said it was because around 300 RCSS troops had entered territory controlled by Brigade No. 2. After the entry, leaders of the two sides held a meeting, since this was the first time such a large number of RCSS troops had entered the area.

Major Robert said the RCSS could not give a strong reason for its troops entering the region. The clashes broke out after Brigade 2 stopped the trespassing troops, he said.

That was one reason for the fighting, but there is a second reason. The TNLA re-emerged in 2011. It existed long before that, but was not permitted to conduct activities by the former government. Meanwhile, Shan groups like the RCSS and the SSPP [Shan State Progressive Party] were active and levied taxes in the region. But now, the TNLA has taken control of certain areas. This has restricted certain activities of the RCSS, mainly the imposition of taxes and the conduct of businesses. The major cause of the fighting is conflict of interest.

Major Robert said Tawt San is a militarily and economically strategic site for the TNLA. Without it, it is impossible for the TNLA to conduct military activities and for Palaung people to do business. They have to have it. For this reason, the TNLA attacked. They thought the clash would not be so intense and large-scale. But fighting went on for 11 days, and spread to many places, and more than 3,000 people were displaced. So, they began to worry. On February 18, the TNLA retreated from Tawt San village and arrived in Kyaukphyu village, which filled up with their troops. I saw hardly any villagers there, and homes full of soldiers.

TZH: It is the people who suffer the brunt of clashes. This is February, the cold season. It is also exam season for basic education students. So, this has caused lots of trouble for locals. Ko JPaing, you spoke to victims. What are their needs?

JP: The number of victims had reached almost 4,000 by February 18. Many took shelter in 18 monasteries in Kyaukme. Volunteer groups and donors contributed rice, oil and other relief items. But they could not dispel the people's fear.

Students ranged from those in the first grade to those who cannot now sit for their matriculation examinations, as the clashes happened just about a week before their tests were scheduled. In one monastery, I found students studying together for the exam. It was a pitiful sight. I learned from locals and teachers that pupils who are due to sit other exams will be given an automatic pass so they can move on to the next grade level.

TZH: The RCSS and the TNLA then formed negotiation teams to end the conflicts. However, we heard that clashes recurred on February 28.

Meanwhile, on February 17, an NLD lawmaker put forward an urgent proposal urging the NLD-dominated Parliament to help end the fighting in northern Shan State as soon as possible. The military representatives in Parliament also approved the proposal. It was accepted. Do you think that this will be able to influence events?

LW: I talked to Major Robert about the roles of Parliament, the Burma Army and the United Nationalities Federal Council [UNFC] in relation to the fighting. The TNLA is waiting to see how the parliament will intervene, and what role the [Burmese] military will take. The TNLA says that the military is behind the clashes.

TZH: They say the military is behind the RCSS…

LW: The RCSS is based in the southernmost part of Shan State, near the Thailand border. How did they get to Kyaukme in northern Shan State? The TNLA alleged that the military brought [RCSS] troops [north] in trucks. Previously, the RCSS had only around 100 troops. Now have around 1,500 soldiers.

The TNLA said the clashes would end if the military adopted a neutral position and brokered the negotiations. Instead, the TNLA has alleged, the military has dispatched around 2,000 troops in around 200 trucks to clear the region. The clashes could become more intense. People are concerned that they will have to flee again.

Regarding the question of how this situation could be ended, negotiation is a must. The military has to demonstrate its impartiality. The UNFC should broker negotiations. Major Robert said the TNLA would wait and see what happens with these two [the military and the UNFC] and then make a decision. He said clashes would continue until the RCSS leaves the region. It is difficult to say what will happen.

TZH: To see good prospects for peace under the next government, the military should be impartial. If it pays heed to policies adopted by the NLD government at peace negotiations, the problems between ethnic armed groups could be solved, and there could be a greater chance of peace. If the military instead instigates clashes, the prospects for peace will not be good. Ko Lawi, Ko JPaing, thank you for your contributions.

This transcript has been edited for clarity.

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Record Bust in Mandalay Nets $30m in Illicit Drugs: Police

Posted: 06 Mar 2016 09:59 PM PST

A photo shows the illicit narcotics haul uncovered by police over the weekend in Mandalay Division's Pyigyidagun Township. (Photo: Facebook / MOI Webportal Myanmar)

A photo shows the illicit narcotics haul uncovered by police over the weekend in Mandalay Division's Pyigyidagun Township. (Photo: Facebook / MOI Webportal Myanmar)

MANDALAY — Police in Mandalay's Pyigyidagun Township said drugs and precursor chemicals used in the production of heroin, worth more than 36 billion kyats (US$29.5 million), were seized over the weekend.

According to a law enforcement official from the Drug Elimination Police Force, three men were also arrested in connection with the seizure of methamphetamine tablets known regionally as "yaba" and a similar substance referred to as "ice," heroin precursor chemicals and opium, with the contraband discovered at a compound in the Mandalay township's industrial zone.

"The arrest is connected with the seizure of drugs and opium in Yangon [Rangoon]. The men we arrested in Yangon said they bought the drugs from Mandalay so we raided the compound and found these," said deputy police Col. Myint Aung from the Drug Elimination Police Force's Division 3.

Police are tying the Mandalay raid to drugs valued at more than 30 million kyats seized in Rangoon's Mayangone and South Okalapa townships on Thursday of last week.

"We also found ammonium chloride, sodium carbonate, ammonium hydroxide, hydrochloride and many other chemicals at the Pyigyidagun compound, which are believed to be used in the production of heroin. We are investigating to unearth more drug producers and traffickers," Myint Aung said.

Three vehicles found inside the compound were also seized. Police said drugs were being produced in the compound, the owner of which is being sought by authorities.

According to police, the seizure was the largest of its kind in Mandalay Division. The three men arrested at the compound are facing criminal charges for their alleged ties to the illicit narcotics uncovered over the weekend.

The post Record Bust in Mandalay Nets $30m in Illicit Drugs: Police appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Number of Ministries to Be Nearly Halved: NLD Official

Posted: 06 Mar 2016 09:31 PM PST

President Thein Sein meets with foreign envoys at the President's Office in Naypyidaw in April 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

President Thein Sein meets with foreign envoys at the President's Office in Naypyidaw in April 2012. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — The incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government intends to nearly halve the number of ministries that make up Burma's executive branch, according to a senior party member.

Win Htein, an NLD central committee member, confirmed to media on Friday that there would be just over 20 ministries within the government it leads, down from the 36 ministries that currently exist.

"The six ministries from the President's Office will be merged into one. The other 30 will be reduced to around 20. So, there will be only 21 or 22 ministries," he said in Naypyidaw.

He added that staff from ministries on the chopping block would not need to worry about their jobs as they would be shifted to relevant ministries or departments that survive the downsizing, echoing what party chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi said in December of the NLD's plans for bureaucratic streamlining.

Win Htein also said only 30 to 40 percent of the incoming cabinet would be comprised of NLD members, with the rest of the posts going to relevant experts, technocrats and people from other political parties.

"The NLD members will a minority in terms of Union ministers, let's say between 30 and 40 percent," he said.

The NLD government will take office on April 1, with its highly anticipated selection of the country's next president expected this week.

The post Number of Ministries to Be Nearly Halved: NLD Official appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Htin Kyaw Tipped As NLD Presidential Nominee

Posted: 06 Mar 2016 09:26 PM PST

Htin Kyaw (left) at the Parliament as an observer in February. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Htin Kyaw (left) at the Parliament as an observer in February. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — An executive member of an Aung San Suu Kyi-led foundation has been tipped as one of the presidential candidates to be submitted by the National League for Democracy (NLD) on Thursday.

Htin Kyaw is a senior executive with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, a non-profit health and education charity named for Suu Kyi's mother. There has been speculation about his nomination for the post since the NLD's sweeping election victory in November of last year.

As the winning party, the NLD will make its presidential bids in Parliament on March 10. Aung San Suu Kyi, the party chairwoman, is constitutionally barred from the role by Article 59 (f), a clause that does not allow those with a foreign spouse or children to hold the presidency. Suu Kyi's two sons hold British citizenship, as did her late husband.

There have been three meetings between Suu Kyi and Burma's military leaders since the election, but the military was not willing to amend or suspend the law.

Although the NLD has since been tight-lipped on those recommended for the presidency, inside sources report that Htin Kyaw, a 70-year old Mon-Burmese Oxford graduate, is now high on the list.

Htin Kyaw is believed to one of The Lady's right-hand men; within the NLD he has built a reputation as a man of honesty.

Born in Rangoon as Dala Ban—a name he shares with a famous Mon warrior—Htin Kyaw is the son of Min Thuwun, one of Burma's national poets. Politics is integral in the family's history: Min Thuwun was an elected lawmaker in the 1990 elections that also delivered a landslide victory to the NLD. Additionally, Htin Kyaw's father-in-law, U Lwin, is one of the party's founding members.

His wife, Su Su Lwin, is a newly minted Lower House NLD lawmaker recently appointed as the chairperson for the chamber's international relations committee.

Htin Kyaw is also a writer who pens under the pet name his dad gave him—Dala Ban. He published a book on his father in 2009.

The post Htin Kyaw Tipped As NLD Presidential Nominee appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Children Affected by HIV/AIDS Struggle to Get Education

Posted: 06 Mar 2016 08:30 PM PST

 Phyu Phyu Thin, a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker and founder of the HIV/AIDS Prevention and Care Centre, poses for a photo with a 7-year-old patient at the hospice in the suburbs of Rangoon in November 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

Phyu Phyu Thin, a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker and founder of the HIV/AIDS Prevention and Care Centre, poses for a photo with a 7-year-old patient at the hospice in the suburbs of Rangoon in November 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — When her father died of AIDS in 2003, Pyae Phu Khaing* was just 3 years old, and only two years later her mother died of the same disease. The young girl fell into the care of her grandmother.

But her hardships were not over. When she suddenly began to lose weight while in primary school, a doctor advised a blood test. It found she was HIV positive. She was 12 years old.

The shock of the news and subsequent antiretroviral treatment (ART) provided by a private HIV/AIDS clinic in Rangoon's North Dagon Township forced her to leave school for a year. After she regained strength and the condition was brought under control, she returned with the help of the clinic's staff.

Now she is completing her ninth grade exam and Pyae Phu Khaing says she wants to become a nurse.

Her situation, however tragic, is better than that of most children in Burma who have been infected by HIV/AIDS, or who lost their parents to the disease, according to Nay Linn, operations manager for the Phoenix Association (Yangon), a self-help group for people living with HIV.

Many of the children struggle to continue their education due to a lack of money or because of stigma surrounding the disease, he said, citing a Ministry of Health and Unicef survey among 1,511 caregivers to children who lost parents to HIV/AIDS in 13 states and divisions.

Some 210,000 people are currently living with HIV/AIDS in Burma, of whom around 160,000 receive lifesaving ART based on the World Health Organization's guidelines, according to Medecins Sans Frontieres.

Services to help children affected by the disease are limited. "Only a few groups are supporting HIV-infected children in our country," Nay Linn said, adding that these NGOs usually prioritize free health care over education support.

From 2005 to 2013, the Phoenix Association funded the education costs for children from HIV-affected and low-income families, but since 2014 a funding shortfall means that it can only provide free stationery, he said.

Myint Zaw, an official in charge of the HIV/AIDS clinic in North Dagon Township, whose organization helps arrange schooling, tuition and mental health support programs for HIV-infected children, also said financial support for such programs was limited.

"Despite our financial support, it is not sufficient. These students are still in need of many other things," he said.

His organization helps HIV-infected children and also children whose parents are either HIV patients or have died from HIV.

He added that more vocational training programs were needed to support children who drop out of school, or for programs to tackle discrimination against these children while they are at school.

According to health workers, it is common for HIV/AIDS patients to suffer from depression because they cannot disclose their disease or are shunned by the community if they do.

This is no different for children affected by it. "I fear that my friends will find out that I am suffering from the disease," said Pyae Phu Khaing, who has kept her condition secret from her classmates.

Phyu Phyu Thin, a National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker and founder of the HIV/AIDS Prevention and Care Centre in Rangoon's South Dagon Township, said the issue often gets worse with age as children realize the limits set by their life-long illness.

"These children suffer more and more depression as they reach higher school classes," she said.

Phyu Phyu Thin said laws are in place that should prevent discrimination, but that public education on the issue is falling short.

"Myanmar already has adopted a law on infectious diseases. It defines non-discriminatory treatment against the disease-affected persons and guarantees equal rights to education for them," she said. "But more educative programs and legal protections are needed for these people."

*Names were changed to protect the identity of some persons in this story, which first appeared on Myanmar Now.

The post Burmese Children Affected by HIV/AIDS Struggle to Get Education appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Touring Ancient Inwa

Posted: 06 Mar 2016 04:33 PM PST

Click to view slideshow.

An ancient city of two names, Inwa—previously Ava—sits in the center of Burma, a half hour's drive from Mandalay city. For 500 years, the royal capital suffered numerous attempts at its destruction by competing kingdoms, some of which were successful. But it was not until the mid 19th century that the city was finally deserted, conquered not by a rival empire, but reportedly by multiple earthquakes.

The architecture of Inwa can now be explored by visitors from carts, pulled by oxen or horses, as well as by bicycle. Sites of note include the old city wall, the Mae Nu Brick Monastery, Bagaya Monastery, Thapyaydan Fort and the royal watchtower.

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