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| NLD’s Inclusive Approach Yields Fissures as Well Posted: 12 Apr 2016 02:32 AM PDT  Aung San Suu Kyi visits Aye Tha Aung of the Arakan National Party at his new residence in Naypyidaw last month. (Photo: Naing Ling Aung / Facebook) RANGOON — Since it won an overwhelming majority in last year's election, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) has been vowing to form a "national reconciliation" government, with part of that plan including the appointment of members of other political parties to positions of power. In several cases, the party has done just that, but a strange thing appears to be happening along the way: The NLD's outreach, rather than uniting the country around its governing coalition, has exposed inter- and intra-party fissures, with at least one ethnic political party at risk of splitting in two. Differences between ethnic political parties and the NLD have been on display most visibly in Arakan State, where the Arakan National Party (ANP) in November made one of the most successful ethnic electoral bids. But in the months since, that success has laid bare factions within the party at the same time as ANP-NLD relations have soured. The latest development in the ongoing saga came last week, when one of the ANP's regional legislators, Kyaw Lwin, was selected by the NLD for an Arakan State government cabinet post, minister for forestry, mining, agriculture and livestock. President Htin Kyaw's appointee for chief minister of the state, the NLD's Nyi Pu, will lead the regional government, and on Thursday selections for subordinate state-level cabinet positions were revealed and confirmed by the Arakan State legislature. Just as the NLD has consolidated the bureaucracy by reducing the number of Union-level ministries, it has also reduced the number of Arakan State ministers from nine to seven. Along with Kyaw Win of the ANP, three ministers are NLD, one hails from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and two are of no partisan affiliation. Following his appointment on Thursday, Kyaw Lwin confirmed that he would accept the post, and in the process shed light on coming internal friction as a result of that decision. He told The Irrawaddy that he had secured the support of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) faction within the ANP in his decision to join the cabinet, though he is not a former ALD member himself. An analysis by The Irrawaddy earlier this year chalked up tensions between the NLD and ANP, as well as the latter's fissures within, to a divide between members of the former Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and the ALD. The two parties merged ahead of the 2015 election, but as has become apparent in recent months, differences between the two factions persist, with former ALD members perceived as too willing to acquiesce to Suu Kyi's call for "collaboration." The schism was highlighted by ANP patron Aye Tha Aung's appointment—and willingness to accept—the NLD's appointment of him as deputy speaker of the Union Parliament's Upper House. On Friday, Kyaw Win described himself as a "third-party" member of the ANP not linked to either of the factions that formally merged last year, and said he did not expect that the RNDP-siding politicians against working with the NLD would amount to his ouster from the party. But as is often the case in Burmese politics, a simple and straightforward appointment this would not prove to be. An 'Opposition' Party Kyaw Lwin's appointment followed the news early this month that ANP members had verbally agreed not to join an NLD-led cabinet without first informing the Arakanese party's leadership, with central executive committee member Aung Mya Kyaw somewhat absurdly telling The Irrawaddy that the party would levy a 50 million kyats (US$42,000) fine on any violators, who also might be subject to expulsion from the party. Last week ANP Vice Chairman Phoe Min doubled down on the claim to have reached a verbal agreement concerning the party's regional legislators, an account disputed by Kyaw Lwin, who told The Irrawaddy before his confirmation that there was "no official agreement" on the matter. Speaking before his appointment was made official, he signalled that he was open to working in an NLD-led regional administration. "If the NLD supposes that we are suitable for the post and offers it to us, I think we should not reject the offer, so long as we emphasize our nationality's interests as well for the country," he said, setting him on a crash course with the dominant RNDP faction within the ANP, which made clear early this year that it would be no NLD ally if the ruling party did not appoint an ANP legislator to the chief minister post. On Saturday, the ANP released a statement saying the "dissident" Kyaw Lwin had been expelled from the party. On March 24, the 22 Union Parliament lawmakers from the ANP and NLD Chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi held a meeting in Naypyidaw, where she told the Arakanese legislators that in an NLD-led state government, the ANP would be offered some positions. The NLD chairwoman reportedly asked for the ANP lawmakers' "collaboration." ANP leaders were not satisfied, and sought a follow-up meeting with its senior leadership, including party Chairman Aye Maung, who lost his election race in Manaung Township and was widely believed to have coveted the chief minister post. ANP parliamentarian Pe Than cried foul, saying the "NLD failed to keep its word," after the party four days later went ahead with its plan to appoint an NLD member as chief minister, prompting ANP lawmakers to stage a walkout when Nyi Pu's name was announced. Elsewhere in Burma While the political dynamics differ, a similar fracturing is happening within the Mon National Party (MNP). While the ANP won a majority of elected seats in the Arakan State legislature, the MNP secured merely four seats between the Union Parliament and Mon State legislature last year, making it one of dozens of ethnic political parties that fared poorly in a nationwide vote largely dominated by the NLD last November. Despite its poor showing, the MNP was offered two positions by the NLD. The highest was that of Union-level ethnic affairs minister, which went to MNP Vice Chairman Nai Thet Lwin. In addition, the NLD offered one post at the state level, the minister for forestry, mining, agriculture and livestock. According to the MNP's secretary, Nai Soe Myint, both NLD nominees from the Mon party were approached individually and not through the MNP leadership. Nai Soe Myint confessed that his party was also dealing with "internal factions," saying the party chairman, Nai Ngwe Thein, had made the decision to forego a vote by the party's central executive committee on whether or not the party should take the NLD offers. "Under some circumstances, the MNP chairman is entitled [to dismiss] the CEC's desire because of the democratic transition period and [his] preference for collaboration. The previous people [USDP] could be much stronger than pro-democracy groups if the MNP is against the NLD. That is why MNP chose the collaboration option." In Shan State, where a mixed electoral outcome offered a rare bright-ish spot for the USDP, both the NLD and Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) were bested by the former ruling party in regional parliament races. The SNLD won 24 seats, while the NLD won just 23 in the 137-member legislature. Nonetheless, the NLD's control of the Union-level executive affords it the constitutional prerogative to form its state-level counterparts across all 14 states and divisions in Burma, and here too the party sought collaboration in the form of ministerial posts, most prominently the Union-level ethnic affairs minister portfolio that ultimately went to Mon political veteran Nai Thet Lwin. Prior to his appointment, an NLD offer went out to the SNLD, which declined the invitation to hold that seat in the Naypyidaw cabinet. Local media reported that similarly, the SNLD was asked to join the state-level cabinet, but there too it opted to reject the offer, reportedly after a failed bid to secure the Shan State chief minister post, which went to NLD regional parliamentarian Lin Htut. The Irrawaddy made several attempts to contact the SNLD spokesman last week to gain greater insight into its decision to abstain from executive involvement, but he could not be reached for comment. Ethnic Shan journalist Sai Htun Aung Lwin said he assumed the apparent ambivalence of the SNLD and other ethnic political parties toward working with the NLD was due to the ruling party's method of approaching individuals rather than respective parties' leadership before selecting cabinet nominees from outside its ranks. He said a similar feeling had led members of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society—not a registered political party but influential among pro-democracy circles in Burma—to decline positions offered by the NLD. In the absence of SNLD participation, the Shan State cabinet of nine members includes five from the NLD, three USDP and one militarily appointed minister. Then there is Chin State, a complex amalgam of ethnicities officially grouped as 53 "sub-ethnicities" of the predominantly Christian Chin. The Zomi Congress for Democracy (ZCD) was the state's surprise success story among ethnic political parties, securing six seats between the Chin State legislature and Union Parliament. While elsewhere in the country resentment toward the NLD has been manifest, ZCD Upper House lawmaker Gin Kam Lian said that is not the case among the Zomi party, which was given one cabinet appointee in the new seven-member Chin State cabinet. Pau Lun Minh Thaung, elected in November, will serve as Chin State's new social affairs minister. "We are fine with the NLD," Gin Kam Lian told The Irrawaddy. Third-Party Perspective Like the Shan journalist Sai Htun Aung Lwin, the former lawmaker Ye Tun of the Shan National Development Party said he saw parallels with the NLD's current travails in courting collaboration with smaller parties and the now-defunct Communist Party of Burma (CPB). That party, which was once politically influential despite being made illegal under the socialist era of Ne Win, had similar problems courting ethnic armed rebel groups, said Ye Tun, who added that the lesser parties later blamed the CPB for their diminished standing as a result of CPB-instigated internal feuds. He said the NLD's outreach was commendable, particularly the appointment of Aye Tha Aung to the influential deputy speakership, but said the party had shown a lack of "mutual respect" to less prominent political parties by not approaching their leaderships and instead going to their individual members. "Big political parties especially should be cautious, that kind of problem has happened often between small and big parties," Ye Tun said. "I don't suppose that Suu Kyi has done it intentionally," he continued, while adding, "They [the NLD] should have empathy on the other [parties]." The post NLD's Inclusive Approach Yields Fissures as Well appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Rangoon Chief Minister: ‘Public Support Is Our Strength’ Posted: 12 Apr 2016 12:53 AM PDT  Chief Minister of Rangoon Division, Phyo Min Thein, pictured in April 2016. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — When Phyo Min Thein was appointed Chief Minister of Rangoon Division in late March, the 46-year-old National League for Democracy lawmaker knew he would face multiple challenges, from deteriorating infrastructure to controversial development projects to foreign investment. The two-time political prisoner—who spent a total of 15 years behind bars—said that he learned perseverance during this period of incarceration. "I'm very clear about what I am doing—[it is] not for myself," he told The Irrawaddy's Kyaw Phyo Tha during an interview on Monday, where he outlined his mission and his vision for Rangoon. What is your vision for Rangoon? I want to see the city developed systematically. What we are seeing now in Rangoon is unruly development, as there was no master plan and no one to take responsibility for it. For traffic congestion, the previous Rangoon government had many meetings, but what they discussed fizzled out, as there was no one to take responsibility for implementation. Compared to other countries, we don't have many cars, but every car in Rangoon heads toward the downtown area, causing a traffic bottleneck. Another thing is that there are some drivers who rarely follow traffic regulations, [creating problems] like double parking. If we enforce the regulations, the traffic problems here will get a lot better. We are trying to launch public campaigns to raise awareness about traffic regulations, and what people should and shouldn't do. We want everyone's conscious contribution. Apart from the traffic congestion, what are your other priorities for Rangoon? Garbage collection and a proper drainage system during this [upcoming] rainy season. I can't guarantee that the drainage system here will be perfectly fixed by the rainy season, as we will be able to learn more about the faults in the drainage system when the rains come. But we will fix it so that it does not get worse. We will [also focus on] development projects for the people who live on the outskirts of Rangoon. Yes, they live in Rangoon Division but there are no paved roads in the areas where they live, even in my constituency in Hlegu Township. So, from this year's budget of 300 billion kyats (US$254.9 million) we have added more than 32 billion kyats (nearly US$27.2 million), originally [designated] for the building of two flyovers, for the development of Rangoon's rural areas—12 townships. Originally, the rural areas had six billion kyats (just over US$5 million) but with [this] addition, they will have 38 billion kyats (almost US$32.3 million) for roads, schools and healthcare. Another thing is to increase foreign investment. If we have good foreign investment, there surely will be opportunities for people to get the minimum daily wage of US$3 [rate] they have been asking for. What has been happening is that people can rarely get that minimum wage, let alone any job opportunities. To get more investment, we will upgrade infrastructure and I myself will supervise foreign investment here—not to restrict it, but to help with speedy establishment and operation. No bribes will be needed. But there are criteria: any international company that wants to invest here must have goodwill, a good image internationally, and they will have to follow the culture and regulations here. What about native investors—including those known as 'cronies'? They are afraid of their international counterparts, as many [of Burma's own investors] lack capacity and some are used to gaining business concessions by bribing the government. I'm prepared and am going to meet them to let them know we will support them with the expertise to be able to keep abreast with the international companies [that will be] working here. For cronies, I want them to become people who can help the country with goodwill. Make no mistake, they will no longer have the opportunities that they enjoyed under the previous government. It doesn't mean we will eliminate them, but we will try to transform them into people who do business with dignity and responsibility. We encourage a win-win solution so as not to cause any damage while moving the country forward. What lessons did you learn from the previous government? I have requested that civil servants join us in a struggle for two or three years in order to make changes happen. Corruption was so rampant that even roadside vendors had no respect for the township administrator, as they had bribed him. I told [civil servants] that if they work hard without corruption, they can earn the respect of anyone. Another thing is, [under the previous government], despite having good basic plans, there was no one to take responsibility for them. Those plans shouldn't be on papers—they have to be implemented on the ground. There are many things to learn from the past. But we need to move forward rather than being encircled in the past. We are lucky we have public support—it's our strength. Rangoon has a very high density of both buildings and population. There are also controversial development projects in the city. Could you tell me about your plans to address these projects? I prefer to see Rangoon expand sideways rather than upwards. So we need to systematically develop satellite towns. We had them in the past and recently a new one [Rangoon Southwest] was just approved by the previous government. But land speculation is a huge problem here. Investors buy land and resell it at higher prices without any further investment, forcing local farmers into landlessness and joblessness. The government has to control this in the people's best interest, and not only in the southwestern Rangoon expansion project, because there there are other [examples] in Dagon Myothit, Hlegu and Htauk Kyant. These places, including industrial zones, will be reviewed after Thingyan [the water festival]. For controversial projects, I have told the mayor not to allow for any construction without YCDC's [Yangon City Development Committee] approval. YCDC has all of the relevant laws and regulations regarding development but [these rules] haven't been followed. We know that they sometimes approved some projects because they came from 'upstairs.' For us, there is no one above the law. Fighting for the rule of law and against corruption is our motto. We will strictly control any unruly development. When it comes to projects approved by the previous government, there will be negotiations in some cases. Could you elaborate more on this? I will ask the YCDC to [perform] a review. If we do it case by case, the investors will surely suffer, as they paid a lot so that their projects could bypass the laws and regulations. I don't blame them, as they were just following the current created by the previous government, but this current is destroying the city. We will explain to them what we can allow. If they have already exceeded our limits, we will tell them to stop. In return, we will invite those investors to join others in new city expansion projects. They will not have any special privileges and will have to compete with anyone else [for business tenders]. These are the legacies of the previous government. We want to see less suffering, and that both sides are all right. We have lost several public spaces to business development under the previous government. Will you be able to get them back? They will be reviewed. They are contract-based and there are many differences between each case. We will let people know what progress we make. We are thinking about turning the Rangoon River waterfront into a recreation area as the river is not really suitable for international cargo ships. There are so many things to do. Do you think you can handle all of it? The majority of people in Rangoon voted for us because they want to see change. In five years, I think I will be able to at least lay good foundations for development and for the rule of law in Rangoon. The post Rangoon Chief Minister: 'Public Support Is Our Strength' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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| The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (April 9, 2016) Posted: 08 Apr 2016 07:21 PM PDT  A Dawei Development Company official shows Reuters a model of the Dawei special economic zone during an interview in Bangkok on Sept. 19, 2012. (Photo: Reuters) Chinese Firm Gets Go Ahead for $3b Dawei Refinery A massive Chinese government-backed project to build an oil refinery in southern Burma was among the dozens of deals rushed through by the previous government before it left power at the end of March. According to a report from Reuters on Tuesday, officials at the Myanmar Investment Committee (MIC) have signed off on the state-controlled Guangdong Zhenrong Energy's project for Dawei, the coastal town in Tenasserim Division that is the site of a planned special economic zone (SEZ). The 100,000-barrel-per-day refinery, which will include a terminal, oil storage and distribution facilities, is estimated to represent an investment of US$3 billion, Reuters said. BMI Research, in an analysis sent out this week, said the project would reduce Burma's reliance on imported refined fuels. In the short term, however, the refinery may have to rely on imported crude until new domestic oil discoveries are made, it said. "The approval for Guangdong Zhenrong's project signals Myanmar's growing appetite for attracting greater foreign investment into its aging refining sector," BMI said. "Meanwhile, the firm's planned investment will be viewed favorably by China, as it falls in line with the country's broader maritime Silk Road initiative that seeks to expand Beijing's economic and geopolitical influence in Southeast Asia, among other regions." The MIC approved a total of 48 projects during its last meeting on March 25, raising concerns that projects were rushed through ahead of the democratically-elected National League for Democracy (NLD) taking power. But the Dawei refinery project will also raise concerns because of the local partners involved, who will control a combined 30 percent of the project, Li Hui, a vice president and head of refining at Guangdong Zhenrong, told Reuters. The first local partner is Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL), a Burmese military-controlled company. But Burmese tycoon Tay Za, who is blacklisted by the United States over his links to the former military government, is also involved. Tay Za is the chairman of the Htoo Group, named by Reuters the parent company of Yangon Engineering Group, a partner in the Guangdong Zhenrong project. The state-run Myanmar Petrochemical Corp. is also a partner, Reuters said. Guangdong Zhenrong representatives spoke publicly about plans for a refinery in Dawei as early as 2012. That was before the government canceled the original concession for the Dawei SEZ after the developer, Thailand-based Ital-Thai Development (ITD) had problems funding the project. A new agreement, also involving ITD, was signed last year, with the government of Japan pledging to put up some of the cost. The project has raised concerns about the impact on local people and on the local environment in Dawei. Many fear that a planned deep-sea port and a road that would put the area within a few hours of Bangkok could degrade a pristine stretch of coastline. As well as coming during the lame-duck period after the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) suffered a massive defeat at elections in November, the approval of the Guangdong Zhenrong project may also be unpopular since a Chinese company will be the majority owner, with 70 percent. Chinese developers to have a poor record of dealing with local communities and heeding environmental concerns in Burma. A Chinese company was also controversially granted the tender to build a port and industrial development in Arakan State during the final months of the last government. Australian Miner Hopeful of Long-Awaited Approval in Karenni State Australian mining company Eumeralla Resources believes it will get approval to begin mineral exploration in Burma's mountainous Karenni State before the end of September this year. New mining rules introduced late last year are expected to bring a flurry of foreign investment into the sector. However, as a document the company has produced in order to drum up investment warns, the regulatory environment for extractive industries in Burma is still uncertain, especially given the recent transfer of power. "Investors should note that Myanmar Government's policies on mining are especially fluid as a new Government has recently been appointed, which may result in material changes to mining laws or regulations," the document, published on Eumeralla's website on April 5, says. The Australian company first began applying for permission to explore for tin and tungsten in Karenni State in 2013, but the project has been held up attaining approvals at different levels of government. The company said it had "conducted successful negotiations over the license area with government authorities and expects the exploration permit to be granted in Q2 or Q3 of calendar year 2016," referring to a period from the start of this month to the end of September. The document is a share prospectus designed to attract more investment for various projects in which Eumeralla is involved. It says the company hopes to raise a total of Aus$1.3 million, or about US$980,000, in total. Some US$340,000 of that is intended for the company's project in Burma. "Funds will be used to finalize the formal grant process and begin mineral exploration at the exploration permit in Myanmar, the application for which is held by Mawsaki Mining Co., Ltd in which the Company holds a 70% interest," it says. The prospectus does not state who holds the other 30 percent interest in Mawsaki, a matter that has raised concerns that the project could fuel conflict in Karenni State. Previous Eumeralla filings say the shareholder is Myanmar Energy Resources Group, which was described as a "Myanmar conglomerate with operations across a diverse range of business sectors." As The Irrawaddy has previously reported, local civil society group the Molo Women Mining Watch has linked Mawsaki to the Karenni Nationalities People's Liberation Front (KNPLF), an ethnic armed group that allied with the Burmese military after signing a ceasefire in 1994, and became an official Border Guard Force in 2009. Garment Exports Predicted to Reach $12b by 2020 Burma's garment exports could be worth $12 billion by the year 2020, according to a report carried in state media, which also predicted that the apparel industry would employ some 1.5 million workers by that time. The Global New Light of Myanmar attributed the ambitious figures to an unnamed "international textiles monitoring body," but reports elsewhere said the prediction came from the Myanmar Garment Entrepreneurs Association. Garment exports were badly hit by international sanctions in the early 2000s, but since 2013 a number of international brands have begun sourcing from the country once more. Exports were expected to recover to about $2 billion last year, according to the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association. The sector employs about a quarter of a million people, the MGMA says. Abuses Reported in Korean-Owned Factories A new report claims to have uncovered labor abuses at garment factories owned or part-owned by South Korean firms. Local group Action Labor Rights said in its report late last month—entitled "Under Pressure"—that it had interviewed 1,200 workers at 39 different factories with South Korean links between April and June last year, comparing the findings to what's required of employers under Burmese law. The survey, the group's report said, "reveals significant non-compliance on the part of many Korean factories, particularly with laws on working hours and overtime. In factories surveyed, excessive overtime appeared to be the major issue of concern, both from a legal compliance perspective, but also in terms of the key issue impacting on the health, well-being and safety of factory employees." It said almost 30 percent of factories did not keep to a rule that limits overtime to 16 hours a week. The majority of workers, 62 percent, said they were not allowed to refuse to work overtime. "This is unsurprising given that almost two-thirds of workers [63%] said that their take-home pay was not enough to live comfortably," the report said. The survey also found discrimination against trade union leaders, and that reports of sexual harassment in the workplace were an issue. "On sexual harassment, 7% of female respondents reported that either they had such experiences or they heard their female co-workers had such experiences," it said. Thai State-Linked Firm to Prioritize Gas Power A branch of Thailand's state energy company is prioritizing gas-fired power in Burma, according to a Burmese state media report. The Global New Light of Myanmar said Wednesday that Global Power Synergy Co. had power generation projects totaling 3,000 megawatts in the works in Burma, citing the company's chairman and chief executive, who it did not name. GPSC's president is Dr. Toemchai Bunnag. The state newspaper said GPSC—which is a spinoff of Thailand's state energy conglomerate PTT—was planning to expand around the region as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' economic integration plans take hold. "Establishment of gas-fired power plants is on the company's list of priority," the report quoted GPSC's CEO as saying. It said the company was involved in two plants that would produce 500 and 400 megawatts of power each, as well as the construction of a 2,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant. It did not give locations for the planned power plants, but GPSC has previously been named as a partner in a project for gas power in Thanlyin Township, just outside of Rangoon. Bangkok-listed public company PTT is the majority shareholder in GPSC. PTT's oil and gas exploration and production arm is also involved in offshore gas projects in Burma. The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (April 9, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Dateline Irrawaddy: “Corruption Is Still Rampant Despite The Anti-Corruption Law” Posted: 08 Apr 2016 07:14 PM PDT  This week on the panel, lawyer U Ko Ni and former Lower House lawmaker U Ye Htun. Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the State Counselor Bill, which the National League for Democracy (NLD) submitted to Parliament last week, as well as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's guidelines for civil servants accepting gifts. Lawyer U Ko Ni and former Lower House lawmaker U Ye Htun, from Hsipaw Township, will join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe. U Ko Ni, the military representatives have objected to the State Counselor Bill in Parliament. But I think this bill may have been debated and passed today. How important is this law for Daw Aung Suu Kyi, her NLD party and also for the people? Why is the military so opposed to it? Ko Ni: By studying the objectives of this law, we can know its importance. We can also study the preamble, which explains why this law was enacted. The text of the law also states the four objectives of the law. Our country is failing and deteriorating in all aspects. We lag behind our neighbors in development. So, to bring rapid development to our country, which is declining and deteriorating in all aspects, good leadership is necessary; and this leadership must be provided by the person who people truly trust and rely on. As everyone knows, the majority of people, especially the ethnic groups, overwhelmingly supported the NLD in the November election. It is not strange that the Bamar people supported the NLD, but ethnicities such as Chin, Karen, Karenni, Mon, and Shan in their respective states also supported Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, out of a deep respect and a belief that she could really initiate change. So, what is the aspiration of the people? It is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership. On the other hand, the 2008 Constitution, which was drafted high-handedly without the consensus of people, does not allow Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to assume a leadership role in politics, because Article 59(f) [of the 2008 Constitution] bars her from doing so. KZM: This law was drafted because of constitutional restraints like Article 59(f), wasn't it? KN: Yes it was. Because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership was restricted, we were trying to appoint her as the counselor, referring to provisions in the Constitution and in other laws—so that she could provide de facto leadership. KZM: As far as I understand, Article 217 of the Constitution [stating that nothing shall prevent Parliament from "conferring functions and powers upon any authoritative body or person"] is related to this law. The NLD seems to have drafted this law based on this Article. KN: Yes, it is. Besides Article 217, there are other provisions in the Constitution that can be referred to as well. KZM: The State Counselor Bill clearly states that the Union Parliament assigns Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counselor. What do the different ethnic groups think about this unusual law [written with one specific person in mind]? Ye Htun: What the ethnic groups want most is a true federal union. This is one objective of the State Counselor Bill. This is the part that ethnic groups welcome. As U Ko Ni has said, this law has emerged mainly because of Article 59(f). Because this Article bars Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency, the NLD tried to find another way out, and found this law. This discovery will help them more than if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi became the president. Suppose Article 59(f) was amended, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi became the president. Then, she would not be able to communicate with the NLD or NLD lawmakers because of constitutional restrictions [Article 64 states that if the president is a member of a political party, they cannot take part in party activities during their term]. But now, she can join the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) as the foreign affairs minister, manage the cabinet as the president's office minister, and under this law, she can also interact with members of organizations and agencies. She can meet the secretarial body of her party legitimately and can provide recommendations to prominent lawmakers, including parliamentary committee chairpersons. But, it is important to note that she is not supposed to give instructions to her party members and lawmakers, since the Constitution states that the three branches of power must be exercised separately. So, she would give advice. And everyone understands what advice means. Kyaw Zwa Moe: Ok, let's talk about another important topic. Yesterday, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi issued a set of guidelines regarding accepting gifts. Myanmar is one of the most corrupt countries in the world. [The country] finds these guidelines appealing. The question is how effectively those guidelines will be enforced. The guidelines are just about accepting gifts, and do not deal with bribes. So, U Ko Ni, how do you assess these guidelines? KN: We already have laws regarding bribery—Chapter(9) of Burma's Penal Code, regarding the offenses of civil servants, was enacted before 1948; and, the Anti-Corruption Act was enacted in the post-independence period. In this act, the punishment for taking bribes was increased to a ten-year jail sentence. The most recent one is the Anti-Corruption Law, enacted in 2013. This law is very good. It is up to date, and it seems that lawmakers studied related international laws before enacting this law, as it is fairly comprehensive. But there are difficulties in implementation. It is fairly difficult to enforce it. The problem is that corruption is still rampant in Myanmar despite the Anti-Corruption Law. There is corruption at each level of the [government] hierarchy. But punitive actions are rarely taken. There were only four or five corruption cases that were punished in the past three or four years. [Civil servants] take bribes one way or another. This problem was the worst when U Thein Sein's government officially allowed taking gifts that were valued at less than $US250, and said that it would not be treated as taking a bribe. Cartoonists responded to this with satirical cartoons. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi noticed it and therefore adopted these guidelines. As a legalist, I would say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has differentiated between bribes and gifts. Her guidelines concern taking gifts. Everything that is taken within the framework of her instructions will be considered a gift, and anything out of the framework of her instructions will be considered a bribe. If [bribes are taken], it will be treated as corruption and punitive actions will be taken. KZM: The 2013 Anti-Corruption Law could not be enforced properly. The government failed to implement the law. Why? YH: As far as I have studied, in countries with clean, corruption-free governments, the top leader, president or prime minister, he himself must be clean and dedicated to forming a clean cabinet. KZM: He himself must be clean? YH: Yes. There is a Burmese saying that says, "the roof must not leak" [if a leader is bad, his subordinates will also be bad]. In a country where the roof is leaking, implementation will not happen, no matter what laws are enacted, or how good they are. I was encouraged by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi asking her lawmakers and ministerial nominees to avoid corruption before she had even formed the government. Because she spoke out publicly against corruption, hopefully her anti-graft efforts will be successful. KZM: How effectively will [the guidelines] be implemented? Over the past 40-50 years, the society and the successive governments of Myanmar were used to giving and taking bribes. They did not even view the bribe for what it was. [High-ranking officials] received about US$400-800 to cut a ribbon [at the opening ceremonies of private companies]. There are still, more or less, some of the same ministers and authorities in the current government. How can this be tackled using the 2013 Anti-Corruption Law as a guideline? YH: Personally, I think it will be best if the guidelines can be as clear as possible. Under the new guidelines in our country, you can accept a gift valued at less than $21, and give gifts that are worth more than that to the government. KZM: Yes, the guidelines state those details. The guidelines set the maximum price of the gift at $21. KN: And [civil servants] can only [accept a gift] a maximum of four times. KZM: Yes, [civil servants] are not allowed to accept gifts of $21 from the same person or organization more than four times per year. So, the maximum they are allowed to take is $84 per year. It is quite detailed, but I think such details are justifiable. YH: [Vested interests] will take advantage of this weak point in the law and give gifts worth $21 several times. KZM: We have heard that some people give cars as wedding gifts at the wedding receptions of the children of high-ranking officials. It is very likely that they give these gifts in their own future interest. Most of the people I talked to yesterday like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's guidelines. But what is the mechanism to expose corruption? There will be people who continue to take bribes under the table. We have not yet seen the complaint mechanism. So, U Ko Ni, what do you think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government will do regarding this? KN: A mechanism is of course needed to enforce a law on the people. So, we have two points to discuss here. There will be a separate mechanism for guidelines issued by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, through the Ministry of the President's Office. The guidelines are not related to the Anti-Corruption Law, but to gifts that civil servants are allowed to take. She had to issue these guidelines because of Burmese customs. In our country, there are customs such as paying respects to elderly people on religious and culturally significant days like Thadingyut and Tazaungmone, giving wedding gifts, and giving gifts to visitors who come to your home. These are the part of our culture. So, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has issued these guidelines in fear of [civil servants] taking advantage of this part of our culture, and taking bribes—in other words, taking bribes under the cover of culture and customs. Violating these guidelines is not a big offense, and violators will be punished according to the code of conduct for civil servants. The violators, ministers or staff will be disciplined depending on the extent of the violations; however, the scope of these guidelines is limited. In the case of the Anti-Corruption Law, the scope is wide because it intends to prevent the abuse of power by those in positions of power in the judiciary and legislative departments. If you ask me how to implement the law, we need to categorize [corruption into different groups]. U Ye Htun has stressed that the leadership must be clean, and it is very likely that our current leadership will be. The leadership is usually only a few people, it is easy to check them and it is noticeable [if they do something wrong]. The middle level will be a larger number of people—by middle level I mean civil servants in power, for example, director-generals and directors. They may abuse their power and take bribes. And finally, there are low-level staff members. For some, their salaries simply do not suffice for them to make ends meet. So, some have to take tips or small amounts of money given [by customers] of their own volition. Those in authority can't treat this equally as an abuse of power. The NLD government needs to adopt, in cooperation with experts, a mechanism to punish people accordingly. Good by-laws and procedures also need to be adopted. KZM: U Ko Ni, U Ye Htun, thank you for your contribution. The post Dateline Irrawaddy: "Corruption Is Still Rampant Despite The Anti-Corruption Law" appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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| Courts Drop Charges Against Student Activists Posted: 08 Apr 2016 06:41 AM PDT  Student activists and their supporters celebrated their freedom at Tharawaddy court after their cases were dismissed by the court on Friday afternoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON— Students, human rights activists and their supporters, who had been on trial for their involvement in national education reform protests, had their charges dropped on Friday. The dismissal of these cases came just one day after Aung San Suu Kyi said she would work for the immediate release of political prisoners and student activists. Most of the activists had been on trial for a year, after being handed several charges, including violating the Peaceful Assembly Law. Some faced charges from various townships where the education reform protests occurred. These activists will only be released once all the courts they face charges in drop them. There was no release of political prisoners currently serving sentences on Friday, only those who were still on trial. But Suu Kyi's State Counselor Office announced that they were working for their swift release. "Today's dismissal was for those who face court hearings today. For others [without hearings today], their dismissal will be after the new year's holiday, when the courts resume their work," the statement said. The holiday ends on April 20, and the courts will resume then. On Friday, Tharawaddy court in Pegu Division dismissed the cases of 69 student activists and their supporters, who had been on trial since the police crackdown on student protestors last year. But three student leaders, Phyo Phyo Aung, Min Thway Thit and Nanda Sitt Aung, have not been released despite Tharawaddy court's dismissal of their charges. They await dismissals from other courts in Rangoon, where they face charges for the same protest. "We [the three student leaders] have ongoing cases in a different township in Rangoon," Nanda Sitt Aung told The Irrawaddy after receiving the dismissal of charges from Tharawaddy court. "Prison called us back." Nanda Sitt Aung and others were sent back to prison despite the dismissal of their charges. Student activist Tin Tin Khaing, who was charged in Rangoon's Thanlyin Township for organizing education reform protests, said that some township courts in Rangoon had dismissed cases against student protestors including Kyaw Ko Ko and James (Phyo Phyo Aung's husband), who were detained at Insein prison. But the two have been sent back to Insein, as their cases in Kamayut Township court had yet to be resolved. Human rights activists Nay Myo Zin, Naw Ohn Hla and Mee Mee have also had charges dropped from some Rangoon courts but await dismissals from others. The post Courts Drop Charges Against Student Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Chit Khine: ‘The Leadership Has To Show Magnanimity’ Posted: 08 Apr 2016 06:24 AM PDT  Chit Khine talks to The Irrawaddy. (Photo: Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy) Some say that the economic policies of the National League for Democracy (NLD) are too general and have imperfections. What do you think? Will these policies improve economic growth? The NLD is far from operating smoothly in all fields. The new government has emergencies to handle in order to govern well in the long run. The economic prospects might not look good now, but the government has just come in to power and because of the long water festival holiday, I don't think the outline of its policies will become clear until early May. I see [the government] making preparations to achieve the best results over the next five years. In which sectors do you think the new government should introduce reforms? Since we are an agro-based economy, I want the new government to adopt better policies [in the agricultural sector]. I met the minister of agriculture and irrigation a few days ago and I stressed the importance of having good agricultural policies in order to move forward. I had urged the previous administration to draft a rice policy, but that did not happen. We also need better financial policies. It is important that the Central Bank has autonomy and that the banking system is strong. Burma had a budget deficit throughout the previous government's five-year term. It is estimated that under the new government, the deficit could reach billions [US$]. How should the newly formed Financial Commission handle the deficit? The government can do something to reduce the deficit, but I don't think it will decline immediately. Currently, the country's revenues come mainly from natural resources, and not from manufacturing. We must encourage exports. Also, the government must develop a policy for the rice trade as soon as possible. We need to trade with other countries. Currently, we legally export rice to China, but the Chinese government does not formally recognize it [it goes unrecorded and is at risk of illegal seizure]. If our government can engage effectively with other Asian governments, we can promote exports and increase trade. We need to boost exports to reduce the trade deficit. But the previous government's efforts to increase exports failed. Why? Boosting exports is a must. It failed to deliver results because of the system and policies at that time. There must be the right people in the right place, with a system and a will to succeed. There was rampant corruption and red tape in the previous administration. The new government is taking steps to correct this. Can they solve a problem that has been entrenched in our society? Bribery and corruption seem to be the custom here. It is unlikely that the NLD can fix this problem overnight. If ministers take the lead and encourage their staff to fight corruption, the problem will be solved eventually. The government also needs to look at the reasons for corruption. Some people take bribes for greed; others just to make ends meet. If needs are met, the situation can change. Although the upper echelons of the government have changed, the same people remain in the lower levels. How easy will it be to work with them? The current leadership has to show magnanimity. That is why the government has said civil servants do not need to worry as long as they act within the legal framework. I think many [civil servants] want to change and the new government needs to convince them. The government and civil servants will have to work towards reconciliation. China is facing an economic recession, and Burma's economy relies heavily on China. How will this impact the country? It will challenge the new government. China is an emerging power and the previous government had to rely on it heavily. We can't neglect the importance of China to us geographically. But China also has its own problems. There are problems that the two sides have to solve together, and ones that can be avoided. The government should explain the situation to the public because it will be difficult for them to understand, and try to avoid friction if possible. The country's current economic growth rate is encouraging and international organizations have estimated a good economic growth rate for the country. Are their estimations true? The previous governments were known for inaccuracies and I doubt their figures are accurate. The figures from international organizations may be closer to the truth, but they may still be off. The people who are dubbed 'cronies' think they will be removed from the US sanction list under the new government. Do you think so? I want sanctions to be lifted. These people can be symbols of strength for the country if they have the right attitude. They don't have to abandon all of their possessions, but I would urge them to serve their own interests and those of the public in a balanced manner. We should rely on them; they have experience building successful businesses. I was once on the list of cronies. But the term crony is disputable. Some people who aren't on the list of cronies have more money than those who are. The government should use the wealthy people in the public interest, but they have to work with them. They should abide by the laws and the government should punish them if they do not. Collaboration is the way forward. Do you think new cronies will emerge under the NLD government? Have you seen any likely ones? The Irrawaddy will notice better than me. You have seen who became cronies before and who is trying to show off to the media and engage with the government now. There will be cronies whenever a new government assumes power. The post Chit Khine: 'The Leadership Has To Show Magnanimity' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Interfaith Activists Sentenced To Two More Years In Prison Posted: 08 Apr 2016 06:07 AM PDT  Interfaith activists Zaw Zaw Latt and Pwint Phyu Latt are pictured in a court compound in Mandalay on Friday after being sentenced to two additional years in prison, with labor, for associating with "unlawful organizations." (Photos: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY – Amid news of charges being cleared against political detainees, in a court in Mandalay's Chanayethazan Township, two Muslim interfaith activists were sentenced to two more years in prison—with labor—on Friday for allegedly associating with unlawful organizations. Zaw Zaw Latt and Pwint Phyu Latt were arrested for photos shared on social media which depicted a visit to across the Indo-Burma border to Mizoram State in 2014 and a charity trip to a war torn area of Kachin State. In a picture, Zaw Zaw Latt posed with a M16 rifle as he met with some members of the Kachin Independance Army (KIA) during his visit to displaced people's camps in the region in 2013. "Although some courts that have dropped the charges against student activists, we believe there are some processes still working between the government and the court. We believe in Aunty Suu’s government that we will be finally free on New Year," said Zaw Zaw Latt after the court appearance, referring to State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi's announcement that the National League for Democracy (NLD) government would work to release political prisoners during the upcoming period of the Thingyan water festival. After speaking to the press, Zaw Zaw Latt was sent back to prison. The 28-year-old from Mandalay has been detained by local police since July 2015. Zaw Zaw Latt, Pwint Phyu Latt and another colleague, Zaw Win Bo had already been sentenced to two years imprisonment under Burma's immigration act in February. Both Zaw Zaw Latt and Pwint Phyu Latt once worked with the NLD. Zaw Zaw Latt was an information officer for a youth department within the organization. "We are not going to submit an appeal. We believe the unlawful association acts is no longer useful as the country is moving forward with the peace process and the government will soon abolish this act," said Pwint Phyu Latt. The post Interfaith Activists Sentenced To Two More Years In Prison appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Arakanese Groups Look to Put Resource Sharing on the Agenda Posted: 08 Apr 2016 05:52 AM PDT  A jetty for oil tankers is seen in Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State in October 2015, where oil and gas pipelines connect southwestern China with the Indian Ocean. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) RANGOON — A coalition of Arakanese environmental groups and political parties are hoping to collect 300,000 signatures to petition the national government to decentralize natural resource sharing. Several natural resource projects have been pursued in Arakan State, including titanium and marble mining, offshore gas projects and the construction of deep-sea ports. But civil society groups and activists have criticized many such projects as lacking transparency and creating problems for locals, including through land confiscation and environmental degradation. Last month, Arakan Oil Watch (AOW) urged the incoming government to amend two constitutional articles: 37(a) and (b). The former states that the national government owns all lands and natural resources above and below ground and water, while the latter states that the government can enact necessary laws to supervise the extraction and utilization of state-owned resources. AOW, in a report, said that resource sharing could help to ease ongoing tensions between the national government and ethnic armed groups. Tun Tun, an organizer for the Arakan Resources and Environmental Network, said the campaign—gathering signatures to bring to the Union Parliament—will run for two months in April and June and will rely on Arakanese people living throughout Burma as well as in neighboring Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia. The goal of the initiative is to cooperate with civil society groups and other parties, including the Arakan National Party (ANP) and local Arakan State chapters of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), to craft a broad agreement on natural resource sharing. "We hope Aung San Suu Kyi's party [the NLD], because it leads the Ministry of Resources and Environmental Conservation, will keep in mind the Arakanese people's suffering from poverty while living in a natural gas-rich state," Tun Tun told The Irrawaddy, adding that this could bring attention to all ethnic groups beleaguered by gross resource sharing disparity. Ba Shein, a Lower House lawmaker for the ANP, welcomed the work of activists, saying that only the national government has the power to generate a durable solution to the issue. "That's why we're calling for power-sharing with the national government—to help us access and manage the natural resources of our ancestral state," Ba Shein said. The post Arakanese Groups Look to Put Resource Sharing on the Agenda appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 08 Apr 2016 05:45 AM PDT  First Flush of Freedom The post First Flush of Freedom appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| With Planned Protest, Shwe Gas Pipeline Resentments Linger Posted: 08 Apr 2016 05:09 AM PDT  The Shwe gas pipelines run from an offshore site in the Bay of Bengal to Kyaukphyu in Burma's Arakan State and eventually on to China. (Photo: Ko Soe / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Local farmers in Kyaukphyu Township, Arakan State, plan a protest for next week Monday demanding compensation for land they say was damaged to make way for a contentious oil and gas pipeline laid by China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC). More than 100 hectares were reportedly spoiled by CNPC in Gyin Gyi village tract, across three villages in the township. The aggrieved landholders have been seeking compensation since 2013, and while most have received payments, nearly half have not. At least 100 protestors are expected to join a Monday afternoon march from Kant Kaw Taw Pagoda near Gone Chein village to the local CNPC office. According to the Kyaukphyu District Police colonel, Myint Kyi, a pending permission for the demonstration was sought from authorities on April 5, with the officer telling The Irrawaddy a decision on whether or not it would be granted was expected by Sunday. Nyi Lin, a social worker from Kyaukphyu, said more than 200 people were affected by the pipeline, but 111 of them had not yet seen any compensation distributed over what has been dubbed the "Shwe gas" project. "We know that the amount of our land compensation is more than 130 million [kyats, equivalent to about US$108,000], according to the clerk of the township administrator," Nyi Lin told The Irrawaddy. "The special officer Myint Zaw Oo from Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise came and studied our field from January 21, 2016, [to determine] whether our lands have been destroyed or not. They have since confirmed that the plough-fields have actually been damaged." "China National Petroleum Corporation can easily give us that amount, being a big international company," he told The Irrawaddy. The post With Planned Protest, Shwe Gas Pipeline Resentments Linger appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| SSPP/SSA Claims Burma Army Is Sending Troops to Its Headquarters Posted: 08 Apr 2016 03:55 AM PDT  SSA-North troops on the frontlines near the Wan Hai headquarters. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) The Burma Army is continuing to send reinforcements into Wan Hai, headquarters of the Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) in Shan State's Kyethi Township, said an SSPP/SSA central executive committee member. According to Col. Pein Pa, the Burma Amy from Tuesday to Thursday morning brought over 80 military vehicles carrying soldiers and equipped with heavy arms into Mong Hsu and Mong Nawng near the Wan Hai headquarters. "[The Burma Army] said that they would swap troops, but it looks more like an operation," said Col. Pein Pa. The military trucks belong to Light Infantry Division 66. The Burma Army sent 31 military trucks to Mong Nawng Township on Tuesday and Wednesday and another 52 to Mong Hsu Township on Thursday, the SSPP/SSA reported. Mong Hsu and Mong Nawng residents, after seeing the military trucks passing through their towns, expressed concern about fresh clashes breaking out in the area. "I saw military trucks passing through the town. I don't know why they are coming. I have seen military vehicles passing through our town before. But I haven't seen them for a long time, and I think there might be a reason for such large-scale movements. So I'm concerned that clashes may erupt again," Mong Hsu local Nang Hsai Han told The Irrawaddy. Fighting erupted between SSA-North and government troops last October and November near Wan Hai headquarters, forcing thousands of locals from their homes. Over 1,000 victims remain in relief camps in Mong Hsu Township for fear of fighting and land mines. The SSPP/SSA alleged that they heard last week that the military is preparing to attack Wan Hai headquarters. However, the party declined to comment on if the SSA-North, which is the political wing of the SSPP, is also making preparations for a possible military attack, and the military could not be reached for comment. "We are waiting to see how much the military will cooperate with the new government while the new government is calling for peace and national reconciliation. We are expecting talks. But considering what is currently going on, Ming Aung Hlaing seems to be saying one thing and doing another," Col. Pein Pa said. Col Pein Pa said that the military has been attempting to put Shan State under martial law since last October, when it launched attacks on the Wan Hai headquarters. "Frankly, they [the military] want to impose martial law in Shan State in order to implement a larger strategy. They want to use Shan State as a base from which to attack Kachin State and the Wa region. They've been planning this since October, before the November election," said Col. Pein Pa. From March 26 to 28, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) hosted a meeting in Panghsang with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), SSPP, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Arakan Army (AA). Representatives at the meeting decided that the alliance would take joint political action against warring ethnic groups in northern Shan State in the event that they continue to fight against one another even after the alliance intervenes. The SSPP/SSA opted out of signing the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with Thein Sein's administration. The post SSPP/SSA Claims Burma Army Is Sending Troops to Its Headquarters appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Concert, Charter Call for Burma’s People to ‘Determine Own Destiny’ Posted: 08 Apr 2016 03:20 AM PDT               RANGOON — A peace concert held on Thursday night at People's Park in Rangoon united artists, musicians, writers and interfaith activists in an "appeal to the people" to push for the realization of basic human rights for all in the context of a genuine democratic transition. The concert included performances by well-known dissident singers and musicians, including Oslo-based Mun Awng, Ko Ye Lwin of Mizzima Waves and famed reggae artist Saw Hpoe Khwa, who was integral in organizing the event. The event was held to launch a charter inspired by a vision once outlined by writer—and later statesman—Václav Havel, and various intellectuals in Czechoslovakia in 1977, calling on that country's then-communist government to ultimately respect citizens' social and economic rights. The initiative was called Charter 77, and its distribution was banned by authorities at the time. "Our Burmese Charter 77 is aimed at engaging grassroots citizens with democratization and peace efforts in Myanmar," said Saw Hpoe Khwa in a press release, in which he lamented Burma's history of civil war, military rule and a "rising tide of violent racism." Burma's version of the charter was initially published and distributed in multiple languages —including Burmese, English, Kachin, Karen and Mon—and highlighted the continued struggles of displaced farmers, exploited workers, student activists, religious minorities and ethnic groups surviving in conflict zones of the country. "We the People determine our own destiny," the publication states. "We are—and we must be—the principal drivers for change." The post Concert, Charter Call for Burma's People to 'Determine Own Destiny' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| A Pint or a Prayer? Monks in Japan Put Buddhism on the Menu Posted: 07 Apr 2016 11:39 PM PDT  Shokyo Miura, a Buddhist monk and one of the on-site priests, carries a cup of coffee in front of a bar counter at Tera Cafe in Tokyo, Japan, on April 1, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) TOKYO — The hum of conversation and the clinking of spoons and coffee cups fills the wood-paneled cafe in a fashionable Tokyo neighborhood as more than a dozen customers sip drinks and nibble desserts. At first glance, the cafe, which also serves alcohol, looks like any other except for an altar next to the countertop bar with a Buddha statue set against a gold backdrop. Its name, Tera Cafe, is another hint—Tera is Japanese for temple. The menu confirms this is something different. It lists classes for 1,500 yen (US$14) in weaving prayer beads, calligraphy with sutras, or lines of scripture, and consultations with a Buddhist priest. Tera Cafe is part of a flourishing phenomenon in Japan where Buddhist monks are seeking to make inroads in the modern world as the public's connection with a 15-century-old tradition fades. Gone are the days when the faithful would drop by their neighborhood temple to talk to a monk over tea. Famously areligious, many Japanese observe rituals from different traditions, perhaps going for a church wedding and worshipping at a Shinto shrine at the New Year. Buddhism is associated with funerals. Hirotake Asano, head priest at the Shingyoji temple near Tokyo who opened Tera Cafe in 2013, said Buddhist priests had to venture into society to build links. "Instead of lamenting that people no longer visit temples, I wanted to bring the temple to the people," said Asano, who owns four restaurants and a golf shop. His businesses underscore the need for Buddhist monks to find a livelihood outside the temple. Among other businesses with Buddhist themes are rent-a-monk services from Amazon Japan and retail giant Aeon, for funerals and other rituals. There is also a chain of bars where ordained priests clad in traditional robes serve cocktails and offer advice. Many sects of Japanese Buddhism allow priests to drink alcohol, eat meat, and marry. Such acts are forbidden for monks in places like Southeast Asia, where there have been instances of association of Buddhism with bars triggering public outcry and prosecutions. It's still a surprise for some in Japan. "Temples are kind of hard to enter," said Aya Nishi, a 23-year-old customer at Tera Cafe. "I have a dark image of them, like with funerals. But this cafe is well-lit and welcoming. I was also surprised that they even serve alcohol." As well as the alcoholic drinks, Tera Cafe offers shabu-shabu pork and ginger-flavored chicken. Business appears to be brisk. On a recent visit, women in their 20s to 40s—the cafe's main clientele—took up most of the dozen or so tables. And the interest in Buddhism? "That's difficult to measure," said Shokyo Miura, one of about 10 monks who take turns as an on-site priest. "We get 70 to 80 people a month signing up for classes or consultations, but the number does shrink if we're talking about people who actually want to learn about Buddhist teachings." The post A Pint or a Prayer? Monks in Japan Put Buddhism on the Menu appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Suu Kyi Has Busy Week Meeting Foreign Diplomats Posted: 07 Apr 2016 11:28 PM PDT  NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi smiles with army members during the handover ceremony of outgoing President Thein Sein and new President Htin Kyaw at the Presidential Palace in Naypyidaw, March 30, 2016. (Photo: Ye Aung Thu / Reuters) NAYPYIDAW — Burma's high-profile new foreign minister, Aung San Suu Kyi, met her Canadian counterpart on Thursday, as dignitaries visit the country to meet the Nobel laureate. Canadian Foreign Minister Stephane Dion congratulated Burma on installing its first civilian government in decades and on its transition from military rule to democracy. "It's always difficult to build a strong democracy," Dion said at a joint news conference at Burma's Presidential Palace in the capital, Naypyidaw. "Burma needs to succeed. It's important for your country and it's important for the world." Suu Kyi said Dion had offered to help efforts to end longstanding armed insurgencies against the Burmese-majority government by minority groups demanding autonomy and control over their natural resources in the north, northeast and east of the country. Many ethnic armies have been fighting since the country gained independence from the British in 1948, and experts say continued civil unrest is slowing development in one of the region's poorest countries. "I think, particularly, Canada is anxious to help us in the peace process. And this is the kind of assistance that we very much welcome," Suu Kyi told a news conference. "And we would appreciate everything that our friends can do to assist us in our efforts to make this country one that has built unity out of diversity." Suu Kyi also hosted the foreign ministers of China and Italy earlier this week. In November, the country held its first free election in decades, which Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party won by a landslide. Suu Kyi, the country's most popular politician, is barred by a junta-era Constitution from becoming president because her sons are British citizens, as was her late husband. She picked her close ally, Htin Kyaw, to become Burma's president and lead the government that took office last week. In its first legislative act, Parliament created a new post for Suu Kyi as "state counselor" on Tuesday, giving her powers similar to those of a prime minister. The move allows Suu Kyi to have a powerful hand in running Burma and helps her circumvent the Constitution's ban. In addition to foreign minister, Suu Kyi also heads the President's Office. This week's meetings have put Suu Kyi in the spotlight, with President Htin Kyaw playing a supporting role. The post Suu Kyi Has Busy Week Meeting Foreign Diplomats appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Indonesia Preparing to Execute More Foreign Drug Convicts Posted: 07 Apr 2016 10:18 PM PDT  Indonesia's Attorney General Muhammad Prasetyo speaks to journalists about the upcoming executions at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta, Indonesia, on April 28, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) JAKARTA — Indonesia is preparing to execute more foreigners convicted of drug offenses as it maintains a contentious policy of imposing capital punishment for drug crimes. Attorney General Muhammad Prasetyo said Thursday that his office is looking for the right time to carry out the executions. He did not specify how many convicts would face firing squads in what would be the third set of executions under President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's administration. "We are still concentrating on drug convicts. We want to see a deterrent effect," Prasetyo said when asked whether people convicted of other death-penalty crimes such as murder would be executed. "We are waiting for the right time" to carry out the executions, he said. Indonesia has extremely strict drug laws and more than 130 people are on death row, mostly for drug crimes. About a third of them are foreigners. Fourteen people convicted of drug-related crimes, mostly foreigners, were executed last year amid an international outcry. Indonesia's relations with Australia were particularly strained following the execution of two of its nationals in April last year. Local media reports quoted the chief of the Jakarta prosecutor's office as saying 10 foreigners would be executed: four Nigerians, two Malaysians, two Americans, one Zimbabwean and one Senegalese. In the past, Indonesia has avoided executions during Islam's holy month of Ramadan. The post Indonesia Preparing to Execute More Foreign Drug Convicts appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Legal Commission Recommends Scrapping 142 Laws Posted: 07 Apr 2016 05:53 PM PDT  Security forces in Rangoon hold back a protestor attempting to break a police line near the Chinese Embassy, during a protest against the death of a woman near the Chinese-backed Letpadaung copper mine on Dec. 22, 2014. (Photo: JPAING / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON— Burma's Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission has recommended that the government abolish or amend laws that have been used as tools to arrest political activists for decades. In its first assessment of Burma's current laws, the commission found that 142 laws currently on the books should be scrapped, amended or rewritten. The commission members said they hope their findings will help the new National League for Democracy (NLD) government work effectively for the interests of the nation and its citizens. The group suggested removing the laws that were most often used to imprison activists. "We suggested abolishing the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, the Penal Code's 505(b), and amending Article 18 [of the Peaceful Assembly Law]," NLD lawmaker and commission member Maung Maung Ohn told The Irrawaddy. These laws were widely used to arrest dissidents, politicians and activists under the previous military regime as well as under Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government. Peaceful protesters were often detained under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law, which requires organizers to obtain government permission prior to protesting. Human rights activists and opposition lawmakers pushed for amendments to these laws under the prior administration, but to no avail. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), there are currently almost 100 political prisoners behind bars and more than 400 awaiting trial, including about 50 students, who are facing charges after protesting in favor of education reforms. Maung Maung Ohn said that the commission distributed the recommendations to the parliamentary committees and lawmakers on Wednesday to get further suggestions from them. The Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission is led by Shwe Mann, former parliamentary speaker and Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) chairman. The first assessment also focused on laws regarding the state budget, taxation, tendering, farmers' rights and government office expenditures. The post Legal Commission Recommends Scrapping 142 Laws appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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