Sunday, July 3, 2016

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


Secession is the god given rights for all non-state nations

Posted: 03 Jul 2016 04:40 AM PDT

Secession is the god given rights for all non-state nations and as well all ethnic groups, so long as the one wanting to secede could stand on its own.

In principle if a group of people who likes to consider itself as an ethnic group or nation could secede from an existing nation-state, if the people concerned are for it. It is a birthright given thing and no one could take it away.

As such, an ethnic group or non-state nation could sign that it won't secede from a union a hundred times but could decide to leave the voluntary or involuntary union when and if the people decided to leave the country they are incorporated into. It is the democratic group rights a group of people and the value and desire of the people could change according to the space and time of the prevailing political conditions.

Saturday, July 2, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Human Rights Situation Still Dire: UN Envoy

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 10:52 PM PDT

UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma Yanghee Lee speaks at a press conference July 1, 2016 in Rangoon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma Yanghee Lee speaks at a press conference July 1, 2016 in Rangoon. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters)

RANGOON — Rights abuses are ongoing in Burma despite the election of the country's first democratically-elected government in half a century, according to UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma Yanghee Lee.

Lee ended her 12-day visit to Burma with a press conference in Rangoon, where she said there was no difference between the human rights conditions now and under the previous quasi-civilian government.

"The home ministry and the Special Branch of the police are the same people from the past government," said the South Korean Envoy. "That is why things have not changed…Old habits die hard."

Lee was not just critiquing the situation based on secondhand accounts. She encountered police interference herself.

"I also continue to receive reports of monitoring and surveillance of civil society actors and human rights defenders," she said in her statement released at the press conference. "During this visit, I unfortunately was informed that my interlocutors were photographed by security officials, and were questioned prior to and following our meetings."

She was particularly concerned with the situation in Arakan State, where the Muslim Rohingya minority remains marginalized and deprived of many rights.

"The recent establishment of the Central Committee on Implementation of Peace, Stability and Development of Rakhine [Arakan] State signals the priority given by the government to addressing the complex challenges facing both communities," her statement said. "Nevertheless, my visit to Rakhine State unfortunately confirmed that the situation on the ground has yet to significantly change."

"The conditions in the IDP [internally displaced persons] camps I visited remain poor with concerns about overcrowding, the deterioration of temporary shelters and housing, and the lack of proper sanitation facilities," she said, adding, "While there is rightful emphasis on ensuring development and humanitarian assistance to all communities, ending institutionalized discrimination against the Muslim communities in Rakhine State must also be an urgent priority. The continuing restrictions on the freedom of movement of the Rohingya and Kaman communities cannot be justified on any grounds of security or maintaining stability."

But her concern for issues in Arakan State extended beyond just the Muslim communities.

"Also of concern is the continuing detention and reported torture of individuals with suspected ties to ethnic armed groups under Section 17 (1) of the Unlawful Associations Act," she said. "In particular, there has been a sharp increase in cases in Rakhine [Arakan], where reportedly some arrests have been made with little supporting evidence."

Lee also commented on the peace process, noting especially the role women could play.

"The previous government made a commitment to ensure at least 30 percent representation of women at all levels of the peace dialogue," she said. "This commitment should be met as a minimum. A gender perspective must also be incorporated into all areas of the dialogue."

Lee has been a controversial figure, particularly among small but vocal Burma's far-right nationalist groups. Last year, the monk Wirathu, a leader of the Buddhist nationalist group Ma Ba Tha, called her a "bitch" and a "whore."

The post Human Rights Situation Still Dire: UN Envoy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Isolated and Lacking Labor Rights, Housemaids Toil in Silence

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 08:00 PM PDT

 This photo of an eight-year-old housemaid in Rangoon's Bahan Township being tortured by her employers went viral on Facebook in 2015.

This photo of an eight-year-old housemaid in Rangoon's Bahan Township being tortured by her employers went viral on Facebook in 2015.

RANGOON — Khin Htar Kyu was in her late teens when she left her village in Irrawaddy Division's Wakema Township with her younger sister to find work in Rangoon to help her indebted family.

Upon arrival, she took the first job she was offered and began to work as a live-in housemaid for a family in Sanchaung Township. Four years have passed and the 23-year-old has rarely had a day off since. She usually works from 4am to 10pm—cooking, cleaning and taking care of the young children. For this grueling work, she earns US$85 per month and free meals and lodging.

"Sometimes, I want to take one day off during the week but I can't," Khin Htar Kyu said, adding that she even cares for her employer's baby in the middle of the night. "I was happier as a farmer; I had a lot of quiet and freedom. I didn't need to care about anything except my crops," she said wistfully.

Across Myanmar, there are tens of thousands of girls like Khin Htar Kyu who leave their poor families to become domestic workers for wealthier households.

They usually receive little pay and lack labor rights protections, according to women and child rights activists, who say the maids are often young—or underage—and vulnerable to various forms of abuse by their employer.

Naw Aye Aye Hlaing, program manager with Rangoon-based NGO Women Can Do It, said workers usually don’t complain about their situations because they are isolated in their employers' homes and lack the support to report abuses.

"Myanmar has no special support group to help housemaids as they are seen as unimportant workers," she said, adding that more must be done to ensure proper treatment of workers.

"Housemaids should be set reasonable tasks… [and] employers should be responsible for creating a safe working environment," said Naw Aye Aye Hlaing, whose organization promotes women's education and involvement in politics.

Vulnerable and Unprotected

Aung Myo Min, executive director at the NGO Equality Myanmar, said many maids are children from poor families who cannot care for them. They are placed with wealthier households and provide free labor in return for a roof over their heads.

"Some of these children have a lower status than domestic workers – they just get a meal and shelter, not money, for their work," he said, adding that such issues also relate to Myanmar's longstanding problems with ensuring child rights and preventing child labor.

Maung Maung Soe, a lawyer in Rangoon, told Myanmar Now that maids are often poorly fed, lack proper sleeping quarters and are regularly beaten. Yet, court cases against abusive employers are very rare as maids lack legal avenues to complain.

"They have little legal protection as there are no [labor] laws to protect housemaids against employers. But if they are accused of stealing money from their employer they can easily be prosecuted," said Maung Maung Soe, who has provided legal aid to abused workers.

Files at Rangoon Regional Police Headquarters obtained by Myanmar Now show authorities recorded only eight cases of criminal abuse of maids by employers in the whole country between 2011-15, four of which were in Rangoon.

An employer was sentenced in only one case. Kyi Hla Myint, a man from Rangoon's Bahan Township, received three years in prison with hard labor in February 2014 for beating a 14-year-old girl, burning her hands with cooking oil and locking her in a room without food.

In 2013, a 14-year-old housemaid managed to file a complaint with police over beatings on her head, back, arms and chest, caused by members of a family in North Dagon Township who employed her for four years. Three of them are now facing criminal prosecution at the township court.

The victim's uncle, Myo Oo, said his niece will never work as a housemaid again. "She has trauma from that job," he said, adding that he hoped the perpetrators would face serious criminal punishment.

Legal Protection Needed

Rights activists said the cases are merely the tip of the iceberg as many abuses go unreported because victims lack the strength or knowledge to stand up to their employers, or because the issues are quietly settled by employers.

"Only if housemaids have major injuries on their bodies can they have enough proof for a police complaint. Otherwise, it is very difficult for them," said Maung Maung Soe.

Aung Myo Min, of Equality Myanmar, said the government should draw up legal protections for domestic workers and inform them of their rights. "Housemaids need to know how and where they can file complaints against abuses by employers," he said.

Nyunt Win, deputy director-general at the Factories and General Labor Laws Inspection Department, told Myanmar Now that the Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population has held discussions with civil society organizations over drafting a law that would set a minimum age for domestic workers and provide basic labor rights, such as working hours and holidays.

He acknowledged the workers' situation was currently poorly regulated.

"There are many controversial issues regarding housemaids, including working hours and off-days," Nyunt Win said, before adding that maids "should not refuse to prepare meals or wash clothes at the time when their employers come home."

Myanmar Now contacted several National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers, but none had knowledge of the draft law to protect domestic workers.

Improving Recruitment

Bringing poor girls from rural areas to work as housemaids in wealthier households in cities and towns is a longstanding practice in impoverished Myanmar.

The process often involves relatives or neighbors of the girls who connect them with wealthier families, but these days most maids are placed with an employer by recruitment agencies or unregistered brokers.

One informal broker in Rangoon named Moe Moe said she had helped ten families find a housemaid in recent years, earning about $30 in commission per worker.

She said she ensures that both maid and employer are suitable and trustworthy. "I will have to face any follow-up problems, so I avoid strangers in this business," Moe Moe said.

Khin Swe Win said her family in Rangoon's South Okkalapa Township had found a maid through her relatives. "Most housemaid brokers do not take responsibility for their work, so I relied on close family members," she said.

The Rangoon Karen Baptist Women's Association has created an organization called Protection for Women in Household Services that tries to ensure that girls are employed by families who treat them well.

Naw Phaw Wah, the director of the organization, said her staff has helped about 100 maids find safe jobs and has carried out regular visits to check on their working situation.

"The employers are warned once if housemaids are found to be treated badly. If they neglect our suggestions the organization withdraws its housemaid," she said.

Khin Htar Kyu said she desperately wanted to quit work as a maid, but she needed to send cash to her family and help them save up to $1,000 to regain control of their farm in Wakema Township, which they pawned to a wealthy neighbor.

"I cannot foresee the day when our family can get back their land and I can go back to the village," she said.

This story first appeared on Myanmar Now.

The post Isolated and Lacking Labor Rights, Housemaids Toil in Silence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘If the Fourth Estate is Strong, Authorities Dare Not Play Unfairly’

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 07:30 PM PDT

FINAL PHOTOKyaw Zwa Moe:  Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! The Burma Army recently filed a lawsuit against 7 Day newspaper over a news story. But, the army dropped the lawsuit this morning after negotiations. We'll discuss how the Myanmar Press Council (MPC) can intervene and protect media agencies against such lawsuits. Saya Kyi Min, member of the MPC and writer, and lawyer U Robert San Aung will join me for the discussion. I'm Irrawaddy editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Saya U Kyi Min, the military filed a lawsuit against 7 Day newspaper for a story called 'Thura U Shwe Mann urges DSA [Defense Services Academy] graduates to cooperate with the current government.' But, we learned that it dropped the lawsuit, which is good news. We heard that the military did not inform the Myanmar Press Council of its plan to sue 7 Day. Even if they have a sound reason to sue, how should they have proceeded under the current guidelines?

Kyi Min: The Press Council Act states that in the case of a dispute, the suffering side may file a complaint to the council. It does not say filing a complaint is a must. So, the suffering side can either file a complaint or not. It is free to directly file a lawsuit to the court.

KZM: It is up to the suffering party?

KM: Yes. The act was designed to prevent us from becoming the main monitoring mechanism. If the act makes it necessary to file complaints to the press council for any dispute, then all complaints will be filed with us. Then, we will have to mediate every case. So, the law states complaints may be filed with us. In the case of the army's lawsuit against 7 Day, the army did not file complaint with us; they sued 7 Day directly.

KZM: The army filed the case under Section 131 of Chapter 7 'Offences relating to Army, Navy and Air Force' of Burma's Penal Code [which punishes anyone who abets mutiny or attempts to seduce an officer from his allegiance or duty]. Does the charge fit or is it a heavy charge for this story?

Robert San Aung: As far as I understand, it is not that 7 Day wrote the story in a misleading manner. I doubt that the charge under Article 131 of Penal Code is appropriate. Today, at a time when the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing himself is taking a leading role in building national reconciliation and friendship between the military and the people, we can't say prosecuting a newspaper or journal related to people is appropriate. My suggestion is that if there are difficulties or disputes, they should be settled through the MPC first so that the problem will not get worse. If not, the problem may be aggravated by outside factors. In the current case, some Facebook users wrote this and that on social media, which adds fuel to the flames. This is neither good to the military nor to 7 Day.  I would suggest that the best option is to take action in coordination with the MPC. Under Article 3 of the Myanmar Press Council Act, the press council can mediate settlement. This morning, we heard that the army settled the lawsuit against 7 Day. I saw the report on the Standard Daily. I would say today is an auspicious day.

KZM: Anyway, it is good that the army dropped the lawsuit. But I am afraid that the lawsuit comes as a warning to all other media. This is the first case of the military prosecuting a media outlet under the new government led by President U Htin Kyaw and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. There were similar cases under the previous government. These lawsuits have impacts. In your view as a member of the press council, what should be the procedure be to file a lawsuit? Is it fair to say that the military suing 7 Day is a threat to the media?

KM: Our council is here to facilitate people's right to be informed and to prevent obstacles against that. It is also supposed to protect the freedom of expression of journalists on the condition that they report ethically, that what they're reporting is true and that the reporting will not harm state interests. We have to intervene if a reporter who follows these guidelines is prosecuted. However, under the Myanmar Press Council Act we are not supposed to intervene unless concerned parties file complaints with us and seek our intervention. Previously, our council was an interim council and now it has become a permanent one. We have settled about 190 cases—between the government and journals, private publications and private publications, and journals and people. We could settle most of the cases through negotiations. Some of them were not satisfied and in that case they could initiate legal proceedings. We can only engage within our limited mandate. To answer your question, we want a peaceful settlement. If media personnel are not ethical in their reporting, it is their fault. We assume that we need to intervene if authorities or people are too sensitive about a truth and file unnecessary lawsuits.

KZM: As far as we are concerned, we don't think the news is wrong. How can we resolve it when lawsuits are filed against media outlets that publish the truth?

KM: We held a meeting Monday and immediately stated our position. We released the statement Monday evening and we were happy to hear the good news this morning. We are proud of ourselves.  We seldom issue statements, especially on issues related to the military because they are too sensitive. Under the circumstances, we issued a rare statement with carefully chosen words and extra caution. Therefore, I was happy to hear the good news this morning. The entire press council is happy.

KZM: U Robert San Aung, what do you think of this case from a legal aspect? 7 Day was sued for publishing a story based on what Thura U Shwe Mann said. Other media outlets also reported it. Isn't Thura U Shwe Mann, who said those words, directly responsible? Should the lawsuit be targeted at the person who made the statement or the reporter?

RSA: Thura U Shwe Mann's case is not the first case like this. There was a previous example in which lawyer U Myint Aung from Mandalay got his license revoked permanently for quoting the phrase, "No one is above the law," in a case related to a high-profile person. In the current case, Thura U Shwe Mann is mainly responsible. He is more knowledgeable about military affairs and he should take the lead in solving the problem. 7 Day exercised 'the right to know' enshrined in Article 3 (e) of the press council act. In that case, 7 Day should be considered a witness or abettor. The main offender is Thura U Shwe Mann and 7 Day just quoted him in its reporting. It bears no responsibility unless it includes its opinion of the speech in the story. I want Thura U Shwe Mann to take responsibility because only when there is amity between the military and the people can internal peace and the 21st Century Panglong Conference be realized. At this time, anything that harms the military or the people should be avoided.

KZM: It is fair to say that Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is fairly friendly toward the media, unlike his seniors. He always grants interviews to foreign news agencies. Many people like his interviews. Given that, why did the military take it so seriously and decide to prosecute rather than negotiate?

RSA: The commander-in-chief of defense services did not seem to know the particulars of the situation. It seems that the lower level [of the army] misunderstood it and took preventive measures out of their own concern. We are encouraged to see Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing speaking very politely when he engages with the people. Regarding the army's prosecution of 7 Day, I believe that the army chief did not know about it. We don't know why the army decided to sue—maybe there were complicated underlying factors.

KZM: You mean it was one of their political moves.

RSA: Yes, it could be. It would be better if reporters mentioned sources below their stories in brackets. The most important thing is that I would like to urge journals not to sue each other because it may harm unity and lead to division. Third parties may not hesitate to touch them if they think there is no unity among journals. Therefore, I would like to request that journals don't sue each other.

KZM: The right to know is very important for people, especially in democracies where people need to know all that they should know. We accept that publications that make false reports should be prosecuted. But, there are cases in which governments or private companies file wrongful lawsuits against journals. Saya U Kyi Min, what is your suggestion to both sides to reduce these types of cases in the future?

KM: As I occasionally give lectures at journalism institutes, I give lectures on how to be objective and truthful without crossing a line. When I entered the field of journalism in 1969, my master Atauktaw Hla Aung asked me to read by heart everything related to Section 500 on my second day as a journalist. I had to learn how to avoid crossing the line in my reporting under different circumstances. Media personnel need to have broad legal knowledge and they should report cleverly and present complete and truthful investigations. If they can do that, they have nothing to worry about in front of a fair trial, should that exist.

KZM: What about the authorities?

KM: If the fourth estate is strong, authorities dare not play unfairly because the fourth estate serves the people. But I stress the condition of: if there is a fair judicial system.

KZM: I doubt that fair courts will emerge overnight in our country.

RSA: There are hardly any.

KZM: Thank you for your contributions.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'If the Fourth Estate is Strong, Authorities Dare Not Play Unfairly' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 2, 2016)

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 06:30 PM PDT

World Bank President Jim Yong Kim speaks in the Swiss mountain resort of Davos, January 23, 2015. (Photo: Ruben Sprich / Reuters)

World Bank President Jim Yong Kim speaks in the Swiss mountain resort of Davos, January 23, 2015. (Photo: Ruben Sprich / Reuters)

Watchdog Says Burma Has Improved Anti-Money Laundering Measures

The intergovernmental Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on money laundering has removed Burma from its lists of countries with compliance issues, hailing the government's progress toward clamping down on illicit funds.

The group—which is housed in the OECD's Paris headquarters and is led by developed countries—keeps track of high-risk jurisdictions for money laundering and terrorism financing, and highlights those countries it says are not making sufficient efforts to tackle the problems.

Until this year, FATF listed Burma as a jurisdiction that had not made sufficient progress in implementing a plan to tackle money laundering. In a country where some are believed to have made vast profits from corruption and drug trafficking, the task force over several years repeatedly reminded the Burmese government that it needed to do more to make sure it wasn’t allowing funds to be laundered or to go toward terrorism.

In February, Burma was upgraded to a list of countries with only "strategic deficiencies," with the FATF crediting the government's moves to enhance financial transparency and establish a functioning Financial Intelligence Unit to investigate suspicious financial activity. The organization said it would conduct a visit to confirm the progress.

On June 24, in a statement following a plenary meeting in South Korea, the FATF said Burma, as well as Papua New Guinea, was being removed completely from the lists. It congratulated the countries "for the significant progress made in addressing the strategic AML/CFT [anti-money laundering/combating terrorism financing] deficiencies earlier identified by the FATF and included in their respective action plans.

"Both countries will no longer be subject to the FATF's monitoring under its on-going global AML/CFT compliance process," the statement said. "Both countries will work with the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering as they continue to further strengthen their AML/CFT regime."

Moving off the list could help to reassure overseas financial institutions, particularly in the US, on dealing with transactions involving Burma.

US Eases Reporting Requirement for Investors

American companies making an investment in Burma worth less that $5 million will no longer have to file reports with the US Embassy in Rangoon on what policies they have in place to protect human rights in the country.

Since the US government began loosening its sanctions regime to recognize democratic reforms, some firms have been required to file reports under State Department rules. From 2013, companies or individuals making an investment of more than $500,000 in most sectors, or any investor in the oil and gas sector, were required to file reports.

Companies already filing the reports include major investors like Coca-Cola, toothpaste company Colgate, Palmolive and Ball Corporation, which makes cans for drinks. Some even filed extensive reports beyond the legal requirements. Notably, Gap Inc., which although it only sources from external suppliers that own factories in Burma, has filed two reports on "responsible sourcing," including the disclosure that it discovered that its suppliers had used child labor in the past.

Smaller firms or investment vehicles have also filed reports, some of which included the bare minimum to comply with the law.

Following the transfer of power to a National League for Democracy-led government in late March, the US government has further relaxed sanctions against Burma. In May, restrictions on dealing with financial institutions in the country were eased, and a rule allowing trade through Rangoon's biggest port and airport, which are operated by a sanctioned company, was extended indefinitely.

The Embassy website's page on reporting requirements was updated late last month to raise the threshold for the reporting requirement tenfold to $5 million.

Human rights and environmental campaigners have opposed the move, which they say was the result of lobbying by the US Chamber of Commerce and the American Chamber of Commerce Myanmar.

In a blog post June 24, Earth Rights International lawyer Zamira Djabarova said the decision, "effectively weakening the rule," had been taken without any companies publicly opposing the reporting rule. While unpublished comments were likely to have been submitted, some large investors, including Coca-Cola and Gap, had spoken up in support of the requirement, Djabarova wrote.

Analysts Predict Construction Industry Growth More Than 10%

The construction industry in Burma is forecast to grow by an annual average of more than 10 percent in coming years, according to a report from analysts, who predict the sector will be worth $13.5 billion by 2020.

Business information company Timetric's Construction Intelligence Center said in a press release that a new report on the industry found that construction in Burma was worth $8.2 billion in 2015.

It said, "growth will be supported by the country’s improving economic conditions, but will mainly depend on government investments in residential, energy and utilities, and public infrastructure projects, as well as a rise in foreign investments."

A breakdown of the current state of the industry said about half of the sector in terms of value was in residential construction.

The analysts also forecast infrastructure construction on roads, bridges, airports and ports, will grow steadily. The government—presumably with the help of donors—set to pour a total of $26.8 billion into a transport masterplan up to 2030, it said.

"Consequently, infrastructure construction is expected to reach US$4.2 billion in 2020," the press release said.

Bangkok Airways Wants to Fly to Bagan, Myeik

The boutique carrier Bangkok Airways is hoping to fly directly from Thai airports to the temple-tourism destination of Bagan and the archipelago gateway of Myeik, according to an industry publication.

aviationpros.com said in a report this week the carrier, based out of Bangkok's Suvarnabhumi Airport, was applying to Burma's Department of Civil Aviation for permission for two new flights. One would connect the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai with Nyaung U, close to Bagan, in Mandalay Division, and the other would link Bangkok and Myeik, also known as Mergui, in Tenasserim.

Burma's smaller airports are generally only served by domestic airlines, but both destinations are expected to grow as the number of tourists visiting Burma increases. Some of the hundreds of islands off Myeik, most of which remain untouched, are currently undergoing development as tourist sites.

"Bangkok Airways hopes to secure regulatory approval from Myanmar civil aviation authorities for the two routes, a process that may take up to eight months," the report said.

"But the carrier is not in a rush to launch the two new Myanmar routes, expecting to put them on its flight roster during the winter season, starting at the end of October," it added.

Bangkok Airways already flies between Bangkok and airports in Rangoon, Mandalay and Naypyidaw, and connects Chiang Mai to Rangoon and Mandalay.

World Bank Study Recommends Diversification

A study conducted by the World Bank at the behest of Burma's Ministry of Commerce has recommended that the government focus on light manufacturing, services and agribusiness to make the country less reliant on extractive industries.

A press release this week on the official launch of the Myanmar Diagnostic Trade Integration Study made recommendations on how to ensure inclusive growth as Burma's economy develops. It urged officials to continue with reforms to make it cheaper for private businesses to trade, and encouraged "soft infrastructure reforms."

Recommendations from the study include improving access to finance, addressing skills shortages and simplifying the system of trade tariffs.

The government should "encourage trade growth in the service sector by reducing administrative and regulatory barriers and consolidate coordinating mandate for services trade negotiation into one agency," the recommendations said.

The press release said a key driver of inclusive growth would be "diversifying  into sectors with high potential such as light manufacturing, services and sustainable agribusiness to rebalance the economy away from its overdependence on natural resources."

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 2, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Friday, July 1, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Govt Committee to Settle All Land Grab Cases in Six Months

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 08:47 AM PDT

Confiscated lands were returned to local farmers in Naypyidaw's Zeyarthiri Township in a ceremony on June 30. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Confiscated lands were returned to local farmers in Naypyidaw's Zeyarthiri Township in a ceremony on June 30. (Photo: Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

NAYPYIDAW — The Central Committee on Confiscated Farmlands and Other Lands will settle all land grabbing cases in Burma within "six months," said Naypyidaw Council Chairman Myo Aung.

Myo Aung unveiled the ambitious plan to reporters after a ceremony marking the return of land to around 70 dispossessed farmers in Naypyidaw's Zeyarthiri Township. On Thursday they were given temporary farmland tenure permits for more than 200 acres confiscated between 2006 and 2013; the seized land had been used to house the newsrooms, printing press and staff quarters of state-run newspapers The Light of Myanmar (Myanma Alinn) and The Mirror (Kyemon).

"The central committee decided in a meeting to resolve all [land grab cases] within six months," said Myo Aung.

The committee chaired by Vice President Henry Van Thio is situated within Burma's executive branch and is distinct from existing parliamentary committees with similar portfolios. It is tasked with monitoring state and divisional governments' handling of land disputes, and enabling the return of land to dispossessed farmers from government ministries, state-owned enterprises and private companies.

The committee has adopted a policy that adequate compensation should be provided to dispossessed farmers, many of whom had received only nominal sums, or nothing at all, after the confiscation of their land. The committee also maintains that government ministries, state-owned enterprises and private companies should disown confiscated lands which they no longer use.

Land grab cases in Burma assumed prominence after the reformist administration of ex-President Thein Sein took office in 2011. In 2012, Burma's Union Parliament set up the Farmland Investigation Commission to probe land confiscation cases.

In 2013, the Land Utilization Management Central Committee was established, chaired by then-Vice President Nyan Tun. It was charged with implementing the recommendations of the commission and facilitating the return of seized land.

According to findings of the Farmers Affairs Committee in the Upper House of Parliament, as many as 2 million acres of land across Burma could be considered "confiscated."

Naypyidaw Council Chairman Myo Aung told the media, "We gave the farmers Form-3, which allows them to use the farmland temporarily. We plan to give them Form-7 [a certificate of permanent tenure] within the year. With Form-7, farmers would be allowed to transfer, hand down, sell and put their farms up as collateral to receive bank loans."

However, Myo Aung explained that, in order for farmers to receive Form-7 denoting full restitution, farmers would have to pay back in full whatever compensation they received from the government when their lands were seized.

The council chairman remarked that many farmers would struggle to make the repayment in one go, and so the council was considering a scheme allowing the farmers to pay back the sum in installments.

Khin Zaw, a farmer from Wegyi village who received temporary tenure rights for his confiscated land on Thursday, told The Irrawaddy they may be among those who have to return compensation to obtain Form-7.

Deputy Minister for Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock Tun Win told the Irrawaddy that resolving land disputes was one of the priorities of the new government.

"Our government wishes to give back land to the rightful owners," he said, referencing the smallholder farmers who still make up the bulk of Burma's population.

However, the return is difficult in cases where lands were seized illegally by the government and re-sold "officially" to new owners, including cronies and foreign investors. Fully addressing such cases could result in confrontation with Burma's still-powerful military, which profited from many of these sales and continues to hold tracts of farmland across the country.

"Government authorities at various levels, including township development committees and the military, have grabbed land on false 'public' pretexts and sold it off in plots," deputy minister Tun Win told the The Irrawaddy.

Meanwhile, local farmers have demanded higher compensation for over 1,000 acres of land taken from them for a planned diplomatic zone in Naypyidaw's Dekkhinathiri Township.

Min Thu, a member of the Naypyidaw City Development Committee—the capital city's municipal authority—said they could offer higher compensation if what farmers received does not match market rates.

According to Min Thu, the government has already signed land lease agreements with the governments of Malaysia and Bangladesh.

Regarding the military's substantial holdings in Naypyidaw, Naypyidaw Council member Aye Maung Sein said the military has yet to inform them of their intentions regarding the return of unused land in line with the new government's policy.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Govt Committee to Settle All Land Grab Cases in Six Months appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nationalists Protest Govt’s New Arakan State Terminology

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 07:57 AM PDT

 A sign posted by nationalists in Arakan State that reads, 'Rakhine is Rakhine, Bengali is Bengali.' (Photo: Zaw Zaw Naing / The Rakhine Gazette)

A sign posted by nationalists in Arakan State that reads, 'Rakhine is Rakhine, Bengali is Bengali.' (Photo: Zaw Zaw Naing / The Rakhine Gazette)

RANGOON — Arakanese nationalist groups from Sittwe, Arakan State, sent an open letter to President Htin Kyaw and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi objecting to the government's new terminology for those who self-identify as Rohingya prior to a protest they have planned for next week.

About 500 residents and 70 Buddhist monks signed the letter, which objected to the administration's preferred "Muslims from Arakan State" jargon, which the government trotted out in hopes of easing tensions between the local Buddhist and Muslim communities.

The statement was delivered to Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Upper and Lower House Speakers, the ministries of defense, home affairs, information, and labor, immigrations and population, as well as the Arakan State government.

Last weekend, about 300 Arakanese nationalists, monks and civil society organizations (CSOs) in the state capital of Sittwe decided to launch a poster campaign for every Arakanese house with signs that said, "Rakhine is Rakhine, Bengali is Bengali," highlighting that they would continue to use the word "Bengali" to describe the self-identifying Rohingya—who they believe are interlopers from Bangladesh—instead of taking on the government's new nomenclature.

A sign posted by nationalists in Arakan State that reads, 'Rakhine is Rakhine, Bengali is Bengali.' (Photo: Zaw Zaw Naing / The Rakhine Gazette)

A sign posted by nationalists in Arakan State that reads, 'Rakhine is Rakhine, Bengali is Bengali.' (Photo: Zaw Zaw Naing / The Rakhine Gazette)

Two weeks ago, Burma's representative to the United Nations (UN), Thet Thinzar Htun, said that using "the Muslim community in Arakan State" instead of the contentious term "Rohingya" would help foster harmony and mutual trust between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in Arakan State.

Days later, Yanghee Lee, UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, visited Arakan State and met with both Buddhist and Muslim communities. During her time in the country, the Ministry of Information officially instructed state-owned publications to use the terms "the Muslim Community in Arakan State" and "the Buddhist Community of Arakan State."

The National League for Democracy (NLD) government hoped to chart a neutral course with its new terminology, but both sides have rejected it and doubt that it will succeed.

The open letter stated that if the Union government adopts the new labels, it is intentionally hiding the Muslim community's Bengali origins and will be viewed as an attempt to destroy the Arakan race.

"We strongly object and will not accept any term except Bengali," stated the letter.

Arakan nationalist Than Htun claimed that the groups have already obtained official permission to peacefully assemble in every township in Arakan State on July 3. Police chiefs in Sittwe, Buthidaung, Thandwe, Kyauktaw and Maungdaw townships all confirmed that they were aware of and would allow a massive protest.

Khin Maung, Kyauktaw Township police chief, told The Irrawaddy that a demonstration with up to 1,000 protestors had been approved.

On Friday, an invitation letter from the Arakan State government circulated on social media, requesting that influential nationalist monks who would join the rally first hold talks at the state government's offices on July 2. Arakan State Chief Minister Nyi Pu was unavailable to comment for this story.

U Eainda Sakka, an abbot from Sittwe, was invited to the government meeting but said there was no specific information or explanation included in the letter. He said he assumed it was related to the upcoming rally, but that if the chief minister hoped that they would avoid emotive slogans [Suu Kyi previously labeled 'Rohingya' and 'Bengali' as emotive terms], they would not acquiesce, as they had already received permission in accordance with the law.

"Maybe they will tell us to manage the rally and keep the situation calm," he added.

The post Nationalists Protest Govt's New Arakan State Terminology appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Armed Groups to Meet Suu Kyi

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 07:50 AM PDT

Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the UNFC, speaks to journalists after the meeting at NCPC branch office in Rangoon on Friday. (Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the UNFC, speaks to journalists after the meeting at NCPC branch office in Rangoon on Friday. (Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Representatives of the ethnic armed alliance the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) have agreed with the Burmese government peace delegation to hold a meeting with State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi in mid-July.

The agreement was reached during a meeting between the UNFC and the Burmese delegation led by Dr. Tin Myo Win at an office of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) in Rangoon on Friday.

"We agreed to work on a meeting between State Counselor and UNFC leaders including its chairman [N Ban La]," said Hla Maung Shwe, a spokesperson for the Burmese peace negotiation delegation.

Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the UNFC, however, said, "It is not time yet to answer whether we will attend it [the Union Peace Conference]. We still have procedures which must be followed, including the Mai Ja Yang summit. We can only decide how we will participate after the summit. We have to find an answer in Mai Ja Yang."

The UNFC members and other armed groups are planning to meet in Mai Ja Yang, Kachin State later this month to discuss August's Union Peace Conference, which being compared to the 1947 Panglong Conference that guaranteed several of Burma's major ethnicities autonomy and equal rights after independence from Britain.

The UNFC is made up of nine ethnic armed groups that did not sign last year's nationwide ceasefire agreement, a cessation of hostilities forged between eight armed groups and ex-president Thein Sein's quasi-civilian government.

The post Ethnic Armed Groups to Meet Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Killing Creativity

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 07:26 AM PDT

A passer-by in front of downtown Rangoon's Thamada Cinema in May 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

A passer-by in front of downtown Rangoon's Thamada Cinema in May 2016. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Wyne is an award-winning director famous for his films depicting relationship drama; the movies are popular among young audiences and the film censorship board alike. But when he tried to test out a new genre, he had no idea how hard it would be.

In 2014, Wyne submitted the synopsis of his planned feature film "Letter to the President" to the censorship board.

The plot does not seem particularly inflammatory: A young man is accused of a murder that was really committed by the son of a government minister. His grandmother tries to help him but later dies under mysterious circumstances. Then, her spirit writes a letter to the president and tries to enlist the help of various people to deliver it. Ultimately, the letter ends up in the president's hands.

The censors were not happy. First, they tried to convince Wyne to change the name of the film. He refused. Then they suggested he change the character of the minister's son to the "son of a crony."

"It was impossible for me to change the character I created," Wyne said. "It took me about two to three years to work on this script! It was just disappointing," he said, adding that he wanted his character to portray people who abuse authority. To date, the censorship board has refused to grant approval for the film.

The film censorship board, officially known as Motion Picture Classification Board, is chaired by the director-general of the Ministry of Information's Motion Picture Development Branch (MPDB) and made up of 15 representatives from different associations including the Myanmar Motion Picture Organization (MMPO), the Myanmar Music Association, the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, the Attorney General's Office and the military-controlled Ministry of Home Affairs.

Before 2011, the regulations that were used to scrutinize the content of films and movies covered 10 principles, ranging from politics, religion, and goodwill among ethnicities to "good" personal morals. The national film censorship board aggressively controlled the whole industry until the end of 2011 when four themes—promotion of good personal morals, an emphasis on crime reduction, the exclusion of obscene presentations and a prohibition on the portrayal of child abuse—were removed.

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Moviegoers wait inside Thamada Cinema in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

Regulations 'Killed' Creativity

Burmese director Wyne argues that filmmakers who have long worked under the country's strict censorship practices can not help but continue to self-censor while  making films; these regulations, he claims, have "killed" their creativity.

"Most of the time, I try to make romantic movies that are within the bounds of censorship regulations and avoid controversies," he said. "But when I try to make one film that reflects the realities in our society, I didn't get approval from the censorship board."

There is no need for any filter between filmmakers and the audience, he said.

"The audience will punish us if we make bad films. We will face failure when the audience stops supporting us. We can't forget that the audience is always judging our films," Wyne told The Irrawaddy.

Wyne publicly criticized the long-standing film censorship system in his 2011 30-minute film entitled "Ban That Scene," which portrays censorship board members cutting movie scenes about corruption, poverty and street fights.

“If foreigners watch this film, they’ll think [Burma] has beggars. Beggars may exist in real life, but not in this movie," explained one character who played the role of such a board member in the short film.

"When we want our films to reflect actual things that are happening in our society, censorship is something we can not overcome," Wyne explained.  "Art must be independent. There shouldn't be any boundaries."

A poster of the classic Burmese movie

A poster of the classic Burmese movie "Maung Mu Baing Shin" released in 1970.

Dictatorship and Bell-Bottoms

While it would be easy to lay the entirely of the blame for censorship on the military regimes that ruled Burma for nearly half a century, the history of censorship in Burmese cinema actually dates back to the colonial era. Some films dealing with social ills and corruptions were banned by the British administration, but Burmese cinema culture continued to address political themes after World War II and the country's 1948 independence from the British empire.

Political repression, however, took a sharp turn for the worse after the 1962 coup as the country suffered under Gen Ne Win's so-called "Burmese Road to Socialism." From then on, the entire film industry was forced to make movies that not only obscured reality, but also praised the military government.

A booklet issued in 1974 for the Burmese Academy Awards (1972-73) included a list of censored scenes from films that were produced during those two years.

Scenes in which an actor sporting long hair sang, an actress was singing in a dress and an actor was wearing bell-bottoms were described as being "against the Burmese culture" and were cut. Couples touching cheek-to-cheek on camera were deemed "shameless."

Five-time Burmese academy award winner Kyi Soe Tun told The Irrawaddy about how a film from the 1980s fell victim to the censorship board's "cultural standards."

"Thingyan Moe," directed by Maung Tin Oo, is about two generations of love stories in Mandalay, centered around the city's water festival—Thingyan in Burmese. The problem, however, was not with the plot or the movie's message.

In standard Burmese, the word for "I" is gender-specific—men say kyadaw and women say kyama. But in the Mandalay dialect, women and men both say kyadaw. And that was a problem.

"They banned the usage of kyadaw in the film and told the director that girls should not say things like that," Kyi Soe Tun said. "But it's a part of the local identity. I think it's great for a film to have such an identity. That makes it authentic."

 Busts at Burma's movie museum of, from left, pioneering actor U Nyi Pu (1900-1996), the

Busts at Burma's movie museum of, from left, pioneering actor U Nyi Pu (1900-1996), the "father of Burmese film" U Ohn Maung (1892-1964), and noteworthy cameraman U Maung Maung (1896-1989). (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Fear and Freedom of Art

The censorship regulations in Burma today are based on those established following the pro-democracy movement of 1988, when the military government issued censorship principles and regulations to make sure films did not harm "the image of the state." The government—through the Ministry of Information—attempted to use film as one of the tools to propagate its own ideas and to obstruct the spreading of opposing ideologies.

A synopsis or brief screenplay of every feature film must be submitted to the board in order to gain permission to film, and a full version of the film has to be submitted again before it hits the box office; direct-to-DVD movies, however, need no pre-filming submission.

Phone Maw, a member of the film censorship board and the secretary of the Myanmar Motion Picture Organization (MMPO), said all board members have to check every film and video for the sake of the audience. He said Burmese audiences are still not ready to consume products directly from filmmakers, as some filmmakers are still creating films that are unsuitable to watch with one's family or are religiously and culturally inappropriate.

"We can't create whatever we want in the name of freedom. We must take responsibility for our art," he said.

"We will no longer need the censorship board when our country changes from all of its old systems, gets used to democracy, and has responsibility and accountability."

A retired director from the Motion Picture Development Branch (previously known as Myanmar Motion Picture Enterprise) and a former secretary at the then-Film and Video Censorship Board, Myint Thein Pe, told The Irrawaddy that board members come from diverse backgrounds and few have a comprehensive understanding of art and films.

"The policies were good, but the people who practiced these policies were dreadful," Myint Thein Pe said.

"They were not independent thinkers. They were controlled by fear, and that was the biggest problem," he explained, referring to how some former board members were driven largely by a desire to neutralize content that could be perceived as harming the dignity of the country, without understanding which scenes were necessary to a film's story.

"That fear will not disappear until the next generation," Myint Thein Pe said.

He also explained the struggle of fostering a freer film culture in Burma, where religious and traditional beliefs are strong enough to easily censor a film.

"Film is a type of culture. But when this culture is fenced in by censorship principles like religion, tradition and ethnic solidarity, things can become very difficult for filmmakers to escape from the shadow of censorship," he said.

Old filmmaking equipment pictured at the Movie Museum. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Old filmmaking equipment pictured at the Movie Museum. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Lack of Creativity

Myint Thein Pe, however, is not optimistic about the impact of relaxing some censorship regulations since 2011.

"Since censorship has eased, I have not noticed any marked improvement in the creative process. Technological improvement is an exception. But the industry keeps spinning its wheels and just does what is trendy," he said.

Industry observers point out that the country's current market is saturated with pirated South Korean, Thai, Chinese, and American DVDs, and that many local filmmakers simply adapt stories from foreign films rather than create original content.

Despite the sometimes-bizarre rulings—like banning bell-bottoms—the period from the 1950s to the 1970s is still viewed by many as the industry's golden age with local filmmakers producing nearly 100 original films each year on average. The country now makes less than twenty feature films annually, and releases between 800 and 1,000 direct-to-video DVDs.

Award-winning director Kyi Soe Tun said censorship should not receive the entirety of the blame for the industry's downfall.

"I don't like blaming censorship. I don't believe that films can't be artistic within the boundaries [of censorship]," he told The Irrawaddy.

"We can create art no matter what rules and regulations exist. All we need is basic critical thinking and a conscience."

He cited the film "Thingyan Moe"—the movie that saw its Mandalay dialect censored. Produced in 1985 under a strict censorship regime, the movie later became an iconic representation of the Burmese water festival; shown on TV every year, its significance during Burma's biggest festival is arguably similar to the place that films like "It's a Wonderful Life" hold during the American Christmas season.

"Despite the censors, we all know that [Thingyan Moe] is still a good film more than three decades later," Kyi Soe Tun said. "But I have to say that I don't like censorship interferences in that film."

Htoo Paing Zaw Oo agrees. A newcomer in the mainstream film industry, his movie "Night" was praised by the censorship board as "artistically and technically good yet made within the boundaries [of censorship]."

The director told The Irrawaddy that the censorship board is not an impassable barrier to creating quality art but it does pose difficulties for filmmakers.

"If a filmmaker has to think about the potential of censorship while he or she is making a film, it restricts his or her artistic inspiration," he said. "I personally think the major problem of the film industry of this country today is a lack of creativity rather than strict censorship."

Myat Noe, a film critic and a cinematic analyst, told The Irrawaddy that any amount of censorship will inevitably impact an artist's creative process, but it is the job of artists to figure out how to address a banned issue in an indirect, oblique and subtle way.

"The impact of [censorship] easing is apparent," he said. "Sadly, the quality of films, especially in terms of the script, storytelling techniques and style, has not improved much."

"If you don’t get a good script, you don’t get a good film," he said.

Adapting to a Ratings System

Thu Thu Shein, co-founder of Burma's first independent film festival, the Wathann Film Festival (WFF), said that the censorship board should be reformed to function as a ratings board, to limit the negative effect on filmmakers' creativity. It could also bar underage audience members from watching violent and sexually explicit movies, she said.

"They should allow filmmakers to create art independently, and their movies can be controlled with the ratings system," she said.

But the censorship board members disagree with the idea of a ratings system.

Thein Naing, the director of the Ministry of Information's MPDB and the secretary of the censorship board, said that the audience is not mature enough for a ratings system.

"We can't implement the ratings system yet," he said. "How are we going to monitor the age of the audience? We don't have such a monitoring mechanism in cinemas."

However, Wyne said the government should develop a ratings system so that the audience can begin to adapt to the new labels. Without developing such a practice, the audience will never be ready, he said.

"It could be done if they wanted to do it. But they don't want to do it so they are just making excuses," he said.

Wyne also re-submitted his film, "Letter to the President," to the censorship board in April, in the hopes that that the new government will not object to its plot.

Revolutionary Road

For director Htoo Paing Zaw Oo, there are other reasons behind the failure to produce  films of a higher storytelling and artistic standard—the majority of movies are market-oriented and only focus on featuring famous stars rather than developing authentic stories. Moreover, he said, production companies tend to not invest significant amounts of time in the films and instead focus on simply releasing as many movies as they can.

A willingness to welcome directors from younger generations is also lacking in the Burmese film industry, according to film critic Myat Noe. "Famous actors who have great influence in decision-making processes and financiers who produce films do not want to welcome a new generation of young, film school-educated directors," he said.

Producers simply do not trust them, he added, pointing out that these burgeoning filmmakers often understand modern and international industry trends and could potentially create different types of films.

"To my knowledge, nobody’s hiring them to make films," Myat Noe said.

Myint Thein Pe agreed. He said the film industry needs rebels—a new generation of filmmakers with fresh ideas and concepts—to change the culture of moviemaking.

"There must be a film revolution and we have to make rebels for this revolution to happen."

The post Killing Creativity appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

BREAKING: Mob Burns Down Muslim Prayer Hall in Hpakant Township

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 06:08 AM PDT

The smoldering Muslim prayer hall in Lone Khin village, Hpakant Township, Kachin State (Photo: Citizen journalist)

The smoldering Muslim prayer hall in Lone Khin village, Hpakant Township, Kachin State (Photo: Citizen journalist)

MANDALAY — A Muslim prayer hall in Lone Khin village of Hpakant Township, Kachin State was burned down by a mob on Friday afternoon.

Nearly 30 Muslim families in the village have fled since the outbreak of the riot.

According to residents of the village, the Muslim community had received an ultimatum from local Buddhist nationalists to demolish by Thursday what they claimed was an illegal extension to the Muslim prayer hall.

However, residents have claimed that the disputed structure was in fact an abandoned storeroom that had been used by the Ministry of Construction while building a bridge connecting the village some months ago.

After local Muslims dismantled the structure, the Buddhist nationalists then demanded that they demolish the actual prayer hall, claiming it had been constructed illegally.

"The Muslim community refused to demolish their prayer hall. Their religious leader said they would only do so if the government declared it illegal," one of the local residents told the Irrawaddy. "That's why the mob came to burn it."

"When three fire engines came to put out the fire, they were obstructed by the mob," he said.

He added that the mob was mostly made up of outsiders, numbering several hundred.

The police and army have now blocked the bridge on the road to Lone Khin village from Hpakant town.

A duty officer at the Mohnyin District police station confirmed the incident but refused to give detailed information because "the case is now under investigation."

"We have no idea who was behind the incident. At the moment, state and district-level security forces are on the scene," the officer said.

The incident comes after anti-Muslim rioting far away from Hpakant in Pegu Division's Thuye Thamain village in Waw Township on June 23, which resulted in the destruction of a mosque, a Muslim cemetery, and a house and storeroom belonging to a Muslim family. Authorities chose not to take action against any of the perpetrators there.

The post BREAKING: Mob Burns Down Muslim Prayer Hall in Hpakant Township appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

U Gambira Released From Prison, Charges Dropped

Posted: 01 Jul 2016 12:25 AM PDT

Former monk U Gambira was released from prison on Friday after his additional charges were dropped. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

Former monk U Gambira was released from prison on Friday after his additional charges were dropped. (Photo: Pyay Kyaw / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — Nyi Nyi Lwin, the former monk and Saffron Revolution leader also known as U Gambira, was released from prison on Friday when all additional criminal charges against him were dropped.

Gambira, who served six months imprisonment at Mandalay's Ohbo prison on an immigration conviction, was moved earlier this week to Rangoon's Insein prison to face additional criminal charges in Bahan and Thanlyin township courts.

"The plaintiffs dropped all of the charges against me and now I am a free man," he said, after appearing in Thanlyin court on Friday morning.

The additional charges could have put him behind bars for an additional two to 10 years, and the former monk was happy to hear that township officials and police had decided to drop the charges.

"Their actions went against the new government's rule of law and the national reconciliation process. I hope there won't be anymore cases like this against other citizens in the future," he added.

Nyi Nyi Lwin was transferred from Mandalay to Rangoon this week to face charges for trespassing and destroying public property, which he allegedly admitted to after his release from prison in 2012. He allegedly broke into monasteries sealed by the government after a crackdown on monks protesting during the Saffron Revolution in 2007.

The post U Gambira Released From Prison, Charges Dropped appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Army Accused of Killing Seven in Northern Shan State

Posted: 30 Jun 2016 11:56 PM PDT

Residents of Mong Yaw village in northern Shan State's Lashio Township carry the body of one of the deceased back to their village on Wednesday in preparation for the funeral. (Photo: Khun Myo Satt / Facebook)

Residents of Mong Yaw village in northern Shan State's Lashio Township carry the body of one of the deceased back to their village on Wednesday in preparation for the funeral. (Photo: Khun Myo Satt / Facebook)

RANGOON — Seven rural residents of northern Shan State's Lashio Township were killed this week, with victim's families and local villagers blaming the Burma Army.

On Tuesday, two young men were reportedly shot dead while riding motorcycles through a rural area of the township. Local sources said that Burma Army soldiers had ordered them to stop, and opened fire when they refused to do so. However, the victims have not been identified.

Also on Tuesday, five residents of Mong Yaw village were arrested from their fields and taken to an unknown location by soldiers from Burma Army Light Infantry Battalion 362, according to the victim's families, who found their bodies the next day buried by a corn field at the bottom of a nearby mountain.

It is not known exactly where, how or when the five were killed. The families held their funerals in the village on Thursday. Four were ethnic Ta'ang (Palaung) and one ethnic Shan. They were aged between 20 and 39.

"They were taken by the Burma Army. Their families have accused the Burma Army of killing them. They were arrested while working in their fields," said Sai Wann Lern Kham, a lawmaker in the Upper House of the Union Parliament from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), who represents Lashio and other nearby townships (Shan State constituency 3).

He said, "We do not know how the five [detained] people were killed, but the two youth were shot and died on the road."

He said he was waiting for the victim's families to take legal action against the Burma Army. He had collected information in preparation to help them.

However, he said, "Our local people do not dare to take action against the Burma Army. If they asked, I would help them to file charges at the police station."

Lashio is home to the Burma Army's Northeast Regional Command Center. There is a heavy concentration of army personnel in the town, with bases in the surrounding countryside.

Northern Shan State has Burma's highest concentration of ethnic armed groups in conflict with the Burma Army. The last year has seen fighting involving the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, the Shan State Army-North, the Kachin Independence Army and the Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army.

In its counter insurgency campaigns, the Burma Army has been accused of detaining, torturing and murdering civilians accused of supporting rebel groups, and forcing others to work as porters.

This week, the Ta'ang Women's Organization issued a report entitled "Trained to Torture," featuring accounts from ethnic Ta'ang victims of torture by the Burma Army from 2012-2016.

Ethnic armed groups have also been accused of abuses against civilians in northern Shan State in recent months, which has reportedly heightened inter-ethnic tensions in some townships.

The post Burma Army Accused of Killing Seven in Northern Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Elephant Gets New Prosthetic Leg

Posted: 30 Jun 2016 10:58 PM PDT

Mosha, the elephant that was injured by a landmine, wears her prosthetic leg at the Friends of the Asian Elephant Foundation in Lampang, Thailand, June 29, 2016. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / REUTERS)

Mosha, the elephant that was injured by a landmine, wears her prosthetic leg at the Friends of the Asian Elephant Foundation in Lampang, Thailand, June 29, 2016. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / REUTERS)

LAMPANG, Thailand — Mosha the elephant, who stepped on a landmine along the Thai-Burma border 10 years ago, received her ninth prosthetic leg on Wednesday.

Mosha was just seven months old when the accident happened and she was rushed to an elephant hospital run by the Friends of the Asian Elephant Foundation in Lampang province in northern Thailand.

Two years later, surgeon Therdchai Jivacate gave her a new leg and a new life. As she has grown, he has designed new, longer and stronger legs for her.

"The way she walked was unbalanced and her spine was going to bend," Therdchai, 72, said of Mosha before receiving her latest leg. "She would have died."

Mosha, who weighed only 600 kg (1,300 lbs) when she was given her first artificial limb, now weighs over 2,000 kg.

Founded in 1993, the Friends of the Asian Elephant Foundation hospital was the world’s first elephant hospital and currently has 17 patients.

The Thai-Myanmar border is still dotted with landmines left over from clashes between ethnic-minority rebels and the Myanmar army dating back decades.

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