The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Hepatitis B Vaccines Probed After Newborns’ Deaths in Pegu
• Henry Van Thio: ‘I Wish To Work For The Entire Country’
• Dizzying Trade Deficit to Greet Burma’s New Govt
• Palaung Groups Accuse Burma Army of Torture in Shan State
• Htin Kyaw: Burma’s President-Elect and Talk of the Town
• In Burma, a Fine Line Between CSR and Karmic Cash
• Downsizing of Ministries Expected in President-Elect Proposal
• Led by China, Mekong Nations Take on Golden Triangle Narco-Empire
• Major Thai Trafficking Trial Opens Amid Fears for Witnesses

Hepatitis B Vaccines Probed After Newborns’ Deaths in Pegu Posted: 16 Mar 2016 05:43 AM PDT A woman lies near her newborn baby at a hospital in Rangoon's North Dagon Township on Jan. 26, 2014. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — An investigation by Burma's Ministry of Health is ongoing into the cause of three newborns' deaths after they received hepatitis B vaccines last week at Bago General Hospital. The probe is focusing on two vaccines, Engerix B and Hepavax B, according to a statement from the Health Ministry on Monday, both of which are recognized by the World Health Organization (WHO). The Health Ministry issued a separate statement last week saying a total of 28 infants were administered hepatitis B vaccines at Bago General Hospital between March 4 and 7, and that by last week, three newborns had died after suffering from symptoms of blood poisoning. The rest of the vaccinated infants were monitored and admitted to Yankin Children Hospital's intensive care unit and Bago General Hospital after suffering respiratory distress, fits and other adverse reactions. Blood samples of the infants were sent to Rangoon's national laboratory, the ministry's Monday statement reads. "Blood tests of the infants proved that there were bacteria in the bloodstream of the infants, which resulted in blood poisoning," the Health Ministry said in the statement. "An investigation is being undertaken to determine whether the reactions are associated with the hepatitis B vaccines." According to the Health Ministry, a field investigation team led by the Department of Medical Services, Department of Public Health, Food and Drugs Administration (FDA) and physicians from the children's department of Rangoon's Medical University No. 2 found that the vaccines were purchased from a private pharmacy and not administered as part of Burma's nationwide inoculation program. Director General Dr. Than Htut from the FDA said at a press conference held by Health Ministry on Friday that health officials are now analyzing whether the vaccines played a role in the three infants' deaths, despite their WHO recognition. A report in state-owned newspapers released on Saturday quoted him saying that during the investigation period, all the vaccines would be pulled from pharmacies' shelves. "Pharmaceutical companies, the WHO and international health organizations will be notified [if laboratory results confirm a link]," he said in the report. The post Hepatitis B Vaccines Probed After Newborns' Deaths in Pegu appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Henry Van Thio: ‘I Wish To Work For The Entire Country’ Posted: 16 Mar 2016 04:44 AM PDT Vice President-elect Henry Van Thio, of Chin State and the NLD. (Photo: Ye Ni / The Irrawaddy) Henry Van Thio, an Upper House National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker from Chin State, was confirmed on Tuesday as one of two vice presidents in Burma's executive trio, alongside the NLD's Htin Kyaw as President and Myint Swe as the vice president selected by the military. He spoke with The Irrawaddy's Htet Naing Zaw in Naypyidaw on Wednesday about his past career, his sudden rise to government leadership and his gratitude for the opportunity to serve as vice president. Please describe your life before you were elected vice-president. I was born in Deke Village in Htantalan Township, Chin State. I studied until ninth grade at my village school and matriculated in Htantalan Township. Then I joined the service and rose through the ranks to become a major. I was in the service for 20 years. Then, I transferred to the Ministry of Industry and retired in 2009. What drove you toward politics? How did you get involved in the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi? Our country is one of the least developed countries in the world and it can't walk with its head held high on the international stage. I want my country to stand tall among the international community. Such thoughts made me consider politics, and drove me to get involved. I studied the policies of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and I absolutely believed that only the NLD could help fulfill my wishes. With this belief, I joined the NLD. There is some criticism of you and your family having lived abroad. What do you want to say about it?  Not much. We went abroad with official permission from the government. What is your view of NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi? Why has she chosen you as the vice-president from among other ethnic lawmakers? Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is highly respected not only by our citizens but also in other parts of the world. She has unwavering loyalty and immense love for the country and the people. She is the people's leader. This is exactly how I view her. Why do you think she chose you to be vice-president over other ethnic lawmakers? I believe she has done so for the sake of the peace and stability of the State, rule of law, and especially national reconciliation and national unity according to her party's policy. [The fact that she selected me as vice-president] is the proof that she is pursuing her policy. What plans do you have for Chin State's development? I'm an ethnic Chin and from Chin State, but I'm now assigned to the post of vice-president. As a vice-president, I am not supposed to make considerations for only one state. I wish to work for the entire country. What approaches do you think should be taken toward the realization of peace and a federal Union, which is the aspiration of many ethnic groups? Mainly, we need to build trust. Both the government and the military need to seek the recommendations and cooperation of concerned specialists in building this trust. What message would you like to give the voters and the people? I would like to say thanks. Firstly, I sincerely appreciate all the voters from Chin State Constituency (3) who elected me to the Upper House. Secondly, I am deeply grateful to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who put me on the path to the vice-presidency. And I am grateful to all the lawmakers of Upper House who elected me the vice-president, and all the lawmakers of Union Parliament who confirmed my vice-presidency. Translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post Henry Van Thio: 'I Wish To Work For The Entire Country' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dizzying Trade Deficit to Greet Burma’s New Govt Posted: 16 Mar 2016 04:23 AM PDT Workers squat in front of bulldozers after a ceremony to mark the commencement of the Thilawa SEZ on Nov. 30, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — With figures topping US$5 billion, a widening trade deficit is likely to greet Burma's new government on April 1, says the Ministry of Commerce. According to the ministry, the total trade volume reached $25.7 billion between April 2015 and March of this year. Import volume hovered around $15.5 billion, while export volume reached only $10.2 billion. The fiscal year ends on March 31, and President-elect Htin Kyaw of the National League for Democracy (NLD) is due to be sworn in April 1. The total trade figure through the first 11 months of the current fiscal year falls short of the government's expectation of $30 billion. "Our import volume has significantly increased due to the many projects that have needed infrastructure materials this year, and our export volume has declined because of less oil and gas earnings this year coupled with flooding last year that damaged agricultural products," Maung Aung, a senior economist at the Ministry of Commerce, told The Irrawaddy. Oil and gas, jade and agriculture products are Burma's major export items, while investment and raw industrial materials and home appliances are its chief imports. "The Myanmar Investment Commission approved many projects last year, such as the many factories in the Thilawa SEZ [special economic zone]. Investment materials [for the projects] accounted for at least 60 percent of the total import volume," Maung Aung said, adding that total trade volume was likely to reach only $26-$27 billion this fiscal year. Burma's total trade volume has increased each year since the former pariah state transitioned to a quasi-civilian government in 2011. In the last year of outgoing President Thein Sein's term, however, this figure looks to have leveled off, a trend that has some observers concerned. Aye Lwin, a central executive member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), told The Irrawaddy it was not a good sign for the new government, describing a trade deficit of $5 billion as being hazardous to trade prospects. "This amount is at a dangerous level. If the new government can't get a handle on the issue, then it will have to rethink its trade policy and how to promote exports," Aye Lwin said, though he added some skepticism, doubting the veracity of government trade data. Burma imported some $16 billion in goods in the 2014-15 fiscal year, and exports totaled more than $11 billion, leaving a deficit of $4.9 billion, according to ministry estimates. The post Dizzying Trade Deficit to Greet Burma's New Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Palaung Groups Accuse Burma Army of Torture in Shan State Posted: 16 Mar 2016 04:15 AM PDT A photo purports to show civilians displaced by fighting this month as they arrived to Kutkai town in northern Shan State. (Photo: Facebook / Lway Kharomi) RANGOON — Ethnic Palaung civil society groups this week claimed widespread human rights abuses are being perpetrated by the Burma Army amid an ongoing offensive by government troops in northern Shan State. Those alleged abuses include detention and torture of civilians, some of whom have also seen their houses set ablaze by Burma Army soldiers who have clashed with the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) across several townships in northern Shan State since the beginning of this month. The recent conflict has forced more than 1,000 ethnic Palaung to flee their villages. The affected are staying at a camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kutkai Township. The Ta'ang Women's Organization (TWO) reported that 23 locals from Tarmoenyin subtownship, in Kutkai Township, were detained by the Burma Army on Monday evening, accused of supporting the TNLA. "Those detained were men, and no one knows yet where they have been taken," said a statement issued by the group on Tuesday. Earlier this month, another four locals from Ngegge village, Kutkai Township, were also detained after being accused of communicating with the TNLA. They are being held at the Burma Army's Military Strategy Operation Unit in Kutkai, the women's group said. One student was included among the four people detained on March 6 by soldiers from Burma Army Light Infantry Division No. 99, TWO added. In a similar case, three people from Kaung Loi village were detained on Feb. 22 by troops from Burma Army Light Infantry Division Nos. 33 and 99, which TWO claims proceeded to employ torture tactics including beatings, and burns and cuts to their bodies. Fighting in recent weeks has been particularly intense in Kutkai, Kyaukme and Namkham townships. State media, however, has been silent on the conflict despite the sustained hostilities and large population of displaced civilians. Myo Aung, from the Ta'ang Students and Youth Organization (TSYO), said some of the 23 people detained for suspected affiliation with the TNLA had been released since Monday. Myo Aung said eight of the 23 were tortured and beaten by Burma Army soldiers while in detention. Three other women—one elderly and a pair of 17-year-olds—were wounded by stray fire in the course of the recent clashes. Community leaders in Kutkai have set up two camps for IDPs, whose ranks grow daily, said Myo Aung. "We do not have a stable list for IDPs as even more people keep coming." The TNLA also claimed that its adversary, specifically Light Infantry Division No. 33, has burned civilians' homes, and food stores, in villages including Loi Kan, Mang Seik, and Pain Bon villages. "They burned around 20 houses in total from the three villages," said Tar Bang Hla, who is a TNLA communications officer. The Irrawaddy sought comment on Wednesday from the Burma Army, but Col. Khin Maung Cho, who just last month spoke with this reporter in an official media liaison capacity, said he did not have authority to speak and advised finding another contact person for the armed forces. The post Palaung Groups Accuse Burma Army of Torture in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Htin Kyaw: Burma’s President-Elect and Talk of the Town Posted: 16 Mar 2016 02:23 AM PDT Newly elected President Htin Kyaw talks to a reporter as he leaves the Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — National League for Democracy (NLD) nominee Htin Kyaw's election on Tuesday as Burma's next president has received roaring applause from local and international figures. Htin Kyaw, an executive committee member of an Aung San Suu Kyi-led foundation, secured 360 out of a total 652 votes from parliamentarians, effectively ending decades of leadership by a brutal military junta and its quasi-civilian successor government. Suu Kyi, chairwoman of the NLD, met with her party's lawmakers in the capital Naypyidaw on Monday to ensure that the voting would be carried out validly. "This is just a simple goal. But we have been struggling a lot for it," she told lawmakers. Her sense of achieving a long-delayed victory was shared by many others. Historian and founder of the Yangon Heritage Trust (YHT) Thant Myint-U sees a Htin Kyaw presidency as "an important step forward for democracy" in Burma, and he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that he believed Htin Kyaw would be a capable president. "What's important about this moment is that it's when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi begins, however indirectly, to assume executive power," he said. "It's something many have been waiting for since August 1988. Whatever comes next will be a new chapter in the country's history." Suu Kyi is constitutionally barred from the presidency, and Htin Kyaw is understood to be a proxy for her leadership. A confidante of the NLD chairwoman who first met her in primary school, Htin Kyaw had been tipped for the post ahead of his big reveal on March 10, but was hardly a household name in Burmese politics before that. His new stature will be noted by Burmese speakers for its poetic resonance, then, since Htin Kyaw in Burmese essentially translates as "famous." Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society, said the selection was a positive development for the country and something to be proud of, also praising the fact that Htin Kyaw is Burma's first elected civilian president in 54 years. "It's a milestone on our country's path to democracy," he said. Rangoon-based political analysis Yan Myo Thein echoed Aung Moe Zaw's optimism. "I believe that an administrative body will be implemented, under Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership, that will be able to work effectively for the country and its people," he said. The United States, which has helped to buoy Burma's transition to a civilian government since the former pariah state signaled reformist inclinations in 2011, said Htin Kyaw's election was "yet another important step forward in Burma's democratic transition." Former Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann released a statement on social media, encouraging Burma's newly elected president to stand with the people. "The incoming government and executive body must fulfill their obligation to the people," the statement reads. "At the same time, people must also contribute to the government's defense, security and nation-building process with [their own] visions." Outgoing President Thein Sein congratulated his successor. In a message sent to Htin Kyaw, Thein Sein said that, on behalf of the state and the people, he was proud of Htin Kyaw and that he was "prepared to hand over the duties of the head of state." UK Ambassador to Burma Andrew Patrick commended the people of Burma on the election of their first civilian president in over five decades. "We look forward to working with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Htin Kyaw and the new cabinet when the new government takes office," he told The Irrawaddy via email on Tuesday. There was a lot of support to be found on social media, too, particularly on Twitter. Patrick's boss, British Prime Minister David Cameron, was among them. "Congratulations to the people of Burma on their 1st democratically elected President in 50+ yrs. [I] Look forward to working with U Htin Kyaw," he tweeted. Likewise, a tweet from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi read, "Congratulations and best wishes to U Htin Kyaw on being elected President of Myanmar! Will work together to strengthen India-Myanmar ties." In Tuesday's voting, military nominee Myint Swe won 213 votes, while ethnic Chin lawmaker Henry Van Thio secured 79 votes, making them vice president Nos. 1 and 2, respectively. The post Htin Kyaw: Burma's President-Elect and Talk of the Town appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Burma, a Fine Line Between CSR and Karmic Cash Posted: 16 Mar 2016 12:44 AM PDT Burmese tycoon Tay Za holds a child at a school supported by his Htoo Foundation in Myitkyina, Kachin State, on Dec. 13, 2013. (Photo: Jared Ferrie / Reuters) RANGOON — It was perhaps inevitable that Burma's business sector would struggle with the idea of corporate social responsibility (CSR), operating in a country of high charitable giving and stark contrasts between its wealthiest and poorest citizens. At least in part, this stems from the reality that CSR, as a concept, has only caught on in the former pariah state within the past few years. Observers say this has led to overly broad use of the term and to confusion about its actual meaning by many companies, often most visibly by Burma's biggest conglomerates, including Zaw Zaw's Max Myanmar Group, Tay Za's Htoo Group and Aung Ko Win's Kanbawza (KBZ) Group. Of the trio above, Zaw Zaw and Tay Za remain on a US blacklist, preventing American firms from doing business with them, for perceptions that they are members of Burma's "crony class," whose willingness to work with the former military regime ran counter to Washington's pro-democracy agenda. Rightly or unfairly, in recent years CSR initiatives from blacklisted companies have been viewed with cynicism as the US Treasury Department has removed some names from the list and talks have turned to rehabilitating the reputations of those that remain sanctioned. Burma's larger companies have their own philanthropic foundations to take the lead on CSR efforts. Zaw Zaw, Tay Za and Aung Ko Win have all founded their conglomerates' foundations within the last decade. While such businesses have made significant financial contributions to education, health care and various social awareness activities in Burma, this does not mean that their contributions necessarily align with international standards on what qualifies as CSR. "From what I understand about CSR, it's about the long-term effectiveness of activities for the community. It's not about donations, which many businesses label as CSR," Aung Myo Shein, CSR manager of the Parami Energy Group of Companies, told The Irrawaddy. In recent years so-called CSR initiatives have produced some awkward optics, from the repatriation of modern-day Burmese slaves who were decked out in KBZ Bank merchandise to the National League for Democracy (NLD) taking money for training parliamentarians-elect from a bank owned by US-sanctioned Tay Za. While there is a degree of ambiguity about what constitutes CSR, some say more nefarious motivations can also be behind these initiatives. "[Using the term 'CSR'] is a good way to launder money. For real CSR, businesses must know how they'll affect the community, but many just do it for show," Aung Myo Shein said. Adding to the confusion is the fact that different people define CSR in different ways. Thomas Thomas, CEO of the Asean CSR Network, said CSR is not so much about how people spend money as it is about how they make that money. "It's not about doing a lot of the sins and then trying to build a church, temple or mosque and contribute, and say God forgave you," he recently told Reporting Asean. In this, he appears to be of the same mind as Washington as it relates to the US blacklist: Following a meeting in 2014 with businesspeople on the American sanctions roster about how they could successfully be delisted, US Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Tom Malinowski told The Irrawaddy that it would take more than generosity. "We also made clear that donations to charity, while welcome, would not be taken into consideration—for this purpose, what's important is not how they spend their money but how they make their money," he said. According to Vicky Bowman, director of the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB) and a former British ambassador to Burma, many businesses actually prefer not to use the vague term "CSR" because Burmese people understand it in different ways. Bowman said MCRB recently organized a workshop for companies in Hpa-an, Karen State, polling them on whether they understood CSR to be "social/community investment or contribution, philanthropy, sponsorship and disaster relief" or "the responsibility of enterprises for their impacts on society," the latter of which is the EU definition. Companies' representatives split 50-50, while some even thought that CSR could be both, she said. Bowman added that instead of "CSR," MCRB uses two distinct terms: "responsible business" to refer to business behavior, and "community investment" or "creating shared value" to get at where businesses go beyond fundamental legal and moral obligations. "The rest is philanthropy, not related to the business," she said. "There's nothing wrong with philanthropy. Indeed, it is wonderful and a source of great national pride, that Myanmar is top in the world in terms of charitable giving," she said, referring to the fact that in 2015, Burma was again ranked the most charitable country in the world by the London-based Charitable Aid Foundation. "But you aren't demonstrating corporate responsibility by building schools and clinics, particularly if you made your money through environmental destruction, corruption or worker exploitation," she continued. Key to CSR, Bowman contends, is that a company must earn and retain its "social license." "That's what allows it to operate without strikes and demonstrations and get its official permits more easily, particularly in a world in which the government is increasingly sensitive to public opinion—as Myitsone and Dagon City demonstrated," she said, referring to controversial hydropower and high-rise projects, respectively, that have run up against intense public opposition. "Technically, you can't be a responsible business if you break the law. But the laws affecting businesses here are often unclear or new or unknown or contradictory or not applied consistently," Bowman added, pointing out that the main challenge for most companies in Burma is non-compliance with the law, an issue particularly obvious when one looks at the dearth of environmental regulation and resulting pollution and waste. Chit Khine, chairman of the Eden Group of Companies, echoed these sentiments. "We need the government to advocate proper learning of CSR," he said. "It's time to change from this family business-style to an international standard." The post In Burma, a Fine Line Between CSR and Karmic Cash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Downsizing of Ministries Expected in President-Elect Proposal Posted: 15 Mar 2016 11:40 PM PDT Members of Parliament arrive at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — Burma's President-elect Htin Kyaw will submit a proposal to lawmakers on Thursday that is expected to shake up the administrative structure of his incoming cabinet by reducing the number of ministries and ministers within the executive branch. According to the agenda for Thursday's Union Parliament session, Htin Kyaw will put forward a proposal on the names of ministries and number of ministers to be appointed to serve in his incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government, which will take power on April 1. No specifics of the proposal are included in the agenda, which was released on Wednesday, but senior NLD member Win Htein told reporters on March 4 in Naypyidaw that the party planned to reduce the number of ministries that make up the executive to as low as 20, down from the current 36. "For now, we have six departments at the President's Office. We will merge all six into one and other ministries too. For example, we can merge rail transportation, road transport, water, airway into one," Win Htein was quoted in local media as saying. He also reportedly said NLD members would comprise some 30 to 40 percent of the ministerial posts, with the rest of appointees drawn from other parties and the ranks of Burma's technocratic class. That would appear to slate seven to nine ministerial posts for NLD members. Parliamentarians will discuss the proposal on Friday and the list is expected to be approved in the NLD-dominated Union Parliament next week. Htin Kyaw was elected president by the legislature on Tuesday, and will head an NLD government that party chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi has said will be led by her from "above" his post. That assertion, made in the lead-up to her party's landslide election victory in November, was made in response to questions about how Suu Kyi would circumvent a constitutional clause rendering her ineligible to become president. A reduction of government ministries was one pledge put forward in the NLD's election manifesto, "in order to decrease government expenditure and establish a lean and efficient government." The post Downsizing of Ministries Expected in President-Elect Proposal appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Led by China, Mekong Nations Take on Golden Triangle Narco-Empire Posted: 15 Mar 2016 10:12 PM PDT Thai soldiers stand guard at Ban Kaen Kai operation base on the Mekong River at the border between Thailand and Laos on March 3, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) THE MEKONG RIVER — The Lao People's Army patrol boat was custom-made in China with night-vision capability and two of the most powerful engines on this remote stretch of the Mekong River. Today, like most days, it sits idle for lack of gasoline, guarded by a single Laotian soldier in flip-flops. Even occasional patrols by boats like these, supplied by China to the Laotian army and Burmese police, have successfully subdued the pirates who once robbed the Mekong's cargo ships with impunity. But there has been little progress on another objective—stemming the flood of illicit drugs—exposing the limits of China's hard power in mainland Southeast Asia even as Beijing accelerates its militarization of disputed islands in the South China Sea. While attacks on Mekong shipping have tailed off, drug production and trafficking in the untamed region, known as the Golden Triangle, is booming—despite the presence of Chinese gunboats and units of Chinese armed police along the Mekong. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that Southeast Asia's trade in heroin and methamphetamine was worth $31 billion in 2013. "That's bigger than the economies of some Southeast Asian countries," says Jeremy Douglas, the UNODC's Asia-Pacific chief. "It's like having an undeclared sovereign state in your midst with no borders and lots of money." Enter another Mekong boat, looking at first glance like a pleasure cruiser filled with middle-aged tourists. In fact, they are senior police and drugs experts from five countries, among them one of China's top anti-narcotics officials, Wei Xiaojun. Arranged by the UNODC and lent further clout by Wei's involvement, their recent voyage down the Mekong was aimed at mustering the regional collaboration needed to tame the Golden Triangle. Reuters was invited to join the four-day trip from the Chinese port of Jinghong through the heart of the Golden Triangle. Wei, who is deputy secretary general of China's National Narcotics Control Commission (NNCC), called drugs the "main threat" along the Mekong. "All other types of organized crime are rooted in the drug business, like human trafficking, money laundering and the illegal wildlife trade," he said. China is a favorite destination for Burma's drugs, which are flowing through Asia in unprecedented quantities. More than 250 million methamphetamine pills, better known by their Thai name "ya ba" or "crazy medicine," were seized in East and Southeast Asia in 2013, an eight-fold increase from 2008. Seizures of "crystal meth" or "ice"—a potent, crystalline form of methamphetamine dubbed "the poor man's cocaine"—doubled during the same period. In 2015, China seized a record 36.5 tons of methamphetamine, most of it from Burma, said the UNODC. Burma is the world's second largest producer of opium, the bulk of which ends up in China as heroin. A recent report from the NNCC raised concerns about the involvement of some Chinese military personnel in drug trafficking, and said the number of registered drug users in China rose to more than 2.3 million in 2015. Increasingly Burma too has a drug problem, with police last year making record-breaking busts of both ya ba and ice. This could severely test the new government of Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy (NLD) party has yet to formulate drug policies, say experts. 'Off the Grid' Many factors combine to help the Golden Triangle's drug industry prosper. The Burma-Laos border, which the Mekong delineates, is mostly unguarded. The terrain is rugged and hostile, with rebel armies holding sway in some areas and drugs and money-laundering flourishing in lawless enclaves on both sides of the river. Regional law enforcement agencies are often underfunded and ill-trained, and the intelligence they gather is not effectively shared with neighboring countries. In October 2011, a gang led by a Mekong pirate called Naw Kham murdered 13 Chinese sailors. He was hunted down in Laos, then taken back to China to be tried and executed. Afterwards, Chinese gunboats began patrolling further downriver, extending China's security reach far beyond its borders. This includes a riverside facility in Muang Mom in Laos, which Reuters visited, run and guarded by a 25-strong unit of Chinese People's Armed Police. China conducts monthly joint patrols with its Laotian and Burmese counterparts, who—gasoline permitting—do additional patrols by themselves. There have been successes. In 2013, a Chinese-Laotian patrol found 580 kg (1,280 lbs) of ya ba, worth more than 100 million yuan ($15 million), hidden in a cargo ship. But more patrols were needed, said the UNODC's Douglas, and Mekong countries also needed to coordinate and share intelligence to interdict more drugs. Black Holes Some areas remain intelligence black holes. Hsop Lwe, for example, is Burma's busiest port on the Mekong, but its government has no control over it. The port belongs to Special Region 4 (the Mong La Special Region), a semi-autonomous enclave famous for gambling, prostitution and narcotics. To the north is Special Region 2 (Wa Special Region), also controlled by heavily armed rebels. The Special Regions were "off the political grid," said Douglas, although he hoped Suu Kyi's new government would engage with and secure better access to them. The UNODC boat could not get permission to stop at Hsop Lwe, where a Chinese cargo ship was unloading SUVs as it passed. Reuters reporters also spotted unofficial Mekong ports in Laos, which this year chairs the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). Landlocked and impoverished, Laos shares a border with all the Mekong countries, which also include Vietnam and Thailand, making it an important smuggling hub for both narcotics and the chemicals that make them. From Vietnam, for example, comes tons of caffeine, used in methamphetamine production and spirited through Laos and across the Mekong in rice bags. Other lawless areas were being created by the Mekong itself. The ever-shifting river created islands where drug shipments were hidden, said Col. Patpong Ngasantheir of the Royal Thai Army. But according to a treaty negotiated while Laos was still a French colony, these islands were deemed neutral. "We're not allowed to search them," he said. The post Led by China, Mekong Nations Take on Golden Triangle Narco-Empire appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Major Thai Trafficking Trial Opens Amid Fears for Witnesses Posted: 15 Mar 2016 10:06 PM PDT Human trafficking suspects arrive at the criminal court in Bangkok on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — The trial of 92 suspected human traffickers, arrested after the discovery of shallow graves of migrants in Thai jungle, began in Bangkok on Tuesday and the attorney-general's office said it would be over within a year amid fears about the safety of witnesses. Traffickers abandoned boatloads of migrants at sea last year after a crackdown by Thai authorities that led to a regional migrant crisis with Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma and Bangladesh refusing boats permission to land. Rights groups had expressed fears that a drawn-out case, lasting anything up to two years, could put the hundreds of witnesses at risk because of inadequate police protection. "The court is accelerating the case to finish within a year," said Prayuth Porsuttayaruk, deputy director-general of the human trafficking office at the Attorney-General's Office. Thailand remains on the lowest tier on the US State Department's Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report for not meeting the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. Sunai Phasuk, senior researcher on Thailand at Human Rights Watch, welcomed a shorter trial but said the cases should not be rushed to impress the United States. "It will totally send the wrong message if the trial is being fast-tracked simply to impress the TIP report reviewers." The defendants, wearing beige prison uniforms, were brought to the packed court for the start of formal hearings. The investigation and arrests followed the discovery of 30 shallow graves at a trafficking camp near the Malaysian border. Many of the bodies were believed to be of Rohingya, a persecuted ethnic Muslim minority in majority Buddhist Burma. Weeks later, police revealed 139 graves had been found over the border in Malaysia. That led to a crackdown on the multi-million dollar trade which had until then flourished in Thailand's southern provinces and in Malaysia. The 92 suspected human traffickers include an army general, civilians and police. Rights groups have called on authorities to step up witness protection after some witnesses said they had been forced into hiding because of threats. Prayuth said the justice ministry was "looking after the witnesses," but did not say how many of the more than 400 witnesses were receiving police protection. Around 50 suspects were still at large, said Prayuth. Some had fled to neighboring Burma. The United Nations and rights group say the number of migrants leaving Burma and Bangladesh by boat in past months has plummeted because of the Thai and Bangladeshi crackdowns on human smugglers. The number of people trying to flee was expected to be significantly lower this year, they said. The post Major Thai Trafficking Trial Opens Amid Fears for Witnesses appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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National News

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• Hopes and warnings for incoming president
• Complaints as Rakhine State Hluttaw goes back into recess
• UN rights official sets tough targets for new government
• IDPs scatter as sporadic fighting sweeps northern Shan State
• Kokang group warns businesses in Laukkai
• Small bomb in Sittwe targets media outlet
• Activists demand obelisk for Mandalay revolution leader
• MCDC insists water shortages unlikely
• Expert's Opinion: Myanmar's new president

Hopes and warnings for incoming president Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Party loyalist U Htin Kyaw confirmed as president, while U Myint Swe takes the first vice president spot

Complaints as Rakhine State Hluttaw goes back into recess Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT After a month-long break, the Rakhine State Hluttaw yesterday convened again yesterday – but went into recess again after barely an hour.

UN rights official sets tough targets for new government Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Myanmar's United Nations-appointed human rights investigator has given the new government a 100-day challenge. The task list – starting from its first day in office next month – includes lifting restrictions on freedom of movement in Rakhine State, meeting a 30 percent quota for women participating in the peace process and stopping the use of landmines.

IDPs scatter as sporadic fighting sweeps northern Shan State Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Sporadic fighting across northern Shan State is sending civilians fleeing in different directions, with some attempting to return to their homes and then being forced on the run again.

Kokang group warns businesses in Laukkai Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT The main ethnic Chinese armed group in Shan State's Kokang border area has warned businesses of dangers to their security while claiming that the military is preparing a mass mobilisation of forces.

Small bomb in Sittwe targets media outlet Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT A small bomb in the Sittwe compound of a Rakhine online news agency last week may have been prompted by its reporting on sensitive military and political developments, its chief editor said yesterday.

Activists demand obelisk for Mandalay revolution leader Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT The installation of the National League for Democracy government, both at the Union level in Nay Pyi Taw and in Mandalay, could see a long-term dream come to fruition for supporters of Thakhin Ba Hein, a hero of the 1300 Revolution.

MCDC insists water shortages unlikely Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Mandalay residents need not be afraid of El Niño, water authorities say. Though meteorologists warn that the powerful weather phenomenon could cause droughts, Mandalay City Development Committee says it has already taken the measures needed to ensure an adequate supply for the coming hot season, despite increases in population.

Expert's Opinion: Myanmar's new president Posted: 15 Mar 2016 02:30 PM PDT Yesterday, parliament's overwhelming endorsement of National League for Democracy candidate U Htin Kyaw was greeted with celebration – and a bit of relief – by MPs and citizens. But what do the experts think? Myanmar Times senior reporter Wa Lone polled analysts on both sides of the aisle about their thoughts on the country's new chief executive – and what it means  going forward for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

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Shan Herald Agency for News

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MYANMAR'S 40 to 72 PERCENT PROBLEM Posted: 15 Mar 2016 09:04 PM PDT YANGON-If you walk the streets of this city at the end of the work day, you'll hear a distinctive sound: the clicks and taps synonymous with Myanmar's traditional sport, known as chinlone. Sharing certain roots with soccer, chinlone dates back 1,500 years, when it was played for the country's royalty. While the objective is simple-kick the small woven ball around a six-player circle without letting it touch the ground-the game is difficult. Players leap and dive, executing complex footwork with a combination of dance and martial arts moves. Their athleticism is all the more remarkable given the competition: there is none. The groups of men and women who play nightly do so without any incentive to "win." Victory comes in the artistry of the moves and the cohesion of the players. In chinlone, collaboration is the name of the game - which is deeply ironic when you consider the source.  The harmony of the sport stands in sharp contrast to the sectarian conflicts that have torn Myanmar apart, but it also provides a model for the nation's best hope: to move forward in unity. Until recently, that wasn't remotely possible. Myanmar (formerly called Burma) emerged from British Colonial rule in 1948, only to slide into nearly seven decades of civil war as the country's ethnic nationalities battled the ruling Burmese military regime, and each other. The conflict is far from over, but has reached a critical inflection point. In December, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a sweeping victory in Myanmar's first openly contested election in a quarter century, wresting power from the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). With new leadership, this government is promising a new direction, but it has yet to engage with the entrenched problem of ethnic nationals. For Aung San Suu Kyi, the question is basic: will Myanmar move forward as a nation that offers full citizenship to the ethic nationals that occupy 60 percent of the country's land or will it continue to enforce a brand of Asian apartheid that disenfranchises non-Burman ethnics at every turn? For Western governments and businesses swarming into this nascent market today, the message must be clear: it is time to make the empowerment of all ethnic nationals - and a federal system that recognizes their autonomy - priority number one. The roots of the problem go back centuries. Ethnic Burman kings once ruled over Myanmar's central Irrawaddy Valley, ringed by independent kingdoms in the surrounding hills. Today, these early divisions are reflected in the ethnic and religious groups that still occupy the horseshoe of mountainous territory that rings the country's urban and political center. In addition to ethnic Burmans, who make up the country's largest single nationality, Myanmar's government recognizes 135 ethnic groups living within its borders. They have never truly, voluntarily, been united. After centuries of turf wars, Burma was first knit together in the 19th century-under a foreign flag. Britain colonized the country, but lost it to Japanese invasion in 1942. Post-war, Burmese statesman-general Aung San negotiated for the independence of a unified Burma. In, 1947, he convened Chin, Shan, and Kachin tribal leaders in the town of Panglong, laying out a blueprint for peace that established mechanisms of self-governance in the ethnic national regions while extending to their citizens the "rights and privileges which are regarded as fundamental in democratic countries." But the dream died five months later, before Panglong was enacted, with the assassination of Aung San, kicking off violence that continues to this day. A 1962 coup by the Burman army produced "a million dead, millions more displaced, an economy in ruins, and a robust military machine designed to fight the enemy within," as Burmese-American historian, Thant Myint-U, has written. Demonstrations against the oppressive ruling regime in 1988 resulted in the deaths of 3,000 protesters. In 1990, Myanmar held its first free elections in 30 years, and voted overwhelmingly to elect the pro-democracy party led by Aung San's daughter. The military, in response, refused to cede power and restricted her under house arrest for 15 years. That daughter, of course, is Aung San Suu Kyi. "The Lady," as she is called, took the reins of government from some of her former captors in January, after her party won 80 percent of contested parliamentary seats last December. Although constitutionally prohibited from holding presidential office by a clause barring anyone with a foreign spouse or child (a provision drafted specifically for Suu Kyi, whose late husband and children are British), she has vowed to be "above" the position, ruling the country via proxy. The democratic changes begun in 2011 marked the start of the most sustained political reform in decades. The Lady's international acclaim, her party's electoral victory, and her personal family history have raised hopes that she will shepherd Myanmar in a new direction. Lost in this narrative is the country's ongoing battle with ethnic nationals. The divisions are so deep-seated here that population numbers are hard to come by. While it's long been thought that ethnic minorities comprise about 40 percent of the country's total population, long-time Myanmar watcher and founder of Dictator Watch, Roland Watson, recently suggested in a speech to an Asia Democracy Alliance Seminar in the U.S. Congress that the number is closer to 72 percent. A 2014 census by the United Nations, the first in 30 years, was meant to settle the matter, despite the fact that millions of ethnics reportedly couldn't be reached. But the previous government refused to release the findings, blocking what was called "sensitive data on religious and ethnic minorities" for fear, as one high-ranking official put it, that its release might "shatter the state's peace and stability." While some speculate that the caution might reflect concerns that this overwhelmingly Buddhist nation has more Muslims than previously thought, potentially stoking violence, others took this as a sign that non-Burmans might rebel if they realized they had more than 70 percent of the population while holding barely 10 percent of the seats in parliament. The fate of ethnic minorities overall is an issue on which the Lady has been frustratingly silent, leading some to offer that her silence was a smart political calculation until she held real power and could do something, while others wondered if it reflected a more troubling dismissal of ethnic rights more common among her fellow Burmans Buddhists. Regardless of the motivations behind her previous quiet, she no longer has any excuses for inaction. The true test of her leadership will be whether Myanmar's new leader can finish what her father started in 1947. That means federalism. Talk of "democracy" is meaningless to ethnic nationals, who have been disenfranchised because of their ethnicity, told what languages they can and cannot speak, which customs they can and cannot follow, who they can and cannot marry and how many children they can have because of their religion. To truly have a voice, ethnic states must be governed by their own leaders - just as states are empowered under the United States' federal system. They must have a say in the development of their resource-rich lands and a share of the profits from that development. And in order for these changes to even be a possibility, they must be brought to the table in good faith to end current hostilities with the military. Eight of the 15 major ethnic militias have signed a cease fire with the outgoing USDP, but the holdouts downgrade the deal's legitimacy. Suu Kyi claimed during the campaign that federalism would be her top objective. But the remaining groups won't sign until they're confident the military won't turn on them. A U.S. Special Forces veteran currently advising ethnic groups on the ground tells me, "This is the most dangerous time in ethnics' history, because the international community is generally behind the central government." But a high-level peace negotiator tells me that "the reason the military was against federalism is because they were concerned that if power was decentralized, groups would use their power and succeed. The military now understands it is about reintegration. They've changed their stance, and the ethnic groups have changed, too - but groups outside the process haven't changed much. They need to be part of the process and the talks." If Western nations want to promote real progress, they must act - now. For the United States, that means reinstating International Military Education and Training (IMET) for Myanmar's military-with the stipulation that all young, ethnic officers train alongside the Burmese. This is an unparalleled opportunity to teach the next generation of leaders respect for human rights and to model for them the success of America's integrated military and federal system. Not since the height of apartheid in South Africa have people that represent the overwhelming majority of a country's total population been so disenfranchised. The truth is, if all ethnic nationalities, whether 40 percent or 72 percent of the population, aren't soon made full citizens of Myanmar, it won't be a nation. Aung San, master of the political version of chinlone, knew that. We'll soon see if his daughter understands the same. Stanley A. Weiss, a global mining executive and founder of Washington-based Business Executives for National Security, has been widely published on domestic and international issues for three decades. By Huffingto Post and Stanley Weiss

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The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Not Suu Kyi, but NLD’s President-Elect Still Excites
• Ten Things To Do In Rangoon This Week
• What Might Htin Kyaw’s Presidency Mean for Burma’s Economy?
• Police Investigate Blast at Journalist’s Home in Arakan State
• Salween in Focus for Burmese Civil Society on Rivers Day
• Htin Kyaw Confirmed as Next President in History-Making Vote
• Human Rights in Burma: Can the UN Human Rights Council Rise To The Occasion?
• Burma’s Expected President Is an Unlikely Leader
• US Ambassador Derek Mitchell: ‘I Feel Gratitude for What I’ve Been Able to Witness’

Not Suu Kyi, but NLD’s President-Elect Still Excites Posted: 15 Mar 2016 05:18 AM PDT President-elect Htin Kyaw, second left, and National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi, center, leave Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 15, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters). RANGOON — The Union Parliament on Tuesday morning elected National League for Democracy (NLD) nominee Htin Kyaw as Burma's next president. On April 1, the 69-year-old will become Burma's first democratically elected president from a civilian background in more than five decades. The Irrawaddy spoke to a variety of people, including lawmakers, political analysts and supporters, about their thoughts on the historic decision. Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society "This morning, tears welled up in my eyes while [I was] watching the Parliament session on television. It [Parliament's decision] is very exciting, and I'm so happy, too. This is a landmark for our country's democracy."   Yan Myo Thein, a Rangoon-based political commentator "It was a very exciting moment for all Burmese citizens. Many people waited and watched Parliament live-broadcast [the decision] at tea shops, like watching a football match. It gave me goosebumps." "I believe that an administrative body will be implemented, under Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership, that will be able to work effectively for the country and its people." Shin Daewe, filmmaker "The thought that we are now free from military rule will ease the pain of [my country] having lagged behind all my life."         Dr.Daw Nyo Nyo Thin. Photo – JPaing / The Irrawaddy ) Nyo Nyo Thin, former Rangoon Division independent lawmaker "The Union Parliament today voted for Htin Kyaw, whose hands are not stained with blood, to be Burma's new president. … He is honest and has a clean background. He doesn't have military experience. He has been elected because he's believed to be loyal to the public. I would like to urge all people to work together with the president in building a peaceful country and turning away from dictators." Htoot May, Upper House lawmaker from the Arakan National Party "We now have Burma's first civilian president, elected from a party whom the people voted for. As an elected MP, I chose the candidate most desired by the people when I voted among the presidential nominees. I believe my constituents will like the president I voted for." "We hope the president will move our country forward, and we will work together [with the president and vice presidents, as well as Parliament and ministries] to achieve positive change and good governance." Soe Aung, Upper House lawmaker from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) "I didn't know who U Htin Kyaw was before [he was confirmed as president]. He is the son of U Min Thu Wun, who had a good name [because of his works of literature]. He studied abroad. I also know that he is honest and industrious. We accept him. He has the capacity. He does not have executive experience, but I believe he can cope with that." "Today, people only accept Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We appreciate [her] sacrifices. Now all have to follow her leadership. She has spoken against partisanship, regionalism and racism. We believe Daw Aung San Suu Syi. Her actions speak. She cooperates with ethnic [parties], with the USDP. I think there will be better prospects for the country through cooperation with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi." Brig-Gen Tint San Naing, military lawmaker "I think the National League for Democracy has chosen U Htin Kyaw, as we [the military] have chosen retired Lt-Gen Myint Swe, because they think he is suitable [for the presidency]. We accept U Htin Kyaw. We believe he will be a good, capable person. However, there should not be anyone above the president. The president is at the top of the country. He is the head of state and the chief executive officer. This is enshrined in the Constitution." Additional reporting by Htet Naing Zaw and Tin Htet Paing. The post Not Suu Kyi, but NLD's President-Elect Still Excites appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things To Do In Rangoon This Week Posted: 15 Mar 2016 04:25 AM PDT The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week.     Rangoon Photo Night Some of the best work by Burmese photographers will be on show in a garden setting. Prizes will be awarded by a jury presided over by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, according to the event's website, and international photo personalities such as Hossein Farmani (Lucie Awards), Hans Silvester and Floris de Bonneville (Gamma). Where: Institut Francais de Birmanie, 340 Pyay Rd, Sanchaung Tsp. When: Saturday, March 19.  Time: 6:00 pm.  Iron Cross Burmese rock band Iron Cross are back with a show. Tickets are available, according to the band's Facebook page, at 5 Network Showroom, 4 Digital Main Showroom, The Sun Music Production, 1876 Call Centre, Ko Ko Beauty Salon (Dagon Center). Where: People's Park When: Friday, March 18.   Time: 7:00 pm Mixed Martial Arts One Championship Union of Warriors will be in Rangoon for a mixed martial arts competition, along with ethnic Kachin fighter Aung La Nsang (Burmese Python) who will face Egyptian striker Mohammad Ali. The event will feature ten bouts of fighting, with competitors from Singapore, the Philippines, Brazil and more.  Tickets are available at MMtix.com and branches of AGD Bank. Where: Thuwunna Stadium, Thingangyun Tsp. Tel: 094-5101-0789 When:  Friday, March 18. Time: 6.30pm Game Night The Novotel hosts tournaments for pool, football and dart players every Wednesday with awards for shots and gift vouchers for winners. Where: Novotel Yangon Max, 459 Pyay Rd, Kamayut Tsp. When: Every Wednesday night. Time: 6:00 pm Painting with Pastel "A piece of pastel" will showcase the works of 12 artists including Win Pe Myint and Bogalay Htay Win. Where: Myanmar Ink Art Gallery, 1st Floor, Room 3, Nawaday St, Dagon Tsp. Tel: 097-8099-4471 When: Until Wednesday, March 16. Time: 10:00 am – 6:00 pm Yangon Essay Artist Aung Htet Lwin's second solo show, titled "Yangon Essay" will feature scenes from Yangon's urban landscape. A total of 36 paintings will be displayed. Prices range from US$50 to $500. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp.  Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Tuesday, March 15 to Saturday, March 19. Time: 9:00 am – 5:00 pm  Tuesday Snippets Every Tuesday evening, Pansodan Gallery opens up for a gathering in which all sorts of people interested in the future of the country enjoy conversation and perhaps some beer until late at night. Guitars generally come out after midnight. Where: Pansodan Gallery, 144 Pansodan St, Kyauktada Tsp. When: Every Tuesday evening. Time: From 8:00 pm onwards. Silent Green Artist Latya Lynn Naing will stage his third solo show of collage works. A total of 61 works will be shown, with prices ranging from US$15 to US$20. Where: Cloud 31 Gallery, 49/51, 1st Floor, 31st Street (Lower Block), between Merchant St and Mahabandoola St. (Tel: 095-104-231, 097-8510-4231) When: Saturday, March 19 to Wednesday, March 23. Time: 9:00 am – 5:00 pm. Totally Wired & Dalla Days "Totally Wired & Dalla Days" is a double exhibition of mythical sculptures and environmental portraits by Don Wright. The photographs were taken in Yaza Thingyan Ya Kwet in Dala Township. All profits from the sale of photographs and a percentage of the sale of the sculptures will go towards supplying water containers and mosquito nets to residents. Where: Gallery 65, at 65 Yaw Min Gyi St, Dagon Tsp. When: Friday, March 18 to Sunday, March 20. Time: 10:00 am – 6:00 pm Impasse (Group Exhibition) Looking back: Photographers Sai Zaw, Htoo Tay Zar, Hein Htet, J Paing, Soe Zeya Tun and Thet Htoo documented student demonstrations against the National Education Law and the subsequent police crackdown during March 2015. Where: Myanmar Deitta. 49, 44th St. When: Monday, March 14 to Thursday, March 31.   The post Ten Things To Do In Rangoon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

What Might Htin Kyaw’s Presidency Mean for Burma’s Economy? Posted: 15 Mar 2016 04:05 AM PDT The president, Htin Kyaw (left), and his two vice presidents, Myint Swe (center) and Henry Van Thio (right). (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Since Htin Kyaw's confirmation as Burma's next president Tuesday morning, observers have been speculating about what this might mean for the national economy. Soe Tun, chairman of the Myanmar Automobile Manufacturers and Distributors Association and vice president of the Myanmar Rice Federation, expressed judicious optimism. "I believe U Htin Kyaw can drive up Burma's economy, given his education in economics and that he has to listen to what the people want," Soe Tun told The Irrawaddy. "I don't think the new government can solve the difficulties of economic growth during this honeymoon period—within the first 100 days—but I believe that the NLD [National League for Democracy] can be clear about what its economic policies will be." He also mentioned that he is unconcerned about Vice President Myint Swe, a former lieutenant-general and outgoing Rangoon chief minister, manipulating the business environment since NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi will be the one ultimately calling the shots. Myat Thin Aung, chairman of the Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone and a central executive member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, voiced similar thoughts on the military-backed Myint Swe. "According to procedures set by the outgoing government, vice president No.1 normally makes decisions about national projects, while vice president No. 2 focuses on the education, health and social sectors. So if the new government follows this procedure, Myint Swe will make decisions regarding national projects," Myat Thin Aung said. "As far as I know, U Myint Swe is flexible in making business decisions, he's not rigid… [Either way] the president and other vice president will be working together with him." Htin Kyaw earned 360 out of a total of 652 votes in the Tuesday morning legislative session, while Myint Swe won 213 votes and ethnic Chin lawmaker Henry Van Thio won 79 votes, making them vice president Nos. 1 and 2, respectively. Though there is much political wrangling ahead, there also seems to be a powerful current of hope running through Burma's burgeoning business community. "I believe that he [Htin Kyaw] can boost the country's economy, that he can spur businesses to develop in his term [as president]," said Sabei Aung, managing director of Nature Dream Travels and Tours. "He's honest, wise and has experience with international dealings, so no doubt he can lead the country. And, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be supporting him." The post What Might Htin Kyaw's Presidency Mean for Burma's Economy? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Investigate Blast at Journalist’s Home in Arakan State Posted: 15 Mar 2016 12:40 AM PDT Police officers are pictured at the purported scene of an explosion on Thursday night. (Photo: Facebook / Mrat Thu Tun) RANGOON — An Arakan State-based journalist claims to have been targeted for his media outlet's coverage of controversial issues, holding a press conference in Rangoon on Monday to discuss an explosion last week at his home in Sittwe that he characterized as an attack. The journalist, Min Min, general manager of Root Investigation Agency (RIA), was traveling to Buthidaung Township with his family at the time of the incident on Thursday, and no one was injured. He added that his home did not suffer any serious damage. Min Min speculates that the alleged attack on his home, which doubles as an office, was due to stories that his organization has recently published, implicating officials in scandals, though he defends the stories as fair. One such story accuses the leader of the Arakan Army, Tun Myat Naing, of leading the illicit narcotics trade in Arakan State. "Journalists, particularly those in conflict zones in ethnic areas, can't expect media freedom or for their lives to be secure," RIA said in a statement on Monday, pointing to the recent incident as evidence. The media outlet has also received threats on social media, with one supposedly offering a monetary reward for the killing of an RIA journalist. Min Min told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the investigation is being led by police officer Aye Khin Maung of Sittwe Township. The officer, however, declined an interview request from The Irrawaddy, and the cause of the explosion is as yet undetermined. Police officer Yan Naing Thet confirmed on Tuesday that the explosion occurred at about 11 pm on Thursday, but he declined to provide additional information. The RIA was founded last year, covering a range of issues including armed conflict, education, health care, human rights and human trafficking. The post Police Investigate Blast at Journalist's Home in Arakan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Salween in Focus for Burmese Civil Society on Rivers Day Posted: 14 Mar 2016 11:23 PM PDT Click to view slideshow. Ethnic civil society organizations and environmental activists together with local communities marked International Day of Action for Rivers along the Salween River in eastern Burma on Monday, expressing concern over the Burmese government's six planned dams on the waterway. Separate events took place at different locations in Shan, Karenni and Karen states, where in some locations active or latent conflict is a concern of the groups in addition to the projects' potential negative environmental impacts. The Save the Salween Network, an environmental advocacy group, was among those holding events on the Salween River, at Wan Sala village in Mongton Township along the Thai-Burma border in southeastern Shan State. The group was joined by local communities, including children, elders, religious leaders and political party representatives. Similarly, the Karen environmental organization known as Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) held a Salween River event at the Ei Htu Hta displacement camp in Papun District, eastern Karen State. Hundreds of local community members including internally displaced persons (IDPs) attended. Community-based organizations in Karenni State also held separate events. The Save the Salween Network released a statement on Monday against "the government's plans to build six dams on this vital artery, which has nourished the culture, traditions and livelihoods of our peoples for generations." One mega-project was singled out. "We are also concerned at recent efforts to push ahead with the giant Mong Ton dam on the Salween River in southern Shan State, which will be the largest hydropower project in Southeast Asia. …We deplore the Burmese government's attempts to push ahead with mega dams in ethnic conflict zones, against the wishes of local ethnic communities," said the statement. "We urge governments, companies and investors not to build any hydropower dams on the Salween, as they will threaten the livelihoods and existence of countless ethnic communities living along the river," it continued. The Salween River, one of the longest rivers in Southeast Asia, supports ecosystems rich in biodiversity along much of its length, providing food security for ethnic communities throughout the river basin. The post Salween in Focus for Burmese Civil Society on Rivers Day appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Htin Kyaw Confirmed as Next President in History-Making Vote Posted: 14 Mar 2016 11:10 PM PDT Htin Kyaw, left, at Parliament as an observer in February. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The Union Parliament voted on Tuesday in favor of National League for Democracy (NLD) nominee Htin Kyaw as Burma's next president, confirming the 69-year-old's improbable rise to the country's highest elected office less than a week after the party put his name forward for the post. The executive committee member of an Aung San Suu Kyi-led foundation earned 360 out of a total 652 votes in the Tuesday morning legislative session, with lawmakers bursting into applause when his final tally was announced. Myint Swe, the military's candidate for the role, received 213 votes, while NLD Upper House nominee Henry Van Thio, an ethnic Chin lawmaker, won 79. Myint Swe and Van Thio will serve as vice president Nos. 1 and 2, respectively, in an executive trio led by Htin Kyaw, who had been expected to win the final parliamentary vote since his nomination by the Lower House on March 10. All three candidates were deemed eligible for the presidency after passing a parliamentary scrutinizing body's vetting process, the findings of which were presented by Union Parliament Speaker Mahn Win Khaing Than on Monday. The seven-member body was made up of the Upper and Lower houses' speakers and their deputies, two other NLD lawmakers and one military representative. Maj-Gen Than Soe, the army's delegate to the committee, had objected to the NLD's nomination of both Htin Kyaw and Henry Van Thio on the grounds that Htin Kyaw was not an elected lawmaker, and that Henry Van Thio had spent an extended period of time outside of Burma with his family, and thus might not meet the qualifications to hold an executive role. The scrutinizing body, however, overrode those concerns, as well as those regarding Myint Swe, whose son, once an Australian national, would appear to have given up his foreign citizenship so that it would not hinder his father's presidential ambitions. Article 59(f) of Burma's controversial 2008 Constitution bars anyone with a foreign spouse or children from serving as president. This clause has kept NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi from the role, as her sons hold British citizenship. Suu Kyi has all but declared Htin Kyaw a proxy for an incoming government in which she will call the shots. The new government takes power April 1, with formation of the Htin Kyaw cabinet to come ahead of that date. Htin Kyaw is set to become Burma's first democratically elected president from a civilian background in more than five decades. The post Htin Kyaw Confirmed as Next President in History-Making Vote appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Human Rights in Burma: Can the UN Human Rights Council Rise To The Occasion? Posted: 14 Mar 2016 09:30 PM PDT Yanghee Lee, UN Special Rapporteur on Burma, pictured in Rangoon in August 2015. Her country report, submitted to the UN Human Rights Council, will undoubtedly influence a resolution put forward by the UNHRC for Burma later this month. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) As the world anxiously awaits the announcement of a new president for Burma on March 15, the United Nations is discussing the human rights situation in the country. Yesterday, Yanghee Lee, the UN Special Rapporteur on Burma, presented her report in Geneva to the UN Human Rights Council. At the end of this month, a resolution by the Council will decide how to move forward with the scrutiny of the human rights situation in the country. Since 2011, international attention on Burma has heavily focused on the political transition within the country. As that transition now moves into the verge of a new era, human rights challenges that the country has faced for decades loom large. In her report, the Special Rapporteur says that the "new government will now face formidable human rights challenges." The actions of the UN Human Rights Council will play a key role in deciding the future of these challenges. On Feb. 24, in an open letter addressed to member and observer states of the Council, 121 Burmese civil society organizations urged the body to maintain the country's status under Item 4 of its agenda, which addresses human rights situations that require attention. This would also mean not ignoring the dire state of human rights in the country, which could happen if scrutiny were to be relaxed and Burma promoted to an Item 10 classification, in which the focus would be merely on technical assistance and capacity building. The overwhelming majority secured by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma's November 2015 elections has ushered in new possibilities for democracy and human rights. This change, however, has yet to take root in reality. Extensive and pervasive powers held by the military hang over the new government like the sword of Damocles. The 2008 Constitution guarantees the military 25 percent of seats in the national parliament as well as key government positions and powers; the army also enjoys a preeminent position in the powerful National Defense and Security Council. It may take some time before the extent of civilian control over the government is delineated and apparent. Meanwhile, as the NLD remains locked in a delicate dance with the military in negotiating democratic space, the UN Human Rights Council has a duty to strengthen the cause of that space by maintaining its scrutiny and remaining steadfast in its past demands. Decades-long armed conflicts continue in Burma's ethnic areas despite the October 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). As a result, hundreds of thousands remain displaced inside and outside the country and abuses such as torture, sexual violence and extrajudicial killings continue. In her report, the Special Rapporteur has reiterated the calls of previous UN experts on establishing accountability for violations of international humanitarian law. In the meantime, intolerance and religious extremism have been on the rise within the country. Systematic discrimination of Muslim communities, including the Rohingya, continues through legislation and state policy. These disastrous effects were visible in the massive regional crisis that engulfed South and Southeast Asia last year due to an exodus of refugees from Arakan State. Institutionally, the country faces a breakdown in the rule of law, and basic freedoms such as those of expression, association and assembly remain under severe threat. In this context, the Feb. 24 civil society letter calls on the Council and the Special Rapporteur to come out with clear benchmarks and a roadmap for the future of human rights in the country. Burma sits precariously on a geopolitical faultline that dangerously straddles competing interests of global and regional powers. The country's rich natural resources have added fuel to the fire. As economic powers compete over access to the country's untapped resources, new patterns of human rights violations involving business interests have emerged. Geopolitical tensions are also visible in current negotiations underway at the Council over the resolution on Burma. Several calls have been made for lowering—or even ending—the scrutiny of the human rights situation in the country. The UN Human Rights Council has a duty to not politicize human rights concerns. In the coming weeks, both the world and the people of Burma will be closely watching the outcome of negotiations and the resolution that emerges from it. International human rights bodies can be a key ally for the incoming NLD government in providing an open, transparent and standards-based path to address massive human rights challenges amidst residual internal pressure and competing external interests. As the premier human rights body of the world, it is imperative that the UN Human Rights Council is able to be meet its mandate to promote and protect human rights and show leadership at this pivotal point in Burma's history. It can contribute towards this not by abandoning its scrutiny and long-standing concerns, but by laying down clear benchmarks and a roadmap to address the human rights challenges that haunt the country. Iniyan Ilango is the UN Advocacy Programme Manager, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA). The post Human Rights in Burma: Can the UN Human Rights Council Rise To The Occasion? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma’s Expected President Is an Unlikely Leader Posted: 14 Mar 2016 09:22 PM PDT Central executive committee member of the National League for Democracy (NLD) Htin Kyaw arrives for the opening of the new Parliament in Naypyidaw on Feb. 1, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) NAYPYIDAW — For years he walked alongside Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, a quiet confidant as she campaigned for democracy in Burma. On Tuesday, with her blessing, Htin Kyaw will become the country's president. A soft-spoken man with a penchant for literature and writing, Htin Kyaw gave up a career in the Foreign Ministry decades ago to help Suu Kyi, his childhood friend, with her political party. When Burma was under military rule, he ended up in the junta's prison along with other pro-democracy activists. But until last week, Htin Kyaw was hardly a household name, and most people in Burma—or outside—could have never imagined that he would become the president of the country's first democratically elected government in more than a half-century. Suu Kyi led her National League for Democracy (NLD) party to a landslide victory in the Nov. 8 general elections, but is prevented from becoming president by a constitutional clause designed by the former military rulers who have been gradually letting go of power since 2011. So she chose a trusted friend and adviser. She has repeatedly said she expects the president to be her proxy. Htin Kyaw, 70, is the son of a national poet and the son-in-law of a founding member of the country's pro-democracy movement. He has known Suu Kyi, 71, since grade school. Their fathers were family friends, and Htin Kyaw has been at Suu Kyi's side almost constantly since 1992. But he kept such a low profile that journalists were left scrambling to find out anything about Htin Kyaw when his nomination was announced last week. After all, he was only the nameless face often appearing behind Suu Kyi in pictures taken during her infrequent public appearances before she was freed from long periods of house arrests. "Htin Kyaw is a very quiet man who loves literature," said Zaw Min Kyaw, who has known Htin Kyaw for more than 20 years. Zaw Min published a book compiling a series of articles Htin Kyaw wrote about his father, titled "My Father's Life," in 2009. "He talks steadily and softly. He is such a kind person; very honest, quiet, and passionate, and lives simply," he told The Associated Press. Under Burma's complicated electoral system, the president is elected by lawmakers of both houses of Parliament. They chose from three candidates, one representing the Lower House, one the Upper House and one representing the military bloc, which has 25 percent of seats reserved for them. The candidate with the highest number of votes becomes president and the other two become vice presidents. As the personal nominee of Suu Kyi, Htin Kyaw is expected to win the highest number of votes in elections set to take place Tuesday. Suu Kyi nominated him "obviously to show that he is the most trusted person for her," said Zaw Min, 48, a former NLD member. "If this kind of person leads the country … it will also affect positively on the people of this country." Htin Kyaw is one of the first generation of graduates from Rangoon University, now the University of Yangon. He earned a bachelor's degree in economics in 1967 and a master's degree in economics in 1968, while also working as a lecturer there. He moved to the computer science department in 1970, and later studied computer science at the University of London for two years before returning home to work as a programmer and analyst until 1975. Five years later, Zyaw Min said, Htin Kyaw then joined the government's foreign economic relations department, where he worked as deputy director. He resigned in 1992—apparently because of his family connections to the opposition party—and took greater interest in the work of the NLD, which was in the throes of a democracy campaign against a military junta. At the time, his father-in-law, U Lwin, was sick and Htin Kyaw used to drive him to the party office. In the process he started helping Suu Kyi with issues relating to foreign policy, and became the key adviser on the party's outreach to foreign governments and embassies, even as the junta continued to throttle the democracy movement. A watershed in his life came in 2000 when NLD workers, including Zaw Min, wanted to go to Mandalay on a campaign trip. They went to the Rangoon train station to meet with Suu Kyi, who had been driven there by Htin Kyaw. But officials refused to sell them tickets, and the situation became tense. Instead of leaving Suu Kyi at the station, Htin Kyaw "waited and waited because he knew the situation was not good," said Zaw Min. In the end everyone was detained, including Htin Kyaw. Suu Kyi was returned to house arrest, and the other nine activists spent the next 4½ months in notorious Insein prison. Up to that point, and even after his release, Htin Kyaw "didn't really do much active politics as far as I know," said Zaw Min. "It's not like he was taking a big position in the political party, but over the years he ended up helping Suu Kyi a lot in party affairs." Htin Kyaw is now a senior executive of the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, a charity named for Suu Kyi's mother. He is also a trusted member of the party's inner circle. "He is a very trusted friend of Daw Suu Kyi," said Zaw Min. They both went to the same elementary school in Rangoon. Htin Kyaw is remembered by his acquaintances as a smart student who loved sports. At university, he played water polo. "After he retired [from his government job], he became very quiet. He started spending a lot of time reading and writing articles," said Zaw Min. The post Burma's Expected President Is an Unlikely Leader appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

US Ambassador Derek Mitchell: ‘I Feel Gratitude for What I’ve Been Able to Witness’ Posted: 14 Mar 2016 05:42 PM PDT The outgoing US Ambassador to Burma Derek Mitchell speaks to The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Zwa Moe in February. (Photo: Kyaw Phyo Tha / The Irrawaddy) Derek Mitchell, the now-former US ambassador to Burma, has helped guide a remarkable transformation in bilateral relations between the two countries since he was installed in 2012 as Washington's top envoy in the Southeast Asian nation. The Irrawaddy's English edition editor Kyaw Zwa Moe sat down with Mitchell last month to discuss a range of issues including economic sanctions, national identity and Burma's historic November general election. Mitchell's last official day on the job was Monday. You've witness a lot over the past few years in Burma. How do you feel now that you're leaving? I feel a mixture of emotions, for obvious reasons. There's a great sadness that my wife and I feel to leave this country because we have loved it so much. I feel gratitude for what I've been able to witness, gratitude to be part of a historic time that continues to unfold. We don't know how this is going to unfold, but we are in a very different place than we were years ago. We'll have to figure out ways that we can continue to contribute without being ambassador and wife. I think we have both witnessed a lot of change over the past five years. A few days ago, the current administration arrested Nilar Thein, a prominent, political activist. How do you feel leaving Burma with political prisoners still incarcerated and political activists facing arrest? These are people I've gotten to know over the past several years who I admire tremendously for their courage and their commitment to their country. It is disappointing to be departing before their situations are cleared up. The issue of political prisoners is one of the priorities that I took up. These people are allies in democracy. They believe in free speech. They are patriots. It's disappointing that this legacy of the past remains. But, I'm hopeful that a new government and maybe a new era are coming, that all people will be able to freely express themselves, and that the laws will be changed to embrace free speech instead of seeing it as a threat to stability. That latest arrest indicated that the international community didn't manage to convince Thein Sein's administration to accept international and democratic norms. How difficult is it for you to convince Thein Sein's administration to accept those norms? What they're saying is they have violated laws that are on the books as they've been passed by the Parliament. I wish they would be selective in their interpretation of the laws in order to allow for free speech and the right to demonstrate. It is the responsibility of the new government to put this era in the past, to pass laws that are clear, and to place people in the ministries that will interpret these laws in ways that affirm democratic practice. There are limitations on free speech and demonstrations, but they should be consistent with international standards. Why do you think the administration, with only one month left to govern, keeps arresting or intimidating the people? I think it is an old mindset of what constitutes stability and rule of law. They may believe there are laws on the books that you need to follow in order to have a demonstration, and if you don't follow those laws you are held accountable. This is a sensitive moment and they want to ensure stability to get to April 1, just as they felt they had created a stability that allowed the elections to occur. That's one mindset. And I think what you need is a new mindset and a new government so that belief is something of the past. It won't be easy for the president of the NLD to announce amnesty for the political prisoners. They need to collaborate with the minister of the Home Affairs Ministry, which will still be appointed by the military. I think clearly Daw Suu [NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi] wants to form a partnership with the military and convince them that democratic stability is different than military stability. The stability imposed by force against people who are freely expressing themselves is harmful to the democratic system you want to create. It creates more tension in society rather than creating a stable environment where everybody feels they have a voice. Many critics have said that the current administration might try to make a comeback in coming years. Do you share this concern? I don't think it's going to happen. There is a history here of military domination of politics and there's a lot of mistrust. That's represented in that question.  You have a history and you've had disappointments. People didn't expect the elections to go well. The people of this country have earned that, but they should work for the best and build trust steadily. The only hope for the country is to work for the best rather than assume the worst. As far as we know, the ongoing meetings between Suu Kyi and the senior general are going well. What is the best scenario that could come from these crucial meetings? A partnership. If they can build trust and a common vision going forward, these two people can set a model of reconciliation for the entire country. The country can succeed if the NLD and the military can work something out. What is the worst scenario? I think we should stop focusing on bad scenarios. When people focus on bad outcomes, they may act in ways that create more tension and mistrust. I hope people on all sides in this country think about how to make things better instead of assuming that what happened in the past is inevitable going forward. The only way there's a possibility of positive change is to hold out for the possibility of a positive future. Without the military's cooperation, the NLD government will face difficulties in many areas including the peace process, corruption and the economy. How should the new administration deal with the power of the military? With great patience and great openness. The strength of the incoming NLD government is that they are clearly the will of the people. If the military wants to be on the side of the people they should be partnering with civilian leadership. The NLD recognizes the need for a strong, respected military. They're not anti-military. If they can reach an understanding that both sides want the best for the country, then they can work on issues like military control of the economy, land confiscation, peace, drugs and accountability for military abuses. The NLD can reassure the military that they're not looking to attack; they're looking to build a partnership for the future. The United States administration has been engaging with the military as well. Do you see that kind of willingness in the military to work with the NLD? They're certainly saying that. I do think that there is a genuine desire for peace. Militaries are the ones who get killed and wounded on the front lines. They are often the ones who want peace the most. But we'll have to see what they're willing to sacrifice or compromise in order to get the peace they say they want. Again, it comes down to mistrust. They have enormous mistrust in the ethnic armed groups and the NLD. In Burma, the Constitution guarantees the military 25 percent of the seats in Parliament, three ministerial positions and the selection of a vice president. What if they want more from the political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi? It's incumbent on the military to take the steps to ensure the country that things have changed, that they're embracing the people's wish for civilian leadership, and that they will conform to a new democratic moment. That includes issues of whether they need to control certain ministries or what their representation is in Parliament. If they can stand side by side with the opposition on April 1 and say, 'We will work together for the betterment of this country,' that will go a long way to build the trust that's necessary for a true people's military. Many observers and critics say the US re-engagement policy in Burma was encouraged by the Chinese influence in the region. The Chinese government has been active in reaching out to the opposition parties over the past year, especially after the US government started re-engaging with Burma. How important is China as a factor for the United States in Burma? It's not a factor for us. It's more a factor for the people of this country. China is recognizing it's a new day in the country, that there are new voices they need to talk to. But that's not about the United States, that's about the success of your reform process. We're only concerned if any country, not just China, involves itself in a way that is contrary to the interests of the people. Anything that gets in the way of this country's success makes us concerned. The democratic success of this country is in our national interest because it can be another engine of growth, and a model of democratic success in Asia. That's the only so-called China factor that we're concerned about and that's true of any country. The Chinese government doesn't seem to support the new US policies in Burma. Is a clash between the US and China likely as the US gets more engaged with Burma? I hope not. I know there are suspicions that the United States is here because of China. China has expressed those concerns, both privately and publicly. I have tried to keep a US-China dynamic out of this country. You have enough problems to worry about. China may have concerns in terms of the instability along the border between China and Burma. I can understand that. There's a long border and they have security concerns. We have concerns along our border in the United States. China may question what the US is doing given the tension in their relationship and suspicions writ large throughout the region. But we are not here to counter China. This is not a strategy to use Burma as a tool to contain China. But we do care that this country maintains its sovereignty, maintains its ability to control its borders, and have a peace process that is not influenced negatively by outside powers. It's not a China issue. But if China is engaged in the country, we hope they adhere to the values of transparency, democracy and human rights that the people want. The Chinese leaders probably feel they are losing their neighbor, Burma, to the United States. I think that is a great concern for Chinese people. That's a zero-sum mentality. The Chinese like to say they don't believe in a zero-sum mentality. If they believe that our improved relationship with Burma is coming at their expense, this counters their view of how things should operate in this region. It is incumbent on China to do what's necessary to earn the trust and respect of people here, just like it's incumbent on the US to do the same. You are a proud people with your history, you want your sovereignty, you have huge neighbors and you remember colonialism. You don't want to be dominated by great powers so we each have to do our part to earn your trust. I don't think any big country should demand it without earning it. Over the past five years, since President Thein Sein's government started opening the country, the US administration has eased sanctions. Will the US lift more sanctions? We've gone a long way in terms of sanctions. There are no trade sanctions now, and we have eased on investment so that American companies can come in. There's simply a blacklist, a selected list of people that we have restricted our businesses from working with. I'm proud of American businesses and what they have done here. But we recognize that there is not a level playing field, that the structure of the economic system is the same as it was before. There are people with money who are confiscating land and we feel that our businesses should not be working with them in the interest of real economic justice. We consistently review our sanctions policy to determine what is getting in the way of our ability to promote reform here. Democracy must deliver for the people. Jobs must be created. People must feel there's something different. That balance is something we have to think about and clearly we're not doing this alone. We're doing this in close consultation with the new government and we'll do it in close consultation with ethnic communities who may feel that they're not being listened to. Recently President Thein Sein didn't go to the summit in the US. What was the reason? You'd have to ask them why he decided not to go. I think it was unfortunate since President Obama met with all the other leaders of the region. I heard Vice President Nyan Tun did an outstanding job, but it's always good to have the president there to meet his counterparts. But he made his decision and I respect it. You'll have to ask him the reason. What kind of conflict do you see in the new administration? I can't predict. It's a matter of personalities; it's a matter of Daw Suu and the new president working with the military to build trust. Nothing is easy in this country. It has its own way of developing. It never takes the path you hope it'd take going forward. But that doesn't mean it can't work. It'll just be more complicated and more unique in how the international community deals with it. It'll be a strange governmental structure but it can still work and we will do our best to help it work, to enable it to succeed. You've had the opportunity to meet with high-ranking people from both sides here? Will you write a book about Burma in the future? I don't think I'll write a book anytime soon. I'll let things settle and see how things come out. There's still a lot to work on. When I go back, I want to give talks and explain what I've seen here to ensure people outside the country understand the context and complexity of what is happening. In Burma, we have villains and heroes. How would you categorize those two groups in Burma's political arena? I think there are many heroes. And people here will decide on villains. There are people who did not allow things to move forward quickly because of old mindsets, but I hope people don't think in those terms. I wanted to do away with that. I didn't deal with who was right or wrong; it was, 'How can we both work together, everyone work for the best.' That's the mindset that's critical for a country that's been so divided. That mindset will continue to hold the country back. I hope people think in terms of what can we do to build a single, successful Burma and come to a real national identity. That's a huge challenge. There's never been a single national identity in this country. How do you overcome the singular identities that people hold onto because they feel they're under siege? There must be a respect for the past. Once people are reassured that their identity isn't under threat, we can work to build a single national identity. What is your most memorable achievement during your stay here? Setting the foundation for a lasting US-Burma people-to-people relationship, reconnecting our societies, and rediscovering the history that we've had. I want to maintain that momentum. I'm proud of laying that foundation. That's the most important legacy I can have because the rest of it can come and go. What is your farewell message to the Burmese people? Think about the positive. Take account of the past. Build communities of cooperation. Division has held the country back. Now, you're starting a peace process where divisions are hopefully being overcome. That's the only way democracy can succeed. And to the international community, don't forget about this country. Be patient, but not too patient. Recognize that certain types of change will happen gradually but that other types should happen as soon as possible. The dignity of every human being in this country should be respected. The international community will not forget about issues of human dignity. It's what we have fought for. We want you to succeed. This transcript has been edited for clarity and brevity. The post US Ambassador Derek Mitchell: 'I Feel Gratitude for What I've Been Able to Witness' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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