With the recent departure of UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator Renata Lok-Dessallien, The Irrawaddy revisits its analysis from November 2007 of the UN's trail of failed missions in the country.
No UN envoys to Burma have turned into superman. Instead, all six previous diplomats buried their mission under a tomb stone marked "Democracy" and "Human Rights." Burma is now a diplomatic graveyard.
The six UN special envoys—starting with Japanese diplomat Sadako Ogata who was appointed in 1990 as an independent expert of the UN Commission on Human Rights to the Malaysian businessman Razali Ismail, the UN secretary-general's second special envoy to the country—quit their job in deep frustration.
Their missions to Burma were routinely rebuffed by the junta and, at least one of the diplomats, the UN's second special rapporteur, Mauritian Rajsoomer Lallah, wasn't even allowed to step on Burmese soil due to his sharp criticism of the regime.
"We are faced with a country which is at war with its own people," said Lallah, who was appointed in 1996. His annual reports to the UN General Assembly were rejected by the regime as biased on the grounds that they were based on information provided by opposition groups. In 2000, he quit amid reports of inadequate support from the UN and his own frustration with the junta’s leaders.
The seventh and last envoy, Nigerian diplomat Ibrahim Gambari, is in Burma now to try to create a dialogue between junta chief Than Shwe and detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Like his failed predecessors, the question is whether Gambari can move the junta forward even a little bit. This is Gambari's fourth trip to Burma since May 2006. His predecessor Razali Ismail, who served from 2000 to 2006, made twelve visits but failed to bring tangible results. The Malaysian diplomat told The Irrawaddy when he quit, "It is best to conclude that I have failed."
However, it isn't fair to say their failure was their fault. The heart of the problem is the ruling junta. For the generals, dealing with a UN envoy is just another political card to manipulate diplomacy and world opinion.
With each envoy, the junta has cleverly played a game, always pushing things back to square one. On the eve of Gambari's arrival in Burma on Saturday, the military regime announced it wants to expel the UN resident coordinator Charles Petrie due to his criticism of the junta's failure to improve economic and humanitarian conditions.
The statement in question, issued on October 18, declared that the concerns of the Burmese people had been "clearly expressed through the recent peaceful demonstrations, and it is beholden on all to listen."
His expulsion clearly shows the mentality of the generals—and their political will.
The junta thinks nothing of abusing normal diplomatic protocol. A room where UN special human rights rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro was conducting an interview in 2003 with a political prisoner in Insein Prison in Rangoon was bugged. Pinheiro cut his visit short as a result.
Part of the UN's problem in Burma is its traditional lack of muscle, especially in dealing with such a repressive country. The UN Security Council itself also has differing views on how to deal with Burma. Also, the UN envoys themselves sometimes have varying degrees of personal interest.
Because of a lack of concrete results, the Burmese people are growing frustrated with the UN and its envoys. Some Burmese call Gambari "kyauk yu pyan," which means "one who takes gems and then leaves,"according to The Associated Press.
Rumors circulate that some UN envoys have taken "boxes of presents" from the generals. The former envoy Razali Ismail had a business deal between the military government and a Malaysian company that he heads, the IRIS Corp, which sold high-tech passports to the regime. Such entanglements taint public perceptions.
Many Burmese people now believe that the only way to create change is to take matters in their own hands. On October 31, about 100 monks marched again in Pakokku in central Burma. They are many monks in the sangha who are determined to sacrifice themselves to bring freedom to Burma.
Like them, the UN also needs to be determined to bring change to Burma.
But in fact, the UN seems to be more determined to play a negotiating role between the junta and the opposition parties, even after the military regime brutally put down peaceful demonstrations in September.
The world, including the US, the EU, Asean, and even China and India—who are both close allies of the military regime—have supported the UN's latest diplomatic effort.
Unfortunately, diplomacy alone will—again—probably prove to be insufficient. The UN needs more muscle, otherwise its envoy and its efforts at mediation seem destined to end up like all the rest—in the Burmese diplomatic graveyard.
International visitor numbers to Bagan increased by 17 percent in 2016, according to the trade news outlet hoteliers.com. The ancient city and top tourism destination attracted more than 282,000 international visitors during the year, with 44 percent arriving via adjacent Nyaung U Airport.
More international visitors are also accessing Bagan through Mandalay, according to the report. In addition to rising international visitor numbers, hotels in the area are also seeing growth in domestic visits, including during the low season in the second and third quarters each year.
The average daily rate at international standard hotels in the area was US$99 in 2016 and hotel occupancy averaged 52 percent. Tourists stayed an average of 2.5 nights and foreign guests accounted for almost 80 percent of bookings in four- and five-star hotels.
Plans Aired for Controversial Coal Plants
A Thailand-based joint venture is progressing its plans for two coal-fired power plants in southern Myanmar, according to a report in The Nation newspaper in Bangkok.
The plan, first announced around three years ago, aroused local opposition in Mon State where residents voiced fears over negative environmental and other effects.
TTCL is one of Thailand's largest listed contractors and is a joint operation of Italian-Thai Development and Japan's Toyo Engineering Corporation.
It is considering investing more than US$6 billion in the plants in Mon and Karen states, according to the report.
The Mon State plant is expected to cost $3 billion and to have a production capacity of 1,280 megawatts (MW). The Karen State plant is "still under study" and a formal proposal to the government on the operation is expected within 30 months, according to the report.
To raise the massive funds needed for the southern Myanmar coal projects, TCCL plans to apply for a listing of Toyo Thai on either the Thai or Singapore stock exchange.
A TTCL subsidiary, Toyo Power Toyo Thai Power Myanmar, already operates a 121 MW natural gas fueled combined-cycle power plant in Yangon.
Boosts for Tech Start-Ups
Myanmar-based travel tech startup GoP took the top prize of US$10,000 at a grants-award event during a tourism forum in Luang Prabang, Laos last week.
Four startups from the region received the top prizes at the competition run by tourism accelerator Mekong Innovative Startup Tourism (MIST), with the runners-up coming from Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, Vietnam Plus reported.
GoP is a travel app for people in Myanmar traveling within the country with services including accommodation, food, and transport services. It received initial support from local tech hub Phandeeyar.
Social enterprise startup Artisan Origins in Laos, Camboticket in Cambodia and Chameleon City in Vietnam received $7,000 each.
"MIST is globally unique in how it integrates the Greater Mekong Subregion's travel startups into an ecosystem for sustainable tourism development. The entrepreneurs I have met through MIST have convinced me that tourism in our region has a very bright future," said Jens Thraenhart, organizer of the Mekong Tourism Forum.
MIST began in December 2016 as a joint venture between the Mekong Tourism Coordinating Office, the Government of Australia and the Mekong Business Initiative supported by the Asian Development Bank.
Meanwhile in Yangon, 11 tech teams took home a total of $37,500 in cash prizes at an event held by the Phandeeyar tech hub, DealStreet Asia reported.
The StartUp Challenge 2017 saw pitches from 28 teams of budding entrepreneurs. Top prizes went to InstaCash, an online money lending platform, Taung Thu Gyi, an agri-equipment rental and sales platform, WeSafe, a real-time security surveillance control system, and RecyGlo Myanmar, a platform to help with recycling.
"Once again, we've seen the incredible talent and energy in Myanmar's tech community. There were some great ideas on display today and what these teams have accomplished in nine days is a good indication of their potential," said David Madden, founder of Phandeeyar.
Another startup funder, Switzerland-based Seedstars, will hold a third pitching competition in Yangon on June 17 and a two-day 'bootcamp' for 10 startups on June 19-20.
EuroCham Proposes Policy Changes to Govt
EuroCham, the network of European Chambers of Commerce in Myanmar, has released a "WhiteBook" of trade and investment policy recommendations addressed to the government.
The publication includes proposals in the sectors of construction and infrastructure, corporate social responsibility, energy, health and logistics and transport.
Among the recommendations in the infrastructure category is to develop a master plan to restore Yangon and elevate it to the standards of other cities.
On corporate social responsibility, the paper recommends "developing a clear roadmap for navigating rightful practices of CSR in Myanmar with the involvement of all stakeholders," as well as advocating "the avoidance of regulations requiring mandatory spending on CSR."
In the energy sector, the paper advocates for improved coordination among the ministries involved to enhance efficiency and effectiveness. It also proposes the "more agile procedures for the optimization of the processes at the [energy] Ministry" as well as "clear, well-defined electricity pricing policies.' Investment in renewable energy should be enhanced, it said.
In the health sector, the paper proposes that there be stringent measures and effective policies for controlling pharmaceutical generics "with no bioequivalence'', and streamlining the pharmaceutical product registration process at the Department of Food and Drug Administration.
In the logistics and transport sector, recommendations included developing a deep-sea port in the delta region along with a special economic zone, as well as increasing customs' operating hours at ports and enhancing overall port efficiency.
Other key challenges identified in the Whitebook, along with accompanying recommendations, include addressing tax inefficiencies, the lack of regulations on intellectual property, and the slow pace of the bureaucracy. The paper is available here.
Dutch Firms Seek Opportunities
Twelve Dutch companies took part in the Netherlands' first trade mission to Myanmar last week from June 7-9.
The firms discussed opportunities in sectors including agriculture, medical care, furniture, iwater management, banking, engineering, and port development at a business matching event, Dutch ambassador Wouter Jurgens told The Nation.
"We are very happy that a lot of Myanmar companies signed |up for the business-matching event, even more than what we could handle," Jurgens told the paper. "Many Dutch companies came here to look for partners. First, we need to build contact and then proceed to the contracts."
Online Content Firm Raises Funds
Tech company Myanmar Online Creations (MOC) which focuses on creating Myanmar language online content and tools has raised investment for up to 10 local content apps, according to DealStreet Asia.
Investors include Yangon-based financial advisory firm Trust Venture Partners and Thaung Su Nyein, CEO of Information Matrix, the parent company of 7Day News Journal.
MOC is led by U Win Ohn, who is also the CEO and president at Canada-based MediaNation.
The Series A investment came slightly over three months after the company launched new applications and websites in February, including sites such as Onlyinburma.com Lolburma.com and Langyaung.com. There is also a dating site, Phoosar.com which is offered on a monthly subscription basis.
MOC is seeking to increase engagement with local content in Myanmar, according to the report.
Lower House Speaker U Win Myint urged the government to return inactive lands, once confiscated for development projects, to the original owners, in response to a lawmaker question about the issue in Naypyidaw.
The Lower House also approved discussion of a proposal from Lewe Township lawmaker U Myo Zaw Oo that encouraged the Union government to provide insurance on crops for farmers against floods and pests.
In the Upper House, lawmakers discussed a proposal from Dr. Tin Tin Win, representing Pegu Division (5), which recommended that the government incorporate the subjects of reproductive health, civic education and democracy into the curriculum of high schools and colleges. The Upper House recorded his proposal.
Tuesday (June 13)
In response to frequent seizures of counterfeit 10,000-kyat notes, Lower House Zabuthiri Township lawmaker U Phyo Zeyar Thaw asked a question about the problem of counterfeit banknotes in the country. U Soe Min, vice governor of the Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM) said that police were cracking down on counterfeit bills, and that the bank was improving the security levels and quality of banknotes.
Lawmakers in the Upper House inquired about regional development works in their respective constituencies.
Wednesday (June 14)
Hlinebwe Township lawmaker U Khin Cho, of the Lower House, had his proposal recorded, which urged the Union government to make systematic approaches and plans to reduce the unemployment rate of the country.
There was no Upper House session on this day.
Thursday (June 15)
U Yan Lin, Kyaiklat Township lawmaker in the Lower House, urged the Union government to include consumer education in the seventh, eighth, and ninth grade curriculum in order to increase public awareness of food safety and drugs in the market. The proposal was recorded.
In Upper House, U Ko Ko Naing of Sagaing Constituency (8) asked if the health ministry would recruit exclusive doctors, nurses and health staff for Myanmar's 66 prisons. Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Maj-Gen Aung Soe said that Ministry of Health is short of doctors and that the Home Affairs Ministry would appoint doctors and nurses on its own. According to U Ko Ko Naing, the doctor-patient ratio in prisons is currently just 1 to 7,000.
Friday (June 16)
In the Lower House, U Kyaw Aung Lwin of Sidoktaya Township asked if the Union government would find foreign markets willing to pay higher prices for the agricultural products of Myanmar farmers. Deputy Commerce Minister U Aung Htoo said his ministry was taking steps to penetrate new markets in Europea, Africa, and Asia, as well as implementing a medium-term trade promotion plan.
Lawmakers in the Upper House asked further questions related to regional development in their constituencies.
RANGOON – The Voice Daily's satirical columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing has been officially absolved from defamation charges under Myanmar's controversial Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law, but the publication's chief editor U Kyaw Min Swe was denied bail by a Bahan Township judge on Friday morning.
An army official brought charges against the pair for publishing an article in March that satirized the country's armed struggle and peace process. Both journalists were detained by Yangon's Bahan Township police on June 2, with trial proceedings being initiated the following day.
U Kyaw Min Swe and Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing—also known by his pen name British Ko Ko Maung—pledged to meet bail in line with Section 497(1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which states that any person arrested without a warrant or summoned to the court can request temporary release with the permission of a judge. The attempt was dismissed by judge Daw Thara Phi Aung, who stated that the two journalists had failed to provide in a timely manner a medical recommendation that would justify the granting of bail.
During Friday's court hearing, lawyer U Myo Thein presented evidence of similar cases from other regions in Myanmar in which bail was granted, which he said set a precedent for the release of U Kyaw Min Swe.
Moreover, U Kyaw Min Swe's legal team stated that the editor has required prescriptions for stomach ulcers and liver issues while in Yangon's Insein prison. Lawyer and legal adviser U Khin Maung Myint requested a document stating as much from an Insein cell official, but he told the court that the individual reportedly would not cooperate.
Lawyer U Myo Thein relayed a contact number for Insein Prison to the judge at the court hearing, recommending that she call and confirm U Kyaw Min Swe's health condition. This Irrawaddy reporter was present at the court and noted that Judge Thara Phi Aung did not appear to make a phone call before declining bail to the defendant.
The judge emphasized that Article 66(d) does not require that bail be granted to the accused.
Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing is pictured after his release from detention on Friday. (Photo: Thet Htun Naing / The Irrawaddy)
Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing, who was released, spoke to reporters near the entrance of the court after having his handcuffs removed. He stated that police had reportedly requested the opinion of the ministry of transport and communications concerning whether his prosecution was necessary.
Because the article was published in print—rather than online—a decision was reportedly made that defamation charges under the Telecommunications Law were unfitting. Yet, as the individual responsible for The Voice Daily as a media outlet, he said it was also determined that the prosecution of U Kyaw Min Swe would proceed.
"I was put in jail almost 14 or 15 days before the court decided whether the trial would continue…Although there has not been a conviction by a court in this case, [U Kyaw Min Swe] has had to spend time in jail. I am really sorry for Ko Kyaw Min Swe and I will stand with him," Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing told reporters.
Nearly 100 journalists came to Friday's court hearing for U Kyaw Min Swe, wearing white armbands embossed with the phrase "Freedom of Press." The Committee for the Protection of Myanmar Journalists also distributed flyers to the public in downtown Yangon, outlining their position on Article 66(d), and its implications for netizens.
The Committee for the Protection of Myanmar Journalists holds a public awareness campaign near City Hall in Yangon on Friday. (Photo: Thet Htun Naing / The Irrawaddy)
Since the Telecommunication Law was enacted in 2013, nearly 70 defamation cases have been filed under the statute, according to a local research group led by Maung Saung Kha, a poet who was jailed under the same charge in 2016.
On Thursday, three Magwe-based journalists were charged with violating Article 66(d) by a village administrator for a social media post which accused a village of building huge brick kilns, raising environmental and legal concerns.
Norwegian engineering consultancy Multiconsult has been appointed by Norway's state-owned SN Power to carry out an environmental and social impact assessment for the Middle Yeywa dam in upper Myanmar.
The dam is slated for a section of the Myitnge River, also known as the Namtu River, some 50 miles east of Mandalay.
SN Power signed a memorandum of understanding with Myanmar's previous government in 2014 to develop the dam and began a feasibility study the following year.
Multiconsult project manager Jens Laugen said in a company statement this week, "Our first job will be to check the quality of past environmental studies and ensure that the project can be executed responsibly and sustainably. It will be important to build on the dialogue that SN Power has had to date with the local people."
SN Power is considering various possible development options for a 43-mile stretch of the waterway between two other hydropower projects on the same river system, the statement said.
"The impact assessment involves assessing the various options and proposing a solution that safeguards the needs of the environment and local communities," it added.
The Middle Yeywa dam would generate an estimate of up to 690 megawatts of electricity, equivalent to 15 percent of the country's installed capacity, according to the statement.
The Namtu River is a major tributary of the Irrawaddy River and a number of dams have been proposed or built along its course.
The Upper Yeywa dam, slated for the Kyaukme area of northern Shan State, has aroused considerable local opposition amid a backdrop of conflict, displacement and fighting in the project area.
Multiconsult's past contracts include impact assessments for the controversial Nam Theun 1, Nam Thuen 2 and Theun Hinboun dams in Laos.
The company employs 2,300 staff and announced a 16 percent rise in revenue to US$350 million in its latest annual report. It is aiming to "double in size" by 2020, according to the report.
In Myanmar, the firm is also advising the energy ministry in relation to the development of the Tha-Htay and Upper Kengtung hydropower stations, according to its statement.
This year SN Power entered into an agreement with AboitizPower of the Philippines to jointly develop potential hydro power plants in Myanmar and Indonesia, according to other reports.
PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — A police sub-lieutenant in Bogale Township was detained on Tuesday after his second wife filed a complaint under the Monogamy Law.
Police sub-lieutenant Nyi Nyi Aung dated a government teacher in the township. The two later eloped, after which she discovered he was already married and had children.
Police Capt. Ngwe Soe confirmed the detention at the township police station.
The teacher moved in with her parents after discovering her husband was already married. Nyi Nyi Aung continually showed up at her home and school, disturbing her and leading her to file the complaint, according to her neighbors.
"As soon as she found out he had a wife and kids, she moved in with her parents. But he would not accept the separation," a neighbor told The Irrawaddy, on the condition of anonymity.
An investigation is ongoing. If the sub-lieutenant is found guilty, he will be punished according to the police code of conduct and be brought to court.
Designed and endorsed by nationalist monk group formerly known as the Association for Protection of Race and Religion or Ma Ba Tha—now called the Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation—the legislative package known as the race and religion protection laws, which included the monogamy law, was approved by the Union Parliament on Aug. 31, 2015 under U Thein Sein's administration.
The law targeted Muslim men as Ma Ba Tha falsely attributed Muslim polygamy to an increasing Muslim population in the country. In practice, the law has been applied to Buddhist men who are unfaithful to their wives.
The law allows a third party to file complaints against extramarital affairs and prescribes an imprisonment of up to seven years and/or a fine.
MOULMEIN, Mon State — A 500-ton cement factory has started commercial operations in Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State, despite opposition from locals over the coal-fired plant that will fuel it.
Mon State Chief Minister Dr. Aye Zan confirmed on Thursday the US$400 million project, run by Mawlamyine Cement Limited (MCL)—a joint venture between Thai firm Siam Cement Group (SCG) and Pacific Link Cement Industries—will be fueled by a coal-fired power plant built within the compound.
According to officials of Mon State's Myanmar Port Authority, nearly 200,000 tons of coal has been shipped from Moulmein Port to the plant along the Attaran River. Locals fear the plant will pollute the area and have protested about a lack of consultation.
Mon State Parliament Deputy Speaker Dr. Aung Naing Oo has called for new environmental and social impact assessments (EIA/SIA) in accordance with the environmental conservation regulations introduced by the government in 2015, but the state Chief Minister U Aye Zan said the EIA/SIA report published in 2014 was still valid.
"The government introduced environmental conservation regulations in 2015, which specified more details. But they conducted the EIA/SIA report at that time, so it is valid," U Aye Zan told reporters after the state Parliament session on Thursday.
On Feb. 18, about 7,000 locals from seven villages near the factory staged a protest against the coal-fired power plant. In April last year, locals sent a petition with 3,780 signatures to the President's Office, demanding the termination of the coal-fired power plant project.
Lawmaker Min Aung Mun of Kyaikmayaw Township (2) asked about the contribution of profits from MCL cement factory to regional development funds during a state Parliament session on June 15.
In the contract signed with the previous government, the company agreed to donate 2 percent of its profits one year after it had broken even, said the lawmaker.
But Min Htan Aung Han, the state minister for electricity, energy, and industry, replied that the plant started production on April 1 but had not yet profited, meaning contributions toward regional development had not been made.
Lawmakers have complained the contract does not specify how long it would take for the company to break even.
Mon State Chief Minister Dr. Aye Zan said he would review the contract and coordinate with the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC) to amend it if necessary.
"I think [lawmakers] misinterpret the contract. Perhaps it means 2 percent of annual profits will be contributed," he told the press.
According to minister Min Htan Aung Han, MCL spent 62 million kyats in 2014, 1.6 billion kyats in 2015, 323 million kyats in 2016 and 338 million kyats in 2017 on corporate social responsibility works since it started the project in 2014.
Raw materials for the cement factory come from Mt. Pyataung in Kyaikmayaw Township.
Under the heavy rain, I boarded a boat with a group of fellow reporters and made my way to a patch of Kachin Independence Army (KIA) territory threatened by the Myanmar Army about an hour from Tanai town.
Thousands of locals and migrants working the area's gold and amber mines have fled the surrounding villages of Tanai in Kachin State since fighting broke out between the KIA and the Myanmar Army, also known as the Tatmadaw, on June 6. Many of the internally displaced people (IDPs) have sought shelter in Tanai town.
But as we stepped off the boat, four KIA mining officers awaited us, looking pleased to have the company. They had not yet received orders to leave, although the other mining workers had left, and so these were our guardians for the trip.
One of the men, Myit Aung, an acting officer appointed in January, told us to sit in a small shop for a while before going to the mines, which are based on land controlled by Battalion No. 14 under KIA Brigade No. 2. On June 15, shop owners were packing up and closing their businesses. They would leave from the same modest dock where we had arrived, but a few shops remained open.
An ethnic Kachin food vendor coerced her dog onto the boat, but the stubborn pet refused to budge. "Ah, the dog does not want to become an IDP," one of our company reflected.
Myit Aung then offered us some beer, with the assurance that it "was a type of medicine to make you feel brave on the way to the front line."
We used it to wash down our meals, and climbed into a car, listening to music with the KIA security as we drove to the mines. The rebel land we passed felt safer than the government-controlled areas.
KIA prepare for conflict with the Myanmar Army. (Photo: Lawi Weng/The Irrawaddy)
Myit Aung said we would have no problems traveling in the KIA-controlled parts, but later he pointed toward a Tatmadaw base about two miles away. In the amber-rich land of Noi Je Bum Patserm Maw, which has seven mining areas, officer Nan Nan Aung told us they had killed a pig for lunch. At 2 p.m. KIA soldiers brought us plates of meat.
Back in the car, we drove another two hours to Chyasam Hka—the last KIA post on the frontline. The area was dense with rebel soldiers, who planned to fight in bunkers drenched by the seasonal rains, though it did not seem to deter them. A KIA colonel pointed toward Inn Kar Kar village, saying it was about 10 minutes away. "You will see the Myanmar Army there," he said.
The colonel did not stay at the post for long, as they feared an imminent attack. Both sides had troops monitoring the other side's movements.
At 4 p.m. we traveled to Nam Kham village, where we met Dashi Naw Tawng, the head of the village. Nam Kham's 300 or so houses had mostly been abandoned—Dashi Naw Tawng's own family had left for Kachin state capital Myitkyina—but he was
adamant not to leave his house. He was "not afraid of fighting."
"I know how to get out of here if I have to leave," he added.
He gave us dinner at his house, encouraging us to drink as much beer as we wanted, as the drinks would probably have to be abandoned with the rest of his shop.
We spent the night back in the mining area, once a bustling community of thousands, where the Myanmar Army used the power of paper instead of arms to force out the residents. They dropped leaflets from helicopters – warning people they would attack and accusing the KIA of destroying the environment with mines.
"In my eyes, they tried to block the income of the KIA by stopping the mining," said Myit Aung. Judging by the ghost town, the strategy was a success.
"They are not attacking on the basis that the mining is damaging the environment," he added. "We did not have a big mining project here; only mobile mining, that's all. They should stop mining in Hpakant first if they care about the environment."
A gold mine under KIA control in Kachin State. (Photo: Lawi Weng/The Irrawaddy)
This week we saw two news headlines related to a failed UN mission in Myanmar.
The first read that Renata Lok-Dessallien, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, would be leaving her post prematurely, before the end of the typical five-year term.
Internal UN documents prepared for the new UN Secretary-General described the Myanmar office as "glaringly dysfunctional" with "strong tensions" between different parts of the UN system, BBC News reported earlier this week.
Reliable news sources reported that Lok-Dessallien had been criticized for not doing enough regarding human rights abuses in Myanmar. In fact, this is not the only issue. It is just tip of the iceberg.
The UN in Myanmar is not only dysfunctional. It also faces structural problems and lacks a core strategy or a coherent policy for how to counter the challenges that Myanmar faces.
Yangon-based diplomatic sources also say the chain of command between the UN office in Myanmar and the UN headquarters is unclear.
If the UN cannot fix these existing issues and reposition itself to engage in Myanmar, there is a huge risk that it will become more and more irrelevant in the country, which needs outside assistance. Watching this saga play out, some have said it is time to 'shake the coconut trees.'
The other UN news story was in regards to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to Sweden and her comments that a UN probe into alleged human rights abuses by Myanmar's military against the Rohingya people last year would inflame ethnic tensions. The State Counselor said she would only accept recommendations from a separate commission led by former UN chief Kofi Annan.
There has been international pressure to look into abuses in Rakhine State, but why does the UN not also send a fact-finding mission to the areas of conflict in northern Myanmar? To be effective, it must be sensitive to local issues and take them into account.
This is not the first time we have encountered uneasy relations between the UN and Myanmar. The former repressive regimes had many issues with the UN body.
In the past, several UN human rights special rapporteurs and special envoys were appointed to visit Myanmar but later denied visas to enter the country.
Appointed UN special envoys such as Razali Ismail and Ibrahim Gambari faced heavy criticism and media exposure regarding alleged biases and business involvements as they had tried in vain to negotiate between ruling generals and then opposition party leaders led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. They landed in rough waters.
Special envoy Razali Ismail, for instance, was dogged by controversy stemming from his 30 percent stake in a Malaysian firm that had a contract with the regime to make electronic passports.
He left the job unfinished and Gambari took over.
The former Nigerian diplomat replaced Razali as special envoy but he was no more successful than his predecessor. He was ridiculed for taking part in a government-organized rally and activists and opposition members accused him of accepting lavish gifts from generals – an allegation that could not be confirmed but nonetheless, damaged his credibility early on.
His role as an "impartial adviser" was called into question by both sides, and Western influence was prevalent at the time. Indeed, the US was more important than the UN, as Washington threw its support behind the opposition, pressuring the regime and calling for the country to open.
The UN's lack of success in the past can be seen in the statements they issued at the time, rife with platitudes such as: "It is a source of disappointment that these visits did not yield tangible outcomes."
Similarly criticized was UN special envoy Vijay Nambiar who was appointed under Ban Ki-moon.
Embedded with former President Thein Sein and his peace team, Vijay Nambiar was seen in conferences but left many wondering what his purpose was. What were his mandates? What was the UN mission?
Not surprisingly, Nambiar's final departure did not end well.
In December last year, Vijay Nambiar said State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should listen to her "inner voice" and ask the people of Myanmar "to rise above their ethnic, religious and other differences and to advance human dignity, harmony and mutual cooperation between all communities." This followed well-organized militant attacks on security forces on Oct. 9, 2016.
Nambiar appealed to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to visit Maungdaw and Buthidaung, where the majority of the Rohingya Muslim population lives.
The Myanmar President's Office spokesperson fired back, saying his statement ignored what had happened on the ground – the killing of nine policemen and looted ammunition.
The spokesman said that urging a country's leader to do something was an act of interference. Nambiar left, but diplomatic sources believed that the appointment of Nambiar and his contribution in Myanmar were nearly catastrophic (to put it mildly).
Asking Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to visit the strife-torn area was insensitive and Nambiar showed how out of touch he was despite five years spent going in and out of the country.
Myanmar's troubled relations with the UN are ironic considering that the country produced a top UN diplomat in the 1960-70s, when U Thant was the first non-European to serve as UN Secretary-General. He played a part in helping to resolve several international issues including the Cuban missile crisis and the war in the Congo.
Myanmar is going through a critical and fragile political transition. But capable and knowledgeable people with institutional memory are not being appointed to the country.
Myanmar faces not only challenging political issues and crises but also humanitarian crises where the UN has failed. Today, many Myanmar people view the UN as irrelevant and hardly capable of addressing the country's existing issues.
As the US under President Trump loses its focus on Asia and Myanmar (one of Obama's foreign policy success stories), it is time for the UN to do some soul searching and look to Myanmar with a fresh perspective and new energy, if the political will is there.
There is no question that Myanmar has both potential and challenges, and it is time for the UN to engage with a more comprehensive Myanmar policy.
There are many areas the UN can help with including raising economic, social, cultural and human rights standards, as well as increasing access to health, education and political rights. Furthermore, the UN can engage in issues such as climate change, peace building and sustainable development.
Myanmar could be a UN success story if the organization appointed an effective coordinator – with extensive knowledge of the country; experience dealing with a powerful army, ethnic leaders, government officials and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; and an understanding of the nuanced and complex situation on the ground.
YANGON — Three reporters based in Magwe Township were charged by a village-tract administrator under Article 66(d) of Myanmar's Telecommunications Act.
U Htay Lwin, administrator of Mel Hla Taung village-tract filed a complaint with Magwe Township No. 2 Police Station against U Tin Shwe, editor-in-charge of local media outlet MGY News and Yatha Sone Journal, and reporters Ma Pu Pwint Nay Chi and Ma Zar Za San of the same outlet.
Police Sub-Lt Zaw Min Oo confirmed the complaint: "We have contacted [the journalists] to make an investigation," he said.
U Tin Shwe said he wrote a post about brick kilns in a village in Mel Hla Taung village-tract on his Facebook page on May 28, questioning their legality as the Magwe divisional government restricts brick kilns due to environmental concerns.
U Htay Lwin, administrator of Mel Hla Taung village-tract, accused U Tin Shwe of publishing misinformation as he mentioned the wrong village in his Facebook post, according to the police.
He said U Tin Shwe wrongly named the village where brick kilns were found as Myin Kin village, when it in fact was Thinbaw Seik village, damaging the reputation of Myin Kin village.
"I heard that I have been charged, but police have not yet informed me. Ma Zar Zar San was charged because she wrote a comment under my post. But, I don't know why Ma Pu Pwint Nay Chi was charged," U Tin Shwe told The Irrawaddy.
Ma Zar Zar San commented under U Tin Shwe's post that the violation of the ban on brick kilns was "unacceptable."
Since the enactment of the Telecommunications Act in 2013, there have been around 70 cases filed under Article 66(d)—seven under the previous government and more than 60 under the new government—according to a local research group led by former prisoner Maung Saung Kha, a poet who jailed under the same charge in 2016.
YANGON— After more than a week of search operations, part of the tail of a crashed Y-8 military aircraft was found in the sea on Thursday morning.
According to a Facebook statement issued by the Burma Army, plane debris was stuck in the net of a local fishing trawler that had joined the search along with other local fishers and Navy vessels. It was found seven and a half miles away from Dawei's Myinkhwa Bay.
Military ships used sonar to confirm that there was debris underwater, some of it 35 meters below.
It turned out to be a piece of the tail from the Y-8-200F transport plane that went missing after it crashed into the Andaman Sea last week, with Flight No. 5820 emblazoned on it.
Only a plane wheel had been recovered prior, while the fuselage still remains missing.
The Y-8 plane was carrying 122 soldiers, family members and crew on a weekly flight from Tanintharyi Division's Myeik to commercial capital Yangon. A total of 90 bodies have been recovered, so far.
Burma Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing told reporters at a ceremony to accept donations for victims of the tragedy on Sunday at Naypyidaw Command that it is the most serious accident that the military has faced.
"I feel deeply sorry about this incident. [Such an accident] never happened in the history of the military. It is a serious loss. I never expected it, never dreamed this could happen. It makes me very sad," he said.
The cause of the crashed plane is still unknown, although the military is cooperating in an investigation with the Chinese manufacturer of the plane.
Myanmar should guarantee the rights and medical care of children from the Rohingya Muslim minority detained in an army crackdown launched in October, a UN human rights investigator said on Thursday.
Children as young as 10 were among hundreds of men detained on charges of consorting with Rohingya insurgents, Reuters revealed in March, citing a previously unreleased police document.
Thirteen juveniles were among more than 400 arrested since Oct. 9, when insurgents attacked police posts in northwestern Rakhine State, near the border with Bangladesh, according to the police document, dated March 7.
The insurgent attacks led to the biggest crisis of leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's first year in power, prompting some 75,000 Rohingya to flee the subsequent army crackdown to Bangladesh.
Speaking at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Yanghee Lee, the organization's special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said children should not be "arbitrarily deprived of their liberty" and the government should guarantee their right to timely proceedings.
"I remind the government that children should be detained strictly as a last resort, for the shortest appropriate period of time, and must be treated with humanity and respect in a manner which takes into account their age," said Lee.
She also urged the government to investigate the death of a child who, according to the government, died because of ill health in February. The government did not report the death until last week, she said.
In April, a deputy executive director of the UN children's fund (UNICEF), Justin Forsyth, sought the release of the children while on a visit to Myanmar.
The United Nations, in report based on interviews with Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, said Myanmar's security forces had committed mass killings and gang rapes against Rohingya during their campaign, which could amount to crimes against humanity.
The military has denied the accusations, saying it was engaged in a legitimate counterinsurgency operation.
Myanmar's ambassador in Geneva, U Htin Lynn, did not directly address the issue of the detained children, limiting his remarks to say that the Convention of the Rights of the Child applied "equally to all children in Myanmar."
Lee also called on Myanmar to "fully cooperate" with a recently established UN fact-finding mission to investigate the alleged human rights violations by the military.
Suu Kyi has opposed the mission, saying this week it would create "greater hostility between the different communities."
On Thursday, ambassador U Htin Lynn echoed her comments:
"It will not help solve the problems Myanmar is facing in Rakhine State … We are ready to work with the international community on any advice or arrangements should they constitute part of the solution, not part of the problem."
A motion urging the Union Government to include consumer education in the syllabus of the 6th, 7th and 8th grades was recorded at the Pyithu Hluttaw session held on Wednesday (June 14).
The Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library (Bagan) has identified 50 pagodas that are need of immediate restoration and restoration after carrying out a survey and classification based on the severity of damage on pagodas in the Bagan area.
The Technical Vocational Education and Training (TVET) Bill, which is being drafted by the Ministry of Education, will be submitted to parliament soon, said Dr Aye Myint, director general of the Department of Technical and Vocational Education.
The Aung Thu Kha fishing boat, which had been on a search and rescue mission for the Y-8F 200 Tatmadaw transport plane, reported yesterday that it had found something entangled in the underwater nets at about 8.15pm, according to the Commander-in-Chief's office.
Israel has invited Myanmar young entrepreneurs to compete for a trip to Israel at the famous Digital Life Design (DLD) 2017 summit, one of the greatest innovation festivals for entrepreneurs from all over the world.
The Myanmar Consumers Union (MCU) launched an online consumer complaint system via a web online website and mobile application to protect consumer rights in Yangon.
The Myanmar Pharmaceuticals Factory, Insein, will buy 60 per cent more snakes for venom extraction in the 2017-18 fiscal year, said Daw Moe Moe Hlaing, its deputy factory manager.
A baby bird fossil preserved in amber that is thought to be about 100 million years old has been found in Tanai township, Kachin State, according to a paper published recently in an international science journal.
YANGON – The Arakan National Party (ANP) led 300 people, including Buddhist monks and local Arakanese, in a protest outside the UN offices in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State on Wednesday, urging the agency to protect the Buddhist minority Chakma in Bangladesh.
Police Maj Kyaw Mya Win confirmed that the demonstration was granted permission by the authorities to proceed and that the rally participants went to the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), located on the outskirts of Maungdaw Township, which shares a border with Bangladesh.
The demonstrators held signs written in English, stating: "We want justice! Where is the UN? Where is the human right? What is UN doing?"
The Chakma are locally known in Myanmar as ethnic Thet, a Rakhine sub-ethnicity also recognized as an indigenous tribe in Bangladesh.
Police Maj Kyaw Mya Win told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that hundreds of Chakma homes in Rangamati Langadu in the Chittagong hill tracts were set on fire on June 2 by a mob made up of members of the Bengali majority. One 75-year-old woman was killed, 300 houses destroyed, and hundreds of people from three villages were displaced.
The arson followed the June 1 murder of Bengali motorcycle taxi driver Nurul Islam Noyon, who was also reportedly an activist, according to the Dhaka Tribune. Rumors immediately circulated that Chakma men were responsible for Noyon's death, erupting in the burning of the homes of ethnic Chakma in the area. Locals described the mob violence as "communal," but noted that it had appeared law enforcement did little to halt it.
Buddhist Arakanese from Maungdaw now say that the Bangladesh-based branch of the UNHCR should encourage authorities to prevent further violence against the Chakma, and protect them within existing legal frameworks.
Last week, Myanmar's Union Solidarity and Development Party and 16 Rakhine civil society organizations released a joint statement demanding that the UN provide mediation to prevent attacks on the Chakma in Bangladesh, and to urge authorities to take action against the perpetrators.
In response to the conflict, the Bangladeshi police have prohibited large gatherings in the region and have arrested seven individuals in connection with the acts of arson; 400 have been reportedly charged, and a three-member team has been formed to probe the incident.
Atul P. Chakma, a resident from Arunacha town, near Rangamati, told The Irrawaddy that several Chakma civil society organizations will continue to protest against the authorities, demanding that they take action against the attackers.
MOULMEIN — The Mon State police force has no government allocated budget to combat drug distribution in the state, Col Win Naing Oo, Mon State's security and border affairs minister, told state lawmakers during the parliamentary session on Thursday.
"We don't have any budget allocated by either the Union government or the state government. We have to carry out [anti-drug activities] on our own," said the minister. This has led police to limit the crackdown on narcotics to what is possible with contributions from donors, he added.
"We need a budget to address the drug problem on a wider scale," Col Win Naing Oo said, who added that last year Mon State also lacked an anti-narcotics budget. It is not clear if there such budgets were in place under the former U Thein Sein-led government.
In 2016, a total of 283 drug cases were exposed and actions were taken against 425 individuals in connection with drug cases in Mon State, according to the minister.
From Jan 1 to May 31, a total of 114 drug cases came to light and 81,358 methamphetamine tablets were seized, Col Win Naing Oo added.
The minister said that arresting drug dealers is a risky business as police must obtain physical evidence, and, while working under cover, they often are asked to use the drugs they buy from dealers.
"We have to arrest them while they are selling [the drugs]. Dealers never sell to you right away. They ask you to use it, or inhale it. Only when the buyer uses it, do they believe the seller is a drug addict and will sell to them. So, it is risky," the minister explained.
He highlighted how the Mon State government runs free rehabilitation centers to address drug addiction, sponsors education campaigns for the public, and imposes harsh penalties on dealers.
On Thursday, the Mon State parliament approved the proposal of U Aung Kyaw Thu from Thaton Constituency (2), which urged the state government to adopt more effective approaches in curbing drug abuse among students.
His proposal was seconded by military representative Maj Thein Zaw, who said "not only students, but also people of all ages are abusing drugs in the state, which is a real cause for concern."
After the parliamentary session, Mon State chief minister Dr. Aye Zan told reporters that he would make sure there was an anti-narcotics budget in place for the state in the next fiscal year, but that it would be impossible to procure such funds for the current fiscal year.
PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Division — Pathein University students faced defamation charges at Pathein District Court on Wednesday after the military appealed last month's acquittal by the township court.
The Tatmadaw sued nine students of Pathein University for defamation under Section 500 of the Penal Code after they staged a drama critical of military clashes with ethnic armed groups during a peace event in Pathein on Jan. 9
The township court acquitted seven of the students on May 12, but the plaintiff, Lt-Col Aung Myo Khaing of the Tatmadaw's South Western Command, appealed to the district court.
"As the army was not satisfied with the township court's acquittal of the seven students, it appealed to the district court," Ko Min Min, one of the seven prosecuted students, told The Irrawaddy.
"But the township court did not send the dossier, so the trial will continue next week," he added.
Two other students—Ko Aung Khant Zaw and Ko Myat Thu Htet—are still facing trial at the township court. The court hearing for the two will be held on June 28.
"The township court has already acquitted [seven of the students], but the army appealed to the district court, so, I feel like the army is keen to put us behind bars," said Ko Aung Kaung Myat.
The students performed a satirical comedy in which a news agency interviewed supporters of conflict in Burma.
U Tun Tun Oo, leader of the Human Rights Activists Association in Pathein, is also facing trial at Pathein Township Court under Article 66 (d) of the Telecommunications Law for streaming the drama on Facebook.
YANGON — A tribunal of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) sentenced a poppy grower to death and another to seven years in jail for fatally shooting a member of an ethnic Kachin movement against opium.
Lahtaw Tu Sai, 19, a member of Pat Jasan – an anti-narcotics coalition of church and community activists – was reportedly killed, as poppy growers Nsan Naw Mai and Diapha Gam shot at Pat Jasan members who tried to destroy poppy fields in Tanai Township, Kachin State, on Jan. 15, 2016.
The tribunal sentenced Nsan Naw Mai to death and Diapha Gam to seven years imprisonment. Both men are from Tayawn village in Tanai Township. It is unclear whether the two men were detained throughout the trial process and when that process began.
Netizens shared reports of the ruling along with photos of the trial on June 13.
KIO information officer Lt-Col Naw Bu confirmed the news, but said he had not received an official letter from the ethnic armed group's leadership informing him of the verdict.
"As far as I can remember, the KIO tribunal hardly ever gives death sentences. But there were cases in which death sentences were commuted after an appeal," said Lt-Col Naw Bu.
Lt-Col Naw Bu said the KIO has implemented an anti-narcotics policy since 1963. The KIO has assigned staff to combat opium and drug production as well as drug deals in the state, he said. The group also punishes citizens and KIO staff involved in drug cases, he added.
Naw Tawn, a Pat Jasan leader in Tanai Township, told The Irrawaddy that he heard the KIO investigated the two poppy growers after the incident, but he was not aware of the details of the case or the workings of KIO's judicial system.
"I saw a post about the trial on Facebook, but we didn't receive an official letter informing us about it. I don't know exactly how the hearing took place," he said.
Pat Jasan was formed in April 2014 in reaction to the state's growing drug problem. Thousands of volunteers joined the movement, motivated by leaders of the Kachin Baptist Church (KBC).
The group runs awareness and education campaigns and rehabilitation centers. Its vigilante element arrests and prosecutes drug users and dealers, and destroys poppy fields.
Pat Jasan's activities came under the spotlight after 30 people were injured in a clash between poppy growers, a militia and Pat Jasan in February 2016. Since then, the group's vigilante activities have quieted.
Members of Pat Jasan asked the government to provide security in their plans to destroy poppy plantations in February this year, but the government did not respond, according to Naw Tawn, so it abandoned its plans. He said, however, it still runs education campaigns and rehabilitation centers for drug addicts.
RANGOON – A mother of two small children, Daw Tin Mar Win gazed on as a group of men demolished her bamboo thatched house with chainsaws, and cut down the mango trees that had surrounded it.
On Monday, nearly 400 tenants saw their shelters destroyed by authorities who deemed them "landlord squatters"—local property owners who unlawfully—and often unknowingly—purchase and then live on, government land. The destruction occurred in Kyauk Aing village of Hlegu Township, located near the Yangon-Naypyitaw highway.
Although Daw Tin Mar Win's family has been living for almost two decades near Kyauk Aing, her house was labeled as a "new arrival." She was allowed little time to pack her household goods before the house was taken down.
Her family begged the police officer overseeing the operations to spare the home, but the police carried out what they said was an order from the government.
"My child will return home from school in the next few hours. Where should we sleep, when the rain is coming?" she said, looking up at the clouds gathering in the sky.
Eco Green City Project
This removal is not the squatters' first such experience. In 2015, Yangon's then chief minister U Myint Swe bulldozed the entire slum, but as a long-term resident, Daw Tin Mar Win's house was allowed to remain. Thousands of dwellers fled to neighboring villages. But the problems persisted, as vacant land in Hlegu filled with new arrivals.
When the National League for Democracy (NLD) government took office in April 2016, newly appointed Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein vowed to relocate the squatters to appropriate places elsewhere in Yangon after completing the documentation of a "real squatter" list. The government promised to take action against those who were occupying the land "dishonestly."
In 2016, the regional government sent warning letters to Hlegu squatters asking them to leave state-owned land to make room for new buildings. The squatters' location on more than 1,450 acres of land has been designated for the development of the "Eco Green City" project by the Alliance Stars Group of Companies.
The Ministry of Construction and the private developer signed a profit-sharing contract in 2016 lasting eight years, laying out plans for an affordable housing project, an international school, hospital, and golf resort as well as a rest area, according to a director within the construction ministry, who asked to remain anonymous.
Village resident Daw Tin Mar Win lived in Kyauk Aing village for almost 20 years. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)
According to him, the company will set up 4,000 units of housing, but the government and the company have reportedly not yet discussed shareholding arrangements.
U Yu Khine, director general of the housing department in Yangon Division, said that the project is likely to begin after the squatters have been removed from a designated two-mile area.
"Most of the people living here are landlord squatters," he said. The process of "landlord squatting" can involve local property owners leasing government land to new arrivals in the area who are homeless.
The regional government deployed nearly 200 police and hired more than 1,000 people from various villages in Hlegu in order to demolish the homes of 4,000 unlawful residents on the land on Monday.
Some villagers said that they were offered 100,000 kyats per day to assist the police in tearing down the squatters' homes. The police allowed the use of machetes, axes and crowbars, as well chainsaws, in the demolition.
The Irrawaddy learned that some tenants' houses were empty when forces came in to tear them down. Villagers from Kyauk Aing also acknowledged that many people bought the land at a low price and built up huts in fields, without living in them full-time.
Police Brig-Gen Mya Win supervised the crackdown and ordered the police to open fire if the squatters responded aggressively to the destruction efforts. In the afternoon, four men and one woman were detained by police for obstructing the clearance of homes.
U Aung Tun, a villager who accompanied the authorities to remove squatter huts, told The Irrawaddy, "we are commanded to carry this out by the government. So we have to follow orders."
Some police officers said that they were upset by the removal of houses of "real" squatters, referring to those families who had been living for decades on the outskirts areas of Kyauk Aing village.
VIDEO: Police and Hired Heavies Clear Squatters in Yangon's Hlegu Township
Daw Khine Su Yin—mother to a one-year-old child—displayed a document stating that she had bought a plot of land for 1.2 million kyats from a Kyauk Aing villager three months ago, issued by a Kyauk Aing administrative official. She has since heard that the land is owned by the government. She constructed a house on the plot with bamboo poles and roofed it with thatched sheets.
"I did not think such a cruel crackdown would happen in Mother Suu's administration," she said, referring to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's de-facto leader.
Daw Khine Su Yin is originally from Karenni State. She came to Yangon to find a job and later got married. In past years, they lived in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone, but monthly rental fees increased significantly in recent years, leading them to purchase cheap land near Hlegu in order to save money.
Daw Khine Su Yin's situation is unfortunately not unique. Stories of resellers "cheating" the poor through the false sale of government land is frequent along the highway, where tens of thousands of houses have been built, making up such villages as Yadana Aung, Aung Yadana, Sein Lan, Gant Gaw Kyun and Aung Thu Kha.
Two months ago, this The Irrawaddy reporter met with the head of the village development committee in Yadana Aung, U Pyone Cho, who was issuing land ownership documents to new arrivals. He admitted that they are trespassing on government property, but said that they were providing land for homeless people at affordable prices.
According to him, the buyers need to bring a recommendation letter from the quarter's administrative official to be granted land. The committee sold a 40-by-60-foot plot for between 100,000 and 500,000 kyats in early 2017.
"We are helping those who really need space to live," said U Pyone Cho.
At the time of The Irrawaddy's visit, some squatters had been building a steel structure market and preparing to build a school. Hundreds of houses were empty during the daytime hours. The committee has requested several times that the Union government allow them to establish a new village on vacant land.
U Pyone Cho said, "Actually, this is vacant land and the government has developed nothing, but, when the place is little bit good to live on, then the authorities force us to leave. It has happened twice in past."
Village resident Daw Khine Su Yin looks on as police and hired heavies dismantle homes and other structures. (Photo: Moe Myint / The Irrawaddy)
Plans for Resettlement
During a press conference on Tuesday marking achievements of the first year of the NLD administration, Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein told reporters that they had heard that some people were selling government property rights beside the main entrances roads in the commercial capital. Some assumed, he said, that the land would become developed, like a city
"I would like to say that that will never happen," U Phyo Min Thein said.
He added that the establishment of a new city could only occur in line with existing laws, and that his government would take action against those illegally selling state assets. From May 2016 to June 2017, the regional government has surveyed 423 places in 19 townships. According to U Phyo Min Thein, the authorities have been documenting the total squatter population and estimate that there are around 400,000 such individuals in Yangon.
The divisional government plans to spend 64 billion kyats on resettlement projects. A securitization body will examine the background of applicants for new housing, to determine whether they are "real" squatters. UN agencies will also reportedly provide assistance in the relocation process.
It remains unclear whether some squatters from Hlegu—who have lived this way for decades—would also be recognized in the scheme. U Phyo Min Thein made a promise in last year’s press conference that squatters who trespassed on government land or in company compounds after May 25 would not be eligible for resettlement.
The houses of some such squatters were removed on Monday. At the time of publication, The Irrawaddy was not able to make contact with cabinet members regarding the demolitions.
Squatter village, located next to the Yangon-Naypyitaw highway in Hlegu Township. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)
Practical Solutions
Former deputy director of the Department of Human Settlement and Housing Development, U Myint Mo Swe suggested that in order to prevent similar problems in future, the government should publicly declare its land as state property and punish brokers who cheat vulnerable people by selling it off illegally.
Bringing the squatters to a new area, or forcing them to all live together would not work, he speculated, pointing out that they have settled on land near factories and their places of employment.
U Myint Mo Swe compared the problem to one experienced by neighboring Thailand, whose government constructed buildings for squatters and offered apartments with zero-deposit long-term leases, and eliminated banks' interest rates on the project. Another option would be to lease roadside land to squatters with an agreement.
He recommended that the Yangon regional government categorize the types of squatters, and prioritize the projects accordingly. He added that the government should decrease bank interest rates for squatters if housing is provided, in order to ease barriers. Currently, government and private banks add 13 percent interest housing loans.
"That would be a big burden for poor people," U Myint Mo Swe said.
Moreover, even profit sharing projects of the government are selling low-cost apartments with a down payment 30 percent of the property's total value, placing such purchases out of reach for squatters. The monthly payments, he said, should consider the family's earning potential, which is around 200,000 kyats per month.
To fully resolve the issue of squatting, the Union government, U Myint Mo Swe added, should increase state capital in a long-term investment in low-cost housing, as neighboring countries have done.
For now, at least, the problem of squatting is going to continue in Yangon. Recently-displaced Kyauk Aing villagers like Daw Khine Su Yin were forced look for unoccupied land nearby.
"I don't know what to do now. I have nowhere to go. [The authorities] should punish the sellers who did this to us…I will collect things to rebuild my house for a temporary living arrangement," she said.
