Thursday, August 3, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Six Bodies With Gunshot, Machete Wounds Found in Maungdaw

Posted: 03 Aug 2017 06:08 AM PDT

YANGON — The bodies of six farmers—some shot dead and others with machete wounds—were found in southern Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State on Thursday morning, according to the information committee of the State Counselor's Office.

The six farmers, from 50-household Kay Gyee village near Mayu mountain range, were found by Myanmar Army troops conducting security operations in the region, according to the police major.

They were ethnic Mro, a sub-ethnic group of Arakanese, he added.

Arakan National Party lawmaker U Maung Ohn, who represents Maungdaw Township in the Rakhine State parliament, told The Irrawaddy that reports in the morning stated that the two men were killed when militants attacked farmers on Thursday morning.

Four women also fled the scene but have not yet been found, he said, and another woman was critically injured but managed to return to the village and alert officials who called the border police, according to the lawmaker.

Local online publication Narinjara named eight villagers reportedly killed by alleged Muslim militants on Thursday, citing Kai Gyee village's administrator U Sein Hla Maung.

The post Six Bodies With Gunshot, Machete Wounds Found in Maungdaw appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Irrawaddy Doctor Admitted to Yangon Hospital With H1N1

Posted: 03 Aug 2017 06:00 AM PDT

YANGON & PATHEIN, Irrawaddy Region — Superintendent Dr. Sein Sein of the 200-bed Pyar Pon Hospital in Irrawaddy Region was found to be infected with H1N1 influenza and admitted to Yangon's Waybargi Hospital on Thursday morning.

"Dr. Sein Sein was admitted to the [Waybargi] hospital at 11:35 a.m. and her current situation is good. She was diagnosed with H1N1 in Pyar Pon Hospital and was transferred to us," the superintendent of Waybargi Hospital Dr. Aye Aye Aung told The Irrawaddy. The Irrawaddy doctor had been sick since late July and was diagnosed with the flu before being transferred, she added.

Communications officer of Pyar Pon Hospital U Soe Naing said the hospital had also transferred a H1N1 infected fisherman to Yangon recently as well.

"Our superintendent has been sick for three or four days and was transferred to Yangon," he said.

According to Irrawaddy Region's health department, a total of 408 people are currently suspected of being infected with H1N1 but only 15 patients have been diagnosed. The virus has so far claimed seven lives in the region.

As of Wednesday, a total of 13 deaths have been reported nationwide due to the recent outbreak of the disease, according to the Ministry of Health and Sport.

The post Irrawaddy Doctor Admitted to Yangon Hospital With H1N1 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

World Islamic Body OIC Tells Myanmar to Protect Rights of Rohingya Minority

Posted: 03 Aug 2017 05:33 AM PDT

DHAKA, Bangladesh — Myanmar must protect the rights of its Rohingya Muslim minority, the chief of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) said on Thursday, urging the southeast Asian nation to join hands with Muslim-majority neighbors in tackling a refugee crisis.

A group known as Harakah al-Yaqin attacked Myanmar border guard posts on Oct. 9, killing nine policemen and igniting the biggest crisis yet to face Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's fledgling administration.

About 75,000 people fled to Bangladesh during the ensuing military crackdown, which was beset by allegations of rape, torture and extrajudicial killings by security forces.

Suu Kyi's government has denied most of the allegations and is refusing access to a United Nations panel of experts, saying its mission will aggravate the situation on the ground in the western state of Rakhine.

"Myanmar should sit with Bangladesh, Indonesia and Malaysia to find a roadmap for the solution of the crisis," said Yousef bin Ahmad Al-Othaimeen of the OIC, which represents 57 states and acts as the collective voice of the Muslim world.

"We call on the Myanmar government to ensure human rights for the Rohingyas," Othaimeen told reporters during a four-day visit to the Bangladeshi capital.

"Myanmar can't deny the human rights of Rohingyas. We also call on the Myanmar government to ensure citizenship for the Rohingyas."

Othaimeen is also expected to visit Rakhine Muslims in the Kutupalong camp and surrounding areas in the southern resort town of Cox's Bazar on Friday, Bangladesh foreign ministry officials said.

Thousands of Rohingya live in Bangladesh without being officially recognized as refugees, but police rarely file immigration charges against them. Still, their presence is a source of tension between the two countries.

Many in Myanmar see the Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, although about 1.1 million of them live in Rakhine state and say their roots go back generations.

The post World Islamic Body OIC Tells Myanmar to Protect Rights of Rohingya Minority appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parliament Criticized on H1N1 Vote

Posted: 03 Aug 2017 05:22 AM PDT

YANGON – With the recent outbreak of H1N1 influenza claiming more victims by the day, lawmakers in the National League for Democracy (NLD)-dominated Lower House have been criticized for voting down a proposal on Wednesday to raise awareness of the disease.

Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) Lower House MP U Thein Tun submitted the proposal on July 28 urging the government to boost awareness of H1N1—known as swine flu—across the country in order to reduce infection rates and deaths.

Many legislators welcomed the suggestion on the day, however when the Lower House resumed its regular session on Wednesday, the proposal was rejected in a secret vote.

Twelve parliamentarians debated the proposal—seven supported the awareness campaign, three questioned the plan, and two insisted the vote be on record. Out of a total of 392 votes in Parliament, 146 MPs voted in support and 231 against the proposal, while four abstained, and 11 MPs did not join the ballot.

The outcome did not sit well with netizens and observers, who, along with much of the public, are concerned with the death toll–standing at 13—and the number of confirmed infections rising to 99 out of 284 suspected cases in Myanmar, according to health ministry figures on Thursday.

Some political watchers criticized the NLD majority, saying it consistently opposed proposals from opponent parties, regardless of the value of individual proposals. Ko Min Thway Thit, member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), was "really disappointed" with the decision.

"Their [NLD MPs] conduct was absolutely wrong," he said. "It should not have gone that way."

Since the virus began spreading, activist Ko Min Thway Thit has joined others in several townships in Yangon in donating medical face masks and distributing leaflets advising people on combating the flu.

He told The Irrawaddy their movement does not represent any particular organization and accepts the help of volunteers, adding that a government-run awareness campaign would be more effective than a grassroots effort like that of his team.

"They [NLD] should think separately about the issues of national interest and political interest," he said.

Political analyst U Yan Myo Thein told The Irrawaddy the government must accelerate countrywide initiatives in order to combat H1N1. As publically elected lawmakers, he said, MPs should have voted in favor to show they prioritize public interest.

The analyst concluded that NLD MPs rejected the proposal of the USDP lawmaker because the health ministry affirmed it could handle the outbreak. Lawmakers must monitor the actions of government, whether it deems those actions efficient or not, he added.

"MPs should encourage the Union Parliament to lessen the worrying of the people," said U Yan Myo Thein.

The health ministry has distributed 400,000 leaflets and 50,000 posters on the disease, held more than 1,400 awareness events and collaborated with civil society organizations across the country, according to its statement on Thursday.

The statement added that a laboratory in Japan has recognized the strain as seasonal influenza A (H1N1)pdm 09 and that it could be cured by antiviral tablets.

The health ministry has encouraged people to wear masks and wash their hands frequently, cover mouths when coughing and sneezing, and avoid crowded places.  H1N1 flu symptoms are the same as seasonal flu, including cough, fever, sore throat, stuffy or runny nose, body ache, headache, chills and fatigue.

The post Parliament Criticized on H1N1 Vote appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Three Drug Suspects Arrested After Shootout

Posted: 03 Aug 2017 04:00 AM PDT

YANGON — Three men who shot at police from their car as officers attempted to carry out a routine search in Karen State were arrested and their haul of a weapons and drugs was confiscated on Monday, according to police.

Police tried to stop the car in Kawkareik Township, but the men drove away, firing from the car, until a police car caught up and forced them to stop, said police sub-lieutenant Nay Htet Oo, who did not participate in the arrest.

One M16 rifle, three loaded magazines, a grenade with a fuse, 1,000 methamphetamine pills stamped with the letters WY, and a baseball cap bearing the logo PC were seized, added the sub-lieutenant.

At the time of reporting, it was not known if any injuries were sustained by any of the parties involved.

The car was heading from Kyone Doe Township, though the three men—Saw Hti Kwe, Ye Min, and Saw Aung Myint—are from Noe Hti Lel village in Kawkareik Township, according to police, adding that they have been remanded in custody.

"We got a cap with the 'PC' logo along with the firearms in the seizure. We are still investigating the case, and we are not yet clear if armed groups are involved in this," Nay Htet Oo told The Irrawaddy.

It was not verified whether the baseball cap belongs to the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army-Peace Council (KNU/KNLA-PC).

The splinter group was formed after the former KNLA Brigade 7 Commander Maj-Gen Saw Htay Maung was dismissed by the KNU for initiating peace talks with the Myanmar Army without the approval of the KNU central committee in 2007.

Maj-Gen Saw Htay Maung signed a peace deal with the military regime the same year and transformed Brigade 7 into the KNU/KNLA-PC.

Tun Nyein, a spokesperson of KNU/KNLA-PC, said government authorities have not yet contacted them about the seizure, but they were aware of it because of pictures widely shared on social media.

"There are many people who take advantage of the PC. There have been such cases in the past. If it is true, we'll take actions against them," Tun Nyein told The Irrawaddy.

In May, a police corporal was killed in a shooting when a group of gunmen grabbed an accused female drug dealer in Kawkareik Township as she was being returned from her trial in Hpa-an District Court.

The drug dealer is still at large, although one suspect involved in the shooting and six other alleged accomplices were arrested.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Three Drug Suspects Arrested After Shootout appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt, UNFC set for Peace Talks

Posted: 03 Aug 2017 01:23 AM PDT

YANGON — The government will hold talks with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in an effort to persuade the ethnic bloc to attend the next session of the Union Peace Conference.

The government's Peace Commission and the UNFC's Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN) are set to hold informal talks in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand on Friday.

"We'll discuss with the DPN about their [possible] participation in the next session of the conference. We'll see how we can cooperate with them. We will also coordinate so that they can join the drafting of the framework for political dialogue," member of the peace commission U Hla Maung Shwe told The Irrawaddy.

The Peace Commission led by U Hla Maung Shwe and the DPN delegation led by Nai Aung Ma Ngay already held informal talks on July 20.

On the agenda of the Friday meeting will be eight points presented by the UNFC for signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) as well as a "deed of commitment" (DoC) to attend the conference, according to the DPN.

"There is some misunderstanding between us about the DoC. And we expect the talks will be able to fix a time for official talks," said a DPN delegate.

The government invited the UNFC to attend the second round of the Union Peace Conference in May in Naypyitaw, but the UNFC did not attend the conference after the two sides failed to reach an agreement over the DoC.

The government and UNFC have not yet reached an agreement over the deployment of troops, the location of military outposts, and the inclusion of international observers in the joint ceasefire monitoring process.

The UNFC has said it would sign the NCA if its eight proposals are fulfilled, including the demand that all of its members be included as signatories to the ceasefire agreement.

The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Wa National Organization (WNO) resigned from the UNFC at the council's conference in Thailand's Chiang Mai in late June.

The coalition currently has five members—the New Mon State Party (NMSP); the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP); the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU); the Arakan National Council (ANC); and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP).

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Govt, UNFC set for Peace Talks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Energy, Finance Officials Shuffled Amid Slowing Growth

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 11:32 PM PDT

YANGON—Myanmar  has replaced its minister for energy, state media reported on Wednesday, as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's administration looks to address concerns that the enactment of vital reforms has been slow since she took power last year.

The government also appointed a new deputy finance minister and confirmed three new central bank deputy governors this week.

New foreign investment approvals have slowed since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a landslide election victory in late 2015, and gross domestic product growth—while still among the fastest in Asia—fell last year.

Analysts say the changes this week signal that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who had prioritized sealing a peace deal with the country's myriad armed groups ahead of economic reforms, is aware of growing frustration with her government's management of the economy.

Outgoing Minister of Electricity and Energy U Pe Zin Tun will be replaced by U Win Khaing, who takes the role in addition to heading the Ministry of Construction, according to an official announcement carried by state media on Wednesday.

The government inherited a power crisis, with major cities experiencing regular blackouts and only a third of the country's 53 million or so people connected to the grid. U Pe Zin Tun was a civil servant who had been retained from the previous quasi-civilian government.

"There has been a lack of overall direction and movement in Myanmar's energy and power sectors over the last year," said Jeremy Mullins, research director at Yangon-based consulting firm Myanmar Energy Monitor.

Decisions were needed on a number of large-scale energy projects—including the sensitive Chinese-backed Myitsone dam—while hefty electricity subsidies need to be culled, he said.

"Investors have been frustrated by slow processes and conflicting signals, and in the meantime the country's poor electricity situation has not improved much," he added.

The new role for Win Khaing reflected Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's "focus on electricity and roads as drivers of growth and jobs", said Yangon-based analyst Richard Horsey.

"Economy Stabilized"

On Tuesday, state media also announced the appointment of new Deputy Minister of Planning and Finance Set Aung, a foreign-trained economist and central banker who held the same role in 2012-13.

Investors and diplomats have told Reuters they privately urged Suu Kyi to make more sweeping changes to her economic team.

The personnel changes this week, however, "suggest a continuation of the government's current approach", said Horsey.

Planning and Finance Minister U Kyaw Win—who has not won the confidence of investors—remains in place, as does the central bank governor, another holdover from the previous military-backed government.

Suu Kyi's office issued a statement on Friday to mark a year since her administration announced its economic plan—a three-page document widely criticized as lacking specifics.

The statement said the new government had "stabilized" the economy and that GDP growth was "around 7 percent annually", but did not give specific growth forecast for the current fiscal year.

The World Bank estimates growth slowed from 7.3 percent in 2015-16 to 6.5 percent in the fiscal year that ended in March.

"The government's long-term economic plan will take time," U Kyaw Win said in the statement, "but will bring prosperity in which all can share."

The post Energy, Finance Officials Shuffled Amid Slowing Growth appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Abandoned Route Through India, Myanmar and China Should be Restored

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 07:33 PM PDT

A derelict border crossing steeped in history cuts across the rolling mountain ranges from India to Myanmar. It is at the junction of three distinct geographical regions: the Eastern Himalayas; the verdant floodplains fed by the Brahmaputra river; and the Patkai hills. This route meanders towards the Chindwin river, the largest tributary of the Irrawaddy, which defines the plains of Myanmar.

The Pangsau Pass stands at this border crossing between India and Myanmar, bearing witness to waves of migrations over the centuries. Across the Pangsau Pass, in the Sagaing region of present-day Myanmar, lies Pangsau village.

The residents there are a mix of ethnic Bamars, mainly considered Burmese (the dominant ethnic group in Myanmar), ethnic Tangsa Nagas who also inhabit parts of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, and some other Eastern Naga tribes.

The border pillar at the Pangsau Pass crossing. (Photo: Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman)

The nearest proper town inside Myanmar from the village is about 60 kilometers away. It is connected by a dirt road, the old Stilwell Road, which is now almost inaccessible during the rainy season.

At Pangsau Pass, every Friday is designated as "Burma Day," when the villagers can cross to India. They visit the market in Nampong to buy essential items for the week. Some people cross on foot, others on rickety motorbikes.

Indian citizens are allowed to visit Pangsau village on the 10th, 20th and 30th day of every month, on what are known as "India Days". Most Indian visitors are tourists, and there is a market held in Pangsau village on these days.

During the rainy season, the road is hard to access, but local Arunachal tourists try to cross the Pangsau Pass on their bikes. (Photo: Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman)

The Arunachal Pradesh state government and the local market coordination committee decide on these access days in consultation with the Indian Army, which patrols the border. Pangsau market sells a host of local Burmese products and vegetables, and there are local eateries with Burmese delicacies. These are mostly local leafy vegetables with sticky rice and rice noodle soups.

Indian tourists buy Burmese fern delicacies from the locals in the market on designated India Days, three times a month. (Photo: Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman)

Burmese sticky rice is very popular among the border communities in India. Many Indian tourists also visit the Lake of No Return, where several Allied Forces warplanes crashed during World War II.

Men roam in longyi, trying to sell their products. Women and children wear bright patches of thanaka on their faces, a yellowish-white cosmetic paste, made from ground bark.

The Stilwell Road was constructed under the leadership of General Joseph Stilwell of the US Army between 1942-45. It began in Ledo, Assam, and ended in Kunming, in the southwestern province of Yunnan in China, spanning 1,736 kilometres.

This provided an alternative route for Chinese soldiers fighting the invading Japanese during the concluding stages of the war.

The section of the road that links India and Myanmar has been disused ever since the war ended, and is described by the Chinese as "barely useable".

But the origins of the route go back long before Joseph Stilwell. This was the way Chaolung Sukapha, the first Ahom king, entered the plains of Assam in 1228 AD. He established the Ahom kingdom (1228-1826), which began a period of stability and prosperity in present-day Assam. Several waves of migration happened after that, and they included the six major Tai groups of Assam. The Singphos have also used the route for centuries.

The many ethnic groups of the region have this route etched in their collective imaginations. The Tai-Phakey community, which numbers about 2,000 people in Assam, migrated from Hukawng Valley in Myanmar through the Pangsau Pass. They have managed to preserve the old form of Tai language, and medieval scriptures in their Buddhist monastery.

According to several members of the community that I met during fieldwork, they have been able to preserve their cultural and linguistic heritage because the closed borders make them feel isolated from their culture. So they preserve all they have left.

This map indicates the old route from Ledo. (Photo: Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman)

As you approach Ledo, a huge billboard announces the beginning of the Stilwell Road to Kunming, installed by a former Assam minister.

This is indicative of the shared aspirations of the people of this region to open up to Myanmar and southwest China. The Pangsau Pass Winter Festival, held intermittently over the past few years, has also demonstrated strong cultural links across the region.

The main rationale for re-opening the road is connecting people across these shared borders, along with the exchange of ideas and goods. But there is less interest shown by the Indian government.

The presence of several insurgent groups in northeast India deters New Delhi from restoring the road. Some Indian insurgent groups are based across this border in Myanmar, with active cross-border operations. The Kachin insurgency against the Myanmar government is also based there.

Indian tourists wait to cross the border returning with items from the market in Pangsau village. Photo: Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman, Author provided

China has shown interest in opening up the route, but India's hesitation is also based on the fact that some part of it involves the contested territory of Arunachal Pradesh. Boundary talks between India and China about the status of Arunachal Pradesh have been going on for years now, with 19 rounds of talks completed in 2016.

It may be complicated, but it is imperative for both New Delhi and Yangon to work towards opening up the road, given China's continued strategic engagement in the Kachin region of Myanmar.

A joint development of these borderlands, which have historically been hubs of migration and exchange, will augur well for the region as a whole.

Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman is researcher in International Relations and Politics, Development Studies and Borders, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati. This article was originally published on The Conversation.

The post The Abandoned Route Through India, Myanmar and China Should be Restored appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

National News

National News


Parliament rejects e-lottery bill

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 02:03 PM PDT

Pyidaungsu Hluttaw has rejected the government-proposed Aungbarlay Lottery Bill which hopes to introduce e-lottery and provisions that would allow private-government partnership in lottery operations.

New place to view Bagan pagodas

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 02:00 PM PDT

A new place to view the world-famous Bagan pagodas will be opened this month in order to reduce the number of people going to the temples, U Soe Tint, administrator for the Nyaung Oo district, said on Tuesday.

Shops for Taungbyone Nat festival dismantled

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:55 PM PDT

Festival organisers have dismantled all shops that were set up for the annual eight-day Taungbyone Nat (Spirit Medium) festival, which was cancelled due to the H1N1 outbreak, U Khin Maung, head of Taungbyone Ferstival Organization Committee, said on Wednesday.

Heroin worth K100m seized, three women arrested

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:50 PM PDT

Herion was seized from three women who were about to take a China Air flight to Taipei and they were charged under the Narcotic Drugs Law, said a police officer from Mingaladon police station on Wednesday.

Drug safety policy by year end

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:36 PM PDT

The government will introduce the first National Drug Safety Policy by the end of this year – a crucial step to stem the rampant counterfeit drugs flooding the market and to protect consumers.

54th Gem Emporium expected to gross €500 million

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:30 PM PDT

The 54th Gem Emporium is expected to bring in €500 million (K805.04 billion) because some high-quality jade is on sale, Myanmar Gem Enterprise Director U Ye Htut said.

Myanmar’s resources fine but fast disappearing

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:28 PM PDT

Myanmar is among the few countries in the world whose natural resources exceed the requirements of its citizens, the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) said Wednesday, but it raised the alarm over deforestation, which is among the highest in the world.

Workers seek minimum wage hike amid delay in government review

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:22 PM PDT

Workers in the country are seeking an increase in the minimum wage amid a rise in the prices of basic commodities and services as the government review of the current wage faces delays.

H1N1 toll rises to 13, with 99 confirmed infections

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:13 PM PDT

The death toll from the H1N1 outbreak rose to 13, the Ministry of Health and Sports said Wednesday, adding that a total of 99 infections from the disease were confirmed, including a medical doctor and his wife.

Circular railway upgrade project to start in October

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 01:07 PM PDT

The upgrading of the Circular railway is going to start in October 2017 said Myanma Railway deputy general manager U Zaw Lwin, as part of the governent's efforts to improve public transportation.

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


STAGNATION OF PEACE PROCESS: Will listening to the people approach work?

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 08:33 PM PDT

Looking at the ongoing peace process one couldn't help but to conclude that it is indeed entering a period of stagnation and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD) is now trying an informal approach of listening to the people in the hope of turning around the situation for the better.

But before that let us look at the real prevailing situation on the ground.

The Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) could now be categorized roughly into three groups: 8 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signatory EAOs, 7 non-signatory EAOs called Federal Political and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) or Panghsang alliance that rejected the NCA or at least have asked for its amendment to be able to sign it, and 5 EAOs under the banner of United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) that are still in the process of negotiation with the government.

The signatory EAOs are not happy with the last 21st Century Panglong Conference (21CPC) and is now asking for the more credible and acceptable approach for all with accountability. In a nutshell, the second 21CPC agreed Union (Pyidaungsu) Accord, that included 37 points on economy, social, land and environment and so on, except the 8 points on political sector issues, hasn't been able to satisfy the signatory EAOs and many others. And since there were disagreement and even rejection from the part of the 8 signatory EAOs on the way the Union Accord is approved, a proposal was recently made that the Framework for Political Dialogue (FPD) should be agreed upon by all stakeholders first so that the protest situation that arose during the second 21CPC regarding the Union Accord approval could be avoided.

Kwe Htoo Win, vice-Chairman of the KNU recently said: "Some said it is not in order to decide without the approval of the FPD. Only after the whole FPD is considered by all sides and approved should we go according to the NCA that would lead to a more strengthened (robust) position."

Regarding the FNPCC it is holding its ground to negotiate with the government as a group and not separately as the latter has demanded and for weeks there has been no improvement or movement on the possibility to start the negotiation process.

And concerning another facet of ongoing negotiation process between the UNFC and the government's Peace Commission (PC), only lukewarm interest exist from the government side to make any concession on the UNFC's nine-point NCA amendment proposal, although it is agreed that the two parties would meet soon, there is little hope that any positive thing would come out of it.

UNFC's Delegation for Political Negotiation (DPN) and government's PC met on July 20 unofficially in Chiang Mai, Thailand, and is scheduled to meet for the sixth time officially but exact date has not been confirmed.

Accordingly, the first main problem area is the disagreement of tripartite dialogue setting – government plus the parliament and Tatmadaw or the Military; EAOs; and the political parties – that the UNFC wanted and the government desired five-party meeting setup that involved the government; parliament; Tatmadaw; EAOs; and the political parties.

The second one is the international participation in Ceasefire Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) in helping maintain the ceasefire agreement and to act as an enforcer or arbitrary role proposed by the UNFC which the government side couldn't agree to.

The third is the bilateral nationwide ceasefire agreement, which the Tatmadaw is said to insist that it would only cover those that had signed and would signed the NCA. In other words, as the  Northern Alliance – Burma (NA-B) would not be allowed to participate in the peace process, the war in the north of the country would go on.

Tun Zaw, first Joint Secretary of the UNFC emphasized the lukewarm situation regarding the upcoming meeting by saying: "If the government side would not changed its policy even we meet again it will not lead to an answer."

For weeks nothing has actually happened positively especially where the peace process is concerned, except the usual on and off firefights with the NA-B in Shan and Kachin States, including even the recent armed clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), that is signatory to the NCA, and the Tatmadaw or the Military.

Suu Kyi's initiatives

On July 24, State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi met with officials from the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) headed by  KBC chairman Rev Lalawk Gyung Hkawng and KBC general-secretary Dr Hkalam Samson at the National Reconciliation and Peace Centre (NRPC) in Nay Pyi Taw and discussed peace-building efforts and the condition of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kachin State, according to the State Counselor's Office.

It was speculated that because Suu Kyi has difficulties to meet the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) directly, the meeting with the KBC which has some 400,000 members became a necessity to redress the fading ethnic confidence on her and the NLD regime.

According to the news, in the process of the meeting, the KBC asked the government to look into the crisis facing internally displaced Kachin people, of which there are more than 100,000, following the breakdown of a ceasefire between the Tatmadaw and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in 2011. The representatives urged Suu Kyi's administration to set up a pilot project to deliver aid and allow for international assistance to operate in Kachin State without obstruction. The organization also asked the government to acknowledge the drug eradication campaign taking place in the region, pointing out that the production of drugs is related to political conflict.

However, although statements from both parties said the meeting between Suu Kyi and the KBC leaders was productive, resolution to halt the Tatmadaw offensive against the KIA remained elusive, according to Kachin sources. No military representatives were seen attending the meeting, although the minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement and the chairman of the peace commission were present.

Regarding the matter when  Suu Kyi asked what the barriers were in peace process, and KBC leaders replied that the assaults of Tatmadaw were barriers to peace, and they urged her government to handle this seriously. In turn she replied that as the government was still trying to amend the 2008 Constitution, they only had formal relations with the Tatmadaw according to the Constitution, and the government therefore was not in a position to exercise direct control over Tatmadaw, according to a recent report in The Irrawaddy.

Peace Process Consultation

On July 29, the government Peace Commission Chairman Dr.  Tin Myo Win, State Counselor's Office minister U Kyaw Tint Swe, and its spokesperson U  Zaw Htay, in a bit to gather views and recommendations met with participants involving peace experts, civil society members, representatives from  ethnic political parties, media practitioners, and descendants of those who signed the 1947  Panglong Agreement, in Yangon.

Political analyst Than Soe Naing suggested three important recommendations, which were to try and achieve bilateral ceasefire between government and groups currently at war, to invite  all armed ethnic groups to the peace process and to review the NCA and the peace negotiation process.

Other recommendations also included that the government hastens negotiation with the UNFC, brings in the FPNCC or Panghsang alliance into the peace process fold, nurture confidence and trust-building with the 8 NCA signatories, and above all to declare nationwide unilateral ceasefire.

Outlook

Looking at the ongoing development one could clearly see that fruitful peace process is still a long way off and stagnation have set in. Suu Kyi has also made it clear when meeting the KBC that her government cannot rein in on the Tatmadaw, so long as the military-drafted constitution is in place. In a way, she is in a desperation and that is why she is trying this "listen to the people" approach to drum up more support for her peace process deliberations.

During the first anniversary of the State Counselor Office opening on July 27, in which the Military is remarkably absent, she tried to reinterpret her election campaign slogan of "time to change" into a change of heart in each individual to cater to altruism or serve the people. It might well be, among other things, an attempt to persuade the Military to be more accommodating to the notion of all-inclusiveness and acceptance of a genuine federalism, so that the peace process could move on.

For now it is hard to speculate whether her indirect pleas would be heard in the quarter that is vested with decision-making power, which could change the peace process landscape overnight into an affirmative light, or just falls on deaf ears that would mean the continuation of war and absence of peace.


Wednesday, August 2, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Minister’s Abrupt Resignation Raises Questions

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 08:40 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The National League for Democracy (NLD) government announced the resignation of its electricity and energy minister U Pe Zin Tun on Wednesday, but the reasons for his departure remain unclear.

"He submitted the resignation of his own volition and he was allowed to do so," said President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay, declining to provide further details.

The government's official statement reiterated that the move was the minister's choice.

Unconfirmed reports state that U Pe Zin Tun's subordinates had filed a complaint about him to the Cabinet, citing his so-called "playboy lifestyle."

An official from the Ministry of Electricity and Energy spoke to The Irrawaddy on the condition of anonymity.

"Before he became a minister, he had some issues with his social life. Some people have found fault with it," he said, pointing out that U Pe Zin Tun was divorced and had not remarried.

However, he described the former minister as "an easygoing and generous man."

The current Minister of Construction, U Win Khaing, will take the helm of both ministries. A new deputy minister will be appointed to the energy sector, and the existing deputy minister, Dr. Tun Naing, will oversee the electricity sector, according to the official.

A deputy director general within the electricity and energy ministry told The Irrawaddy: "U Pe Zin Tun rarely went outside [for inspection tours]. He only sat in the office. As he didn't go outside, he could not demonstrate his performance."

He also alleged that the minister showed favoritism toward the staff in the energy section, and spent much of his time in their office, rather than that of the electricity section.

The two were separate ministries under the previous government and were only combined after the NLD came to power.

U Pe Zin Tun had taken medical leave until July 31, citing multiple health issues, said the deputy director general.

U Kyi Moe Naing, chairman of the Lower House's Electricity and Energy Development Committee told The Irrawaddy that he knew of the minister's sick leave, but that the resignation was a surprise.

"His position will be filled, and nothing much will change. Previously, it was mostly the deputy minister who came and explained the electricity issues [to the Parliament]."

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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Activists Deem Amendments to Article 66(d) ‘Ineffective’

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 07:32 AM PDT

YANGON – The Upper House approved amendments to the controversial Telecommunication Law's Article 66(d) on Wednesday in a confidential vote after a heated debate over whether it should be repealed, left alone, or modified.

Votes were held for two proposals on Wednesday, one for full termination of the online defamation statute, and another, put forward by the Upper House Bill Committee, which recommended amendments.

National League for Democracy (NLD) Upper House MP U Tin Aung Tun was among those who proposed last week that articles 66(c) and (d) be fully dismantled, pointing out that the provisions in those statutes already exist in criminal law.

U Tin Aung's proposal was largely ignored by the legislature during Wednesday's vote. Of 193 legislators present, he told The Irrawaddy that 59 voted in support, 92 objected, 23 abstained, and 19 did not attend.

"Those who failed to vote were undutiful lawmakers," U Tin Aung Tun said. "They should have at least voted on whether they liked or disliked the proposal."

NLD Upper House lawmaker U Thein Swe told The Irrawaddy that some parliamentarians went for urgent committee meetings during the vote, leading to empty ballots.

The Irrawaddy could not independently verify whether these MPs were attending crucial committee meetings at the time of the decision.

The Upper House Bill Committee's proposal preserved Article 66(d) but requires prosecutions under the law to be conducted directly by the "defamed" individual, rather than by a third party, unless that party has been granted legal power by the individual. It also allows for bail to be granted to the defendant.

In the vote on the bill committee's amendments, of 192 eligible lawmakers, 153 voted in approval, 24 voted to reject it, four abstained, and 11 were absent.

Parliamentarian U Thein Swe said he believed the article should remain in place in order to regulate problems regarding defamation in the future, and was pleased that it was not dismantled.

"It should not be completely repealed at the moment," he said.

Activist Maung Saungkha—who was himself imprisoned in 2015 for allegedly defaming former President U Thein Sein with a poem—heads a research group on prosecutions under Article 66(d). He described the changes approved by the Upper House as "ineffective."

"In my opinion, they [the NLD] are looking on as injustices occur," he told The Irrawaddy.

He explained that he had hoped that the statute—which prescribes sentences of three years for those convicted of online defamation—would be reduced to two years, so that bail would be guaranteed in line with the Criminal Code of Conduct. The terminology in the amended article, he pointed out, says bail "can" be granted, so it will be allowed at the judge's discretion.

Additionally, Maung Saungkha foresees lawsuits continuing by third parties on behalf of a defamed individual, because the NLD MPs appeared keen to keep the allowance for a third party to sue as long as they have a "representative letter."

"Currently, some ministries are releasing official announcements with a signature of the deputy minister on behalf of Union ministers. Similarly, the third party can easily get a representative letter to prosecute someone in the future," he said.

A third party lawsuit should be an exception, he explained, granted only to those deemed unable to speak for themselves, or whose identity must be concealed to protect their safety or dignity.

Myanmar's Telecommunications Law was enacted by former President U Thein Sein's government in October 2013, theoretically to regulate telecommunications operators. But in practice, the law's Article 66(d) has been used to suppress political dissidents in a number of rapidly increasing defamation lawsuits in recent years.

The article states that whoever uses a "telecommunication network to extort, threaten, obstruct, defame, disturb inappropriately influence or intimidate," can be sentenced to a maximum of three years in prison, a fine, or both.

According to Maung Saungkha's research team, there have been a total of 81 cases put forward under Article 66(d), most of which have occurred since the NLD government came to power in 2016. Civil society organizations as well as media experts have long been vocal in their concerns over abuse of the law.

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Is Media Biased Against Ethnic Armed Organizations?

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 05:51 AM PDT

Myanmar is facing one of the world's longest ongoing civil wars with at least 21 ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) fighting for equality and regional autonomy for nearly seven decades. The successive governments in Myanmar have tried, but so far failed, to reach an agreement on how to resolve the conflict through peaceful political negotiation.

The latest attempt for peace, initiated by former president U Thein Sein and inherited by the democratically elected government, could be thought of as more far reaching. After more than five years of negotiations under the current Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) peace process, most of the EAOs and the government together with the Tatmadaw agreed to work to establish a federal democratic union through negotiations. However, the NCA process still falls short of convincing the more powerful EAOs to come on board.

The inaccurate depiction by many media on the ethnic conflict, in most cases is unhelpful for the advancement of the peace process. In Myanmar, where the peace process involves a multitude of stakeholders, the role of the media and a need for precise, accurate reporting is imperative.

Both local and international media are portraying the ethnic armed organizations as firstly, being too demanding by reporting that they are fighting for "greater autonomy," as if they already have great autonomy, and secondly as being separatists, by reporting that they are engaging in "separatist conflicts."

In response to these two strands, it becomes important to ask: has the Myanmar government already given great (or some degree of) autonomy to the EAOs? Second, are the EAOs still demanding complete independence?

What is agreed in the NCA on autonomy and federalism? Article (1.a) of the NCA principles states that the parties agreed to establish a union based on the principles of democracy and federalism. But it is important to recognize that the NCA is only a roadmap to resolving the armed conflicts, it does not automatically grant autonomy and federalism. These developments would arise out of subsequent political dialogues. Therefore, it is unknown yet what degree of autonomy will be given to the regional governments and what type of federalism would eventuate.

Let's first look at the meaning of "autonomy", then examine if the EAOs actually have a great, or even some degree of autonomy, as the media suggests:

Leading dictionaries define autonomy as "the right of an organization, country, or region to be independent and govern itself" (Cambridge Dictionary); "Freedom from external control or influence; independence" (Oxford Dictionary); "legally entrenched power of communities to exercise public policy functions of a legislative, executive and/or judicial type independently of other sources of authority in the state, but subject to the overall legal order of the state" (Princeton Encyclopedia of Self-Determination).

Scholars define autonomy as a special arrangement between the center and one or two regions of a country where the center and regional government(s) share legislative power [Papagianni, 2006, p-52]; "free choice of one's own acts or states without external compulsion" [Finaud, (2009, p-9)]; "political independence of the organization when it comes to making its own decisions" [Jean d'Aspremont (2011, p-63)]; and "means of internal power–sharing aimed at preserving the cultural and ethnic character of a region or people, and providing regional democratic self–government" [Stothart, (2014, p-5)].

Evidently, 'autonomy' means the exclusive executive, legislative, and judicial power prescribed in law over matters concerning a sub-national region. While concurrent power is jointly exercised with the central authority, the autonomous authority must be able to exercise the prescribed exclusive power without interference. In this context, are there any states or divisions enjoying autonomy in Myanmar?

Many point to the United Wa State Army (UWSA) as an example of an EAO having autonomy in its controlled areas. The question is: Does the government recognize the autonomy of the UWSA? Is the autonomy legally and politically guaranteed? Is there any court the UWSA can turn to if its autonomy is questioned? Many would agree that the UWSA enjoys the current degree of autonomy because of its military might. This reasoning is reflected in the Tatmadaw's ongoing military campaigns against the Kachin Independence Army/ Organization (KIA/KIO). The KIA/KIO is often cited as another example of a group having some degree of autonomy over its controlled territories. During the last six years of war, that started in June 2011, the KIA has lost significant territorial control. What happened to its autonomy?

The point is, whatever degree of autonomy the EAOs currently have cannot be interpreted as enjoying any autonomy because it is not guaranteed legally nor politically. Genuine autonomy needs to be sustainable. In this context, the EAOs have no autonomy.

What about the legitimate State and Division governments created under the 2008 Constitution? Is there any state, division and self-administered zone or region in Myanmar which is given autonomy with exclusive power on (some) matters concerned with the territory? The rights on matters listed in the Schedule Two in the Constitution are seemingly the power of the regional authorities, which is to be exercised in accordance with the prescribed procedures. It is unclear whether the rights listed in Schedule Two are indeed the exclusive rights of the regional authorities. What is clear is that until now there is no law prescribing procedures to implement them. There are no state and division constitutions. Moreover, the states and divisions cannot even elect their chief ministers.

The State and Division governments are allowed to collect taxes on various matters within their jurisdictions but the tax revenue must be deposited to the Union Fund according to [Article 231 (a)] of the Constitution. It means that the regional governments have no financial resources at their disposal for the development of their constituencies. In other words, the regional governments can do nothing without the approval from the Union Government.

In her interview with The Irrawaddy in March 2017, Dr. Lei Lei Maw, (Chief Minister of Tenasserim Division) said that the regional government has no right to keep the revenue collected from the region concerned. The Chief Minister believes that if the regional government is allowed to keep a certain percentage of the revenue, it would allow the regional government to address some of the local needs.

The short answer to whether or not the regional governments have autonomy is that the 2008 Constitution does not even contain the word "autonomy." Therefore, the EAOs are still fighting for autonomy and federalism.

However, mainstream media and some institutional reports alike suggest that the EAOs already have great or some degree of autonomy by reporting that they are fighting for "greater autonomy." [See, for example, Amnesty International; BBC News; New York TimesDissent Magazine; Reuters; Time;DVB; Al Jazeera; Mizzima; The Diplomat.] The New York Times article goes on to say that "Their [the KIA] aim is to maintain autonomy." This reporting implies that the government has already given a great, or some, degree of autonomy to the EAOs, but they are not satisfied and want more.

In the absence of actual autonomy, such reporting thus risks being intentionally or unintentionally interpreted by the audience or readership as the government being reasonable whereas the EAOs are not. Such interpretation would give undue credit to the government but damages the reputation of the EAOs and smears their legitimate demand.

Secondly, are the EAOs really separatists? Even though none of the EAOs are demanding independence, it is very unfortunate that the media still portrays them as "separatists" by reporting them being engaged in "separatist conflicts". For example, the New York Times, The Christian Science Monitor, Nikkei Asian ReviewThe Hindu Business LineSouth East Asia GLOBE, and OilPrice.com all report that the EAOs are engaging in "separatist conflicts". This kind of reporting only reinforces the narrative of the Myanmar government (or perhaps the Tatmadaw), given it has always portrayed the EAOs as separatists.

The cited articles and journals here are not the only ones that report that the EAOs are fighting for "greater autonomy" and are "separatists". The authors and reporters may or may not have the intention to suggest the EAOs being too demanding and being separatists. However, their choice of words in these cited works certainly can be interpreted as biased against the EAOs because they misrepresent the narrative of the EAOs and discredit them. On the other hand, they give undue credit to the Myanmar government and subtly reinforce the narrative of both the government and the Tatmadaw.

The correct reporting should be that the EAOs are fighting for equality, and federal political and military structures. In principle, the EAOs are not calling for separation from the Union, rather, they want to lessen the domination of the Bamar (one of the country's ethnic groups, that makes up the majority of the population) in the administration of their regions. And ideally, they want to have a federal army, where members of ethnic communities are given equal rights. This conflict by nature is also not based on a territorial dispute, but a fight for equality under a political system acceptable for all ethnic people in Myanmar.

Yaw Bawm Mangshang is an independent observer based in Yangon. He earned an MA in Law and Diplomacy from The Fletcher School, Tufts University. This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

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Investigation Into Missing Magwe Public Funds Continues

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 05:29 AM PDT

YANGON — The Magwe Region chief minister has said that the regional auditor-general's office is examining the use of 4 billion kyats (US$2.9 million) of a missing 7.459 billion kyats ($5.5 million) in regional development funds, to find out whether it was really allocated for development projects.

The money was made up of tax revenue collected from small-scale crude oil producers and earmarked for regional development projects under the previous government, but it turned out to have disappeared during the term of the former chief minister U Phone Maw Shwe.

It was found out that 1.7 billion kyats were spent on the former ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and 1.57 billion kyats were designated for the lending firm Shwe Thukha, while the remaining 4.189 billion kyats was said to have been used for local development projects.

Dr. Aung Moe Nyo, the Magwe Region chief minister, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the ex-chief minister returned 3.27 billion kyats—the money used on the USDP and Shwe Thukha—starting from May this year, after he had been asked to pay back the embezzled funds by the end of July.

"He gave back the remaining 570 million kyats on Monday," the chief minister said, but the Union-level auditor-general instructed the divisional auditor-general's office to continue to investigate the use of the 4.189 billion kyats which it had been claimed were allocated for development.

The embezzlement investigation was launched after Lower House lawmaker U Tun Tun of Magwe's Pwintbyu Township asked the Parliament about the missing regional development funds.

U Tun Tun said he was surprised to find out that the actual missing funds totaled around 7.5 billion kyats, when at first, it was alleged that 2.8 billion kyats had been embezzled.

"I am happy, as we got back the missing public funds which should have been used for development projects," he said.

"If it was used really for regional development, it would have built new schools, dispensaries, roads and provided electricity for some areas," U Tun Tun said.

Chief minister Dr. Aung Moe Nyo said they haven't yet decided how the returned 3.27 billion kyats will be used, as the budget for this fiscal year has already been approved.

"We might use it when we need a bigger budget for repairing roads or for regional development projects. But all will be in accordance with the regulations and with the approval of the Union government," he explained.

He said the regional government had also levied 3,000 kyats per barrel of crude oil from small-scale producers starting from June 2016. It has collected about 2 billion kyats, some of which is allocated toward buying necessary vehicles for the repair of the roads in the region.

The lending firm Shwe Thukha loaned the money to those close to them with interest, U Tun Tun Tun said. But the interest that they had collected was not included in the return.

"Some were even saying that they would embezzle public funds, collect the interest that they get from loaning it or from putting it in banks, and then return it when it was found out," U Tun Tun said.

The lawmaker urged other states and division to dig into similar accusations of embezzlement, even if they are not able to take legal action because of the government's policy of "no retrospection," but that they could at least get their public funds back.

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Delta Township Reports Third H1N1 Case

Posted: 02 Aug 2017 04:05 AM PDT

NYAUNGDON, Irrawaddy Region — A three-year-old boy has become the third person in Nyaungdon Township, Irrawaddy Region, to contract H1N1 influenza.

The boy, who is from a ward just outside the township, was admitted to the local hospital at 6:30 p.m. on July 28. After being diagnosed with H1N1 flu symptoms, he was transferred to Yangon Children's Hospital.

"He had breathing problems and a high fever, so he was transferred to the children's hospital in Yangon," U Maung Maung, spokesperson of Nyaungdon Hospital, told The Irrawaddy. "Then the hospital informed us that the boy had contracted H1N1 flu."

The township health department educated the boy's family and neighbors on the disease on Tuesday and put them under medical observation, said U Maung Maung.

He said out of the other two cases in the Irrawaddy Delta township, one was a headmistress of a school in Moe Ma Kha village who died of the virus and another person is receiving treatment in Yangon, but declined to give further details.

The recent outbreak of the disease has claimed 12 confirmed deaths countrywide as of August 1.

Lower House lawmakers discussed the proposal of Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) MP U Thein Htun last Friday urging the government to boost awareness of the disease in public places.

The proposal failed, however, with 146 voting in favor, 231 against, and four abstaining.

Dr. San Shwe Win, chairman of the Lower House Health and Sports Development Committee, told the Parliament that the ministry is "carrying out its duties with complete accountability and responsibility and without pressure from any agency." He added that its actions should be recorded.

Cases of H1N1—known as swine flu—have also been recorded in the Irrawaddy Region townships of Pathein, Pyapon, Dedaye, Pantanaw and Kyonpyaw. Irrawaddy capital Pathein has had six infections—the highest rate of the region, followed by Nyaungdon.

Thirteen H1N1 cases were recorded in the region in July, and six of them were fatal, according to the regional government.

"We still don't know how the flu has transmitted to people in Nyaungdon, but we immediately go to places where the patients were found, and check if there are more people feeling sick. We have made arrangements so that the people in neighborhood [where the patient is from] can receive medical treatment immediately once they feel sick," said U Maung Maung.

H1N1 flu symptoms are the same as seasonal flu, including coughing, fever, sore throat, stuffy or runny nose, muscle pains, headache, chills, fatigue and breathing problems.

The health ministry has encouraged people to wear masks and wash their hands frequently, cover mouths when coughing and sneezing, and avoid crowded places.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Military Sues Taungoo Student Union Members

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 09:51 PM PDT

MANDALAY – The Myanmar Army filed a lawsuit against two former members of the Student Union of Taungoo, Bago Region, on Tuesday, accusing them of inciting unrest.

One of the accused, Ko Aung Htet, was arrested and is being held at a detention center for the Taungoo Township court. A warrant is out for the arrest of Ko Victor, the second individual implicated in the case, who is currently traveling and is expected to turn himself in to the police upon his return to Taungoo.

Ko Aung Htet told The Irrawaddy that he and Ko Victor have been sued by a lieutenant colonel in the Tatmadaw's Southern Command for their traditional Burmese Thangyat songs, which they composed and sang with the group Kaytu Oh-Way during the Thingyan water festival in Taungoo in April. The group's songs advocate for the amendment of the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.

"The court informed me that I needed to show up and I was arrested right away. They are going to charge us with incitement," said Ko Aung Htet over the phone, before he was sent to prison.

The two former members of the Student Union are facing charges under Article 505(b) of the Penal Code, which outlines punishments for those with "intent to cause fear or alarm […] to the public" or "induce" others to commit crimes against the state or which "disrupt public tranquility."

The crime is punishable by a maximum of two years' imprisonment, a fine, or both. Article 505(b) does not allow for bail to be granted to the defendants.

"They said we are using the graphic picture of the Constitution in flames on our parade car and on our shirts, and that five lines in our Thangyat songs pertain to the stability of political situation," said Ko Aung Htet.

"However, most of the lyrics they presented in filing the lawsuit are not our lyrics," he added. "I don't think they liked a line in our lyrics which said, 'the Student Union will not agree with the [2008] Constitution until it is amended.'"

The next court hearing for the detained activists is set for August 15.

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Troop Withdrawal Crucial for Peace in Myanmar

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 09:12 PM PDT

The Tatmadaw—Myanmar's armed forces—should withdraw its bases from ethnic regions where its presence continues to be linked to human rights violations and resource grabbing. Troop withdrawal is not to be equated with political dialogue, or the lofty goal of federalism, or a new Panglong Agreement. It is simply a basic practicality: by removing occupying Tatmadaw troops, you remove the source of conflict.

As has been seen in northern Rakhine State—where security forces' "clearance operations" in late 2016 included reported rape, murder and torture—when the Tatmadaw pursues military campaigns or economic venture in ethnic regions, the abuse of civilians inevitably occurs. The recent viral video of soldiers kicking and beating Ta'ang captives in Shan State in 2015 revealed one incident among a myriad of well-documented and severe human rights violations by the military. When these troops systematically treat ethnic people as subhuman, they prove they are capable of making any conflict worse.

The Tatmadaw, which retains significant political power in Myanmar's partially elected government, has long had economic incentives to entrench itself in resource-rich ethnic areas, from the extraction of jade and timber to the construction of petroleum pipelines. Long-running conflict in those regions has been used to justify the military's bloated numbers, creating the perceived need for more than 300,000 troops and a US$2.1 billion budget, as of the 2017-2018 fiscal year.

Yet the Tatmadaw's Commander-in-Chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, in a speech opening the 21st Century Panglong Conference in August 2016, lectured ethnic representatives that "clinging to armed struggle" was "contrary to democracy."

It is time that the senior general apply this same logic to the state's own vast military machine. Likewise, his counterparts in the civilian government should not shy away from advocating for troop withdrawal. While political and economic solutions to Myanmar's conflict have been the worthy focus of negotiations, the practical step of Tatmadaw troop withdrawal must be brought to the forefront as a crucial demand by ethnic armed groups and civil society organizations.

An Occupation

It seems counterproductive for State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to preside over 21st Century Panglong conferences when such peace negotiations have no chance of success as long as Tatmadaw presence continues in areas in which it is unwelcome.

As was seen in 2011 with the breakdown of the 17-year ceasefire between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Tatmadaw, lasting peace cannot result from agreements that leave occupying bases in place and with the potential to expand their reach.

Therefore, it is especially urgent that the Tatmadaw withdraw its forward bases from Kachin State. The ongoing war in the region has driven more than 100,000 civilians from their homes, and thousands of Tatmadaw soldiers have reportedly died. It is arguably the Myanmar government's own version of the Vietnam War, in which air power and invasion cannot overcome guerrilla fighters on their own terrain.

The American farmer and poet Wendell Berry once wrote, "people exploit what they have merely concluded to be of value, but they defend what they love." The KIO struggle is a war of defense, while the Tatmadaw is fighting a war of occupation.

The KIO has shown that it is able to provide social services in its territory; even under wartime conditions, health care, education and a civil court system are maintained, and the KIO's small-to-medium scale hydropower projects have provided electricity to the Kachin capital of Myitkyina. The KIO has secured and administered its own border with China for decades with considerable diplomacy, and has demonstrated itself to be responsive to input from civil society.

With this in mind, self-governance can be considered viable for the Kachin people. After all, to the east of Kachin State, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) is allocated an autonomous region without notable interference or military occupation by Myanmar's government.

Aggressively Forward Posture

In southeast Myanmar, the Karen National Union (KNU) is observing a ceasefire but Tatmadaw bases have remained in place. In "Ceasefires, Governance, and Development: The Karen National Union in Times of Change," a December 2016 report for The Asia Foundation, writer Kim Joliffe observed: "While the Tatmadaw has retreated from governance, it has retained an aggressively forward posture and has strengthened its facilities and infrastructure significantly."

Karens representing civil society and the KNU have recently insisted on Tatmadaw troop withdrawal in order to guarantee the safe return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees.

An October 2016 Karen Human Rights Group report, "Ongoing Militarisation in Southeast Myanmar" quoted a village leader, Saw B.: "If the Tatmadaw stay near us, the villagers have to be afraid of them… Therefore, we want the international community to help us and advocate for us so that the Tatmadaw's camp will be withdrawn."

IDPs at Ei Tu Hta settlement in Papun District of Karen State protested military occupation in May. An IDP, Naw Hsa Gay, stated, "I fled from home because of their abuses and I dare not go back. I want Burma Army troops to move out completely from our areas and burn their bases. Only then, will we dare to return."

Former Vice Chairperson of the KNU Padoh Naw Zipporah Sein told The Irrawaddy in April, "My biggest concern is the Burma Army. It should withdraw its troops from the KNU territories, especially areas near civilians' homes."

Troop withdrawal, she pointed out, is something that she had advocated for since 2012, and which they believed would be carried out after the KNU signed the 2015 nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). More than a year later, she commented, "no one mentions it."

Demands for Tatmadaw troop withdrawal from other ethnic areas are increasing. In Karenni State, a June statement by the Karenni Civil Society Network made clear their "calls to the Burmese government to start withdrawing Burma Army troops from Karenni State and close down the No.14 military training centre in order to build trust in the peace process."

Few of the Myanmar armed forces' current bases in ethnic regions are located on international borders; most are in areas endowed with minerals, timber, plantation land, or petroleum transport routes. Tatmadaw troops are positioned there to assert control of those resources, which often involves committing violence against local people. The stationing of Tatmadaw troops in ethnic regions is expensive, exploitive and has caused immense harm to generations of civilians. If Myanmar is to progress toward a peaceful and just society, this military occupation must end.

Edith Mirante is founder of Project Maje (distributing information on Burma since 1986) and author of "The Wind in the Bamboo: Journeys in Search of Asia’s 'Negrito' Indigenous Peoples."

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Ten Things to do in Yangon This Week (Aug. 1 – Aug. 7)

Posted: 01 Aug 2017 07:51 PM PDT

Reggae Night | Aug. 2

Reggae Night music festival featuring singer Saw Po Khwar starts at Vintage Luxury Yacht Hotel. Reggae lovers can attend free of charge.

Aug. 2, 7:30 pm, Vintage Luxury Yacht Hotel. Free admission.

Commemoration for Late Writer Taryar Min Wai | Aug. 5

The commemoration of the tenth anniversary of the death of writer Taryar Min Wai is scheduled at the Yangon Book Plaza in Lanmadaw Township on Saturday. Literary talks and poem recitations in remembrance of the late writer will be held. A book on Taryar Min Wai will also be distributed at the event.

Aug. 5, 1:30 pm, Yangon Book Plaza, Lanmadaw Township.

Friday in Black: Myay Pae Yo Concert | Aug. 4

A concert by the Myay Pae Yo band—with vocals by actor Min Maw Kun—is scheduled at Yangon Yangon Bar in the Sakura Tower on Friday. The band will perform new songs as well as old hits. The dress code is black.

Aug. 4, 8:00 pm until late, Yangon Yangon Bar, rooftop of Sakura Tower, 339 Bogyoke Aung San Road, Kyauktada Township. Tickets: 10,000 kyats, including a glass of beer.

Melia Love Story Wedding Fair | Aug. 5 – 6

Melia Love Story Wedding Fair will showcase wedding accessories, hair and makeup, and bridal fashion. It will be held at the Melia Hotel on Saturday and Sunday. Artists and models will participate in the event, which also includes lucky draws.

Aug. 5 – 6, 10:00 am – 6:00 pm, Melia Hotel Ballroom. RSVP Thu Thu Aung at +95 996461184 or email thuthu.aung@melia.com

S8it Art Exhibition | Aug. 4 – 8

This art exhibition, featuring the work of eight artists, is open to the public at the Bo Aung Kyaw Gallery on Bo Aung Kyaw Street in Kyauktada Township for five days, beginning Friday.

Aug. 4 – 8, Bo Aung Kyaw Gallery, No. 287/289 (First Floor), Bo Aung Kyaw Street, Kyauktada Township.

 

Lethwei Match | Aug. 6

A traditional lethwei bareknuckle fight between Myanmar's Soe Lin Oo and Polish Muay Thai boxer Artur Saladiak kicks off at Theinphyu Sports Stadium at 2:00 pm on Sunday.

Aug. 6, 2:00 pm, Theinphyu Stadium. Tickets range from 10,000 to 30,000 kyats and are available at 09 764006920.

 

 Bago Artists 2017 Art Exhibition | Aug. 2 – 6

Bago Artists 2017, an art exhibition featuring the work of artists from Bago Region using various forms of media, is open to the public at the gallery of the Painting and Sculpture Association (Central) at Bogyoke Market from Tuesday until Sunday.

Aug. 2 – 6, Painting and Sculpture Association, Bogyoke Market.

 

Seikkuchocho Bookhouse Anniversary Sale | Aug. 1 – 13

The 18th Anniversary of the Seikkuchocho (Sweet Ideas) Bookhouse is being held in Annawa Prayer Hall on Kyartawya Street at the eastern stairway of the Shwedagon Pagoda from Aug. 1 until Aug. 13. Books will be sold at special discounted prices, and gifts will be offered.

Aug. 1 – 13, Annawa Prayer Hall, Kyartawya Street.

Monsoon Myanmar Arts and Crafts Exhibition | July 19 – Sept. 30

The monsoon season arts exhibition, featuring works by artists, sculptors and craftsmen of lacquerware is being held at the Waterboom in Shukhinthar (Pleasant Scenery) in Dawbon Township through the end of September. Paintings, sculptures, lacquerware and assorted handicrafts are on sale at the event.

July 19 – Sept. 30, Waterboom, Dawbon Township.

 

 Traditional Variety Show | Aug. 4 – 5

The rainy season weekly traditional variety shows of Tin Maung San Min Win and Min Shwe Yaung Tin are scheduled at 7:00 pm on Friday and Saturday every week at Myaw Sin Island.

Aug. 4 – 5. Myaw Sin Island, Kandawgyi. Tickets are available at 09-7922866370.

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