The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- In the Wake of Rakhine State Crisis, Support for Suu Kyi is (Almost) Solid
- US State Dept Official to Visit Rakhine
- Ethnic Bloc Denounces ARSA
- Myanmar UN Rep Objects to UN Chief’s Terms for Rakhine Issue
- Media Law Charges Dropped Against Voice Daily Editor and Columnist
- No Soft Touch
- Confiscated Land Returned to Farmers in Magwe
- UN Chief, Security Council Call on Myanmar to End Violence
- News Analysis: Myanmar’s State Counselor on a Dangerous Tightrope
- Aung Myint Turns Everyday Objects into Art
- Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is Still Myanmar’s Best Hope
- Yawnghwe Haw in Shan State
| In the Wake of Rakhine State Crisis, Support for Suu Kyi is (Almost) Solid Posted: 14 Sep 2017 07:47 AM PDT Political life in Myanmar is like a roller coaster ride: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) administration have faced ups and downs since they came into power. The irony is that since the situation in Rakhine State escalated further in recent weeks, she has garnered much needed support inside the country. Is it because the public is worried that the military will stage a coup to justify its role as safeguarding the nation and its sovereignty? There are two schools of thought on this. First, some political observers have produced a conspiracy theory—note that there is no shortage of these nowadays in Myanmar—that as the country faces more instability, military leaders are prepared to step into national leadership. Even some veteran NLD members expressed concern that a coup is inevitable as the situation in northern Rakhine remains a great concern, with pressure mounting and opposition parties asking the military to step in. Some have even gone further, saying that the country is witnessing the same scenario as in 1958, when Prime Minister U Nu invited Gen Ne Win to form the military-led Caretaker Government. Will there be a repeat of this move? The political instability in the country at that time, and the serious split within the ruling party the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League forced U Nu to reach a compromise with Gen Ne Win, then the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, to hand over power with the promise of holding free and fair elections in the near future. Gen Ne Win, a member of the legendary "Thirty Comrades," was arguably already planning to take state power. Ne Win became prime minister, but as he promised, he held a free and fair election in 1960, which U Nu won. Two years later, he staged a coup and threw U Nu and his cabinet ministers in prison. This scenario is unlikely to be repeated, critics of this theory argue. The second theory is that the army has a contingency plan to take control of the country in case of an emergency, as is mandated in the 2008 Constitution, but there is a process required. Only the President—U Htin Kyaw—can declare a state of emergency after consulting and coordinating with the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services and Home Affairs. This declaration must be submitted to the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC) for approval as soon as possible, according to Constitution. It should be noted that under the current administration, regular NDSC meetings do not take place. Whatever the case, the commander-in-chief—Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing—would have sovereign power, but he would have to seek NDSC approval to extend the emergency period six months or more. He also has to report to an emergency session of the Union Parliament. This scenario is likely if the country is perceived as facing a serious emergency situation or a formidable threat to sovereignty. Thus, looking at the increasing instability and the derailing of the current peace process, some critics say that the NLD government has been sabotaged and undermined. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi still enjoys public support. So a coup is unlikely. Under the Constitution, the army has 25 percent of the parliamentary representation and controls key ministries of defense, border and home affairs. It is a hybrid power-sharing government structure that some former military leaders claim can prevent a military coup like the one Myanmar experienced in the past.  Who Is More Powerful: Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing or Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? Under the 2008 Constitution, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is more powerful than Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is now de facto leader of the government. The army chief can order and mobilize troops under his command. In the case of Rakhine, he sent troops to the state's northern townships weeks before Muslim militants launched attacks on police and military targets on Aug. 25. It was assumed that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not consulted in advance, but informed through high-ranking government officials. This means that the State Counselor has neither control nor influence over the military. But if the President holds regular NDSC meetings, the issue of sending troops can be discussed. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is loyal to the armed forces and the country, and his duty is to protect the sovereignty of the state. However, some observers have suggested that he may have his own political ambitions. As army leaders intend to remain in politics for the foreseeable future, it is impossible to conclude that the military will be removed from this sphere—they are likely to persist. Therefore, Min Aung Hlaing may contest the next national elections in 2020 and become head of state. But still, it is unclear under what political platform he would run, if not under the former ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Does the Army Still Need Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? The relationship between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing is at odds, which does not help the situation in Rakhine State. Due to a lack of strategic thinking, coordination and packaging, the diplomatic offensive by the government and the military to counter an onslaught of international pressure and media has been appalling. But many, including critics of the State Counselor, have asked if not for Aung San Suu Kyi, who would defend the country? If Min Aung Hlaing were mandated a politician, could he defend the nation on the international stage and at the UN? The US, for instance, has been looking into the situation with keen interest and with the suggestion of placing pressure on Myanmar. It continues to engage with the government to make progress in Rakhine State, but has expressed concern over the military's action and behavior in the region. The possible expansion of military-to-military engagement between the two countries is now in doubt. If Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and future military leaders need this shift in US policy to be realized, they will require Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's blessing. A former democratic icon and a veteran politician, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has friends around the globe and goodwill ambassadors who will act on her behalf—friends who understand Myanmar's complex power structure, and have a balanced and nuanced, if not deep, knowledge of ongoing conflicts in the country. The Myanmar Army's generals still lack a sufficient number of allies to back them up. With Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at the forefront of the country, the irony is that she somehow serves as a shield to deflect serious international pressure and threats of sanctions from Western governments. The army leaders know this—their image and legitimacy was enhanced in the week initially following the August attacks, but it has appeared to slip in the period since then. However, informed sources close to the inner circle of both the government and military say there is sympathy from the army and its members' families toward Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as they feel she has been portrayed unfairly in the international spotlight. It should be noted that Myanmar citizens, like those of other countries, are proud patriots. When the UN and Western media criticized former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe, many inside and outside the country rallied around these calls, because they knew that his regime needed to be overthrown. This time it is different: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is no Than Shwe. Likely because of pressure from the UN and reporting on Rakhine State which is perceived as one-sided, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been singled out to be denounced. However, public support for her today is strong domestically, a change from previous months in which critics questioned ger government's direction, the stalled peace process and economic policies. Within Myanmar, many are alarmed by the return of ultranationalist monk U Wirathu as a public figure in the wake of the attacks. The possible outbreak of anti-Muslim riots and rising tension in central Myanmar have also played a factor in many reaching the realization that the administration needs support at this time. What about the USDP and its allies? It is safe to say that the public doesn't want this party to return to power in the near future. The USDP's aggressive push for the military to take a tough stance in Rakhine State was met with strong disapproval from the public. Many netizens have stated on social media that the crisis in Rakhine State should serve to unify the nation and the people. It should also aid in realizing common ground between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the army's commander-in-chief—the nation's strength lies within, not outside. Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. The post In the Wake of Rakhine State Crisis, Support for Suu Kyi is (Almost) Solid appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| US State Dept Official to Visit Rakhine Posted: 14 Sep 2017 07:34 AM PDT YANGON — Diplomatic sources close to the US Embassy in Yangon confirmed to The Irrawaddy that Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Southeast Asia Patrick Murphy will land in Myanmar on Monday and is scheduled to travel to conflict-torn northern Rakhine State. Officials declined to comment on whether Murphy would pay a visit to border towns Buthidaung and Maungdaw, where thousands of houses have been burned in recent weeks, most belonging to Muslims. Patrick Murphy reportedly intends to meet with Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu, Arakan National Party (ANP) politicians, businesspeople, civil society representatives, and members of the Muslim community in state capital Sittwe's Aung Mingalar quarter. ANP secretary U Tun Aung Kyaw said that they have not received any information about a visit by Murphy. He said the party's leaders and lawmakers would determine whether to meet with the Deputy Assistant Secretary. CNN reported on Thursday that Murphy had summoned Myanmar's ambassador to the US, U Aung Lynn, and expressed deep concern about recent violence in Rakhine State, including against the self-identifying Rohingya, a term considered contentious by the Buddhist majority, who refer to the population as "Bengali." The Irrawaddy phoned Rakhine State government officials about the visit, but were unable to reach them at the time of reporting. Murphy is likely to address mass displacement over the last month: according to UN estimates, around 400,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslim refugees are living in makeshift shelters in Bangladesh's Teknaf District, across the border from Rakhine State. The Myanmar government announced that 30,000 Arakanese Buddhists and local Hindus have sought refuge in community halls, government schools, Buddhist monasteries and villages under the protection of state security forces. Maungdaw Township has 272 Muslim villages—of these, residents of 145 have fled to Bangladesh, many of their communities destroyed by arson. Recent figures suggest that 179 villages remain intact. Before violence erupted in Buthidaung, it had 175 Muslim villages. Residents of 12 villages have fled, as have those from 19 villages in Rathedaung Township. But it is unclear whether the villagers have crossed the western border or are internally displaced and relying on assistance from other remaining Muslim villages in the region. According to government statistics, nearly 4,300 displaced Buddhists, Hindus and Arakanese sub-ethnic residents from 25 villages returned to their homes this week. The post US State Dept Official to Visit Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 14 Sep 2017 05:32 AM PDT CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a bloc of five ethnic armed groups, has denounced the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). During a two-day meeting in northern Thailand's Chiang Mai on Sept. 11-12, the alliance discussed the Rakhine conflict in addition to its current talks with the government on the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). When asked about the bloc's views on ARSA, an emerging group whose Aug. 25 attacks on police stations triggered an army crackdown leading to a mass exodus, UNFC chairman and New Mon State Party (NMSP) vice chairman Nai Hong Sar said, "We do not acknowledge the ARSA, as its operations appeared to be violent." The UNFC also comprises the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), the Arakan National Council (ANC), and the Shan State Progress Party (SSPP). Four other members resigned earlier this year. "We also worry about the ARSA's possible movement in Mon State, as the state is open to the [Andaman] sea," Nai Hong Sar said, adding that the same security measures that have been taken in Irrawaddy Region should be taken in Mon State. The ARSA claims its fight is to achieve basic rights for self-identifying Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority that has seen more than 400,000 of its members flee to Bangladesh in recent weeks, according to the UN, escaping alleged indiscriminate killing, rape and arson by Myanmar security forces. However, reports of ARSA militants killing civilians and carrying out arson have fueled the domestic image of it as a "terrorist organization," a label approved by the government. Some 30,000 ethnic Arakanese were displaced in Rakhine State because of the conflict it sparked. ARSA's announcement of a one-month ceasefire on Sept. 10 was met with the Myanmar government's spokesman tweeting that the government "does not negotiate with terrorists." The group has stated it does not target civilians and rejected any affiliations to transnational jihadist groups, saying in a press release on Thursday it "does not welcome" the involvement of those groups in Rakhine. Surrounding the violence is a persisting debate over the name for the self-identifying Rohingya, who are referred to as "Bengalis" by most in Myanmar, inferring they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. "We do not recognize the term 'Rohingya'," said Nai Hong Sar. UNFC would not include ARSA in its "all-inclusive" peace talks, he added. Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) vice chairman Tar Jode Jar told The Irrawaddy that ARSA is on a "totally different" path to other ethnic armed groups. He echoed claims widely circulated in Myanmar that the problems in Rakhine problems are the result of previous governments' negligence. Muslims were issued white cards—temporary citizenship papers—in Rakhine in return for votes in the discredited 2010 election, he said. UNFC is negotiating to sign the NCA on the basis of its eight-point proposal. But government talks with the UNFC and another bloc, the Northern Alliance, have made little progress, partly because the Tatmadaw rejects the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, TNLA and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). All four of these groups were labeled as "terrorist" organizations in the Shan State parliament in December 2016. Thu Thu Aung contributed to this report. The post Ethnic Bloc Denounces ARSA appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Myanmar UN Rep Objects to UN Chief’s Terms for Rakhine Issue Posted: 14 Sep 2017 05:24 AM PDT YANGON — Myanmar's ambassador and permanent representative to the UN has objected to the top UN human rights official regarding his choice of words to describe the situation in the country's restive Rakhine State. "The terms 'crimes against humanity' and 'ethnic cleansing' carry very serious connotations," complained Myanmar ambassador and permanent representative to the UN U Htin Lynn as he spoke on Tuesday at the 36th session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva after UN chief Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein used the terms in his address the previous day. "They can only be used in the most responsible manner and founded on legal and judicial determinations," insisted U Htin Lynn. The UN human rights commissioner on Monday urged Myanmar to end brutal security operations against the self-identifying Rohingya in Rakhine State, calling it "a textbook example of ethnic cleansing." "Democratic Myanmar shall never tolerate such atrocities," said U Htin Lynn, as he raised an objection to those terms on behalf of the Myanmar government. "Using such terms imprudently without concrete evidence will tarnish the credibility of the office, fan the flames on the ground, widen polarization between relevant communities and mislead the international community," he said. As the UN predicts that some 400,000 people have fled to Bangladesh since Aug. 25, U Htin Lynn said they are fleeing out of fear of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army –declared a terrorist organization by the Myanmar government after it attacked 30 police outposts last month – and not because of military security clearance operations. "ARSA is inciting people to leave their homes by giving them false hope of resettlement in a third country," he said. He also reaffirmed the Myanmar government's commitment to implementing the recommendations of Kofi Annan's Rakhine State Advisory Commission. The post Myanmar UN Rep Objects to UN Chief's Terms for Rakhine Issue appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Media Law Charges Dropped Against Voice Daily Editor and Columnist Posted: 14 Sep 2017 03:40 AM PDT YANGON — Bahan Township court dropped the charge of Article 25(b) of the Media Law against The Voice Daily chief editor U Kyaw Min Swe and satirist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing on Thursday, after the military withdrew the cases. But the chief editor's charge under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law remains to be dropped despite having been withdrawn, his legal adviser U Khin Maung Myint told The Irrawaddy. The military plaintiff Lt-Col Lin Tun withdrew the charges under Article 25(b) of the Media Law against the pair and Article 66(d) of Telecommunications Law against the chief editor, which had been opened, at Thursday's court hearing. The court dropped the Media Law charges but the 66(d) charge needs further legal remark from the Bahan Township police station, which has been waiting for the Ministry of Transport and Communications to remark on the case since Sept. 1. The dismissal of the cases came after the commander-in-chief's announcement that the military would withdraw cases against six journalists and two activists. The Burmese language publication's chief editor U Kyaw Min Swe and regular satire columnist Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing, also known by his pen name British Ko Ko Maung, were arrested on June 2. The pair was charged under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law and then Article 25(b) of the Media Law for allegedly defaming the military in a satirical article. Ko Kyaw Zwa Naing was later released and acquitted of violating Article 66(d) on June 16. The chief editor was released on bail on August 4. The court will rule to drop the 66(d) charge at the next court hearing on Sept. 29. The post Media Law Charges Dropped Against Voice Daily Editor and Columnist appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 14 Sep 2017 02:34 AM PDT The women of Myanmar have always been a force to reckon with. When thousands of men were imprisoned or forced to flee the country during the 1988 Uprising, they stood by their families while reinforcing the leadership of the weakened opposition. They came to the forefront once again during the Saffron Revolution, when the authorities arrested 88 Generation student leaders in September 2007. In this cover story first published in October, 2007 print issue of The Irrawaddy Magazine, Kyaw Zwa Moe, the editor of the magazine (English edition), writes about women's involvement to combat and promote democracy in Burma. As the mother of a four-month-old baby, Nilar Thein should be at home now, caring for her little daughter. Instead, she's a fugitive with a price on her head, in hiding from Burmese government forces desperate to silence her and other outspoken activists. For Nilar Thein, 35, it was a clear choice—whether to remain silent in the interests of her family or to join in the movement to bring democracy to Burma, knowing she risked jail and separation from her baby. She took the second course of action, believing that in the long run it would benefit her daughter far more than if she had done nothing. By working for democratic change in Burma, she hoped to "bring about a bright future for my daughter," Nilar Thein told The Irrawaddy from her hiding place.  "Only if we end this bad system will the future of Burma's people, including my daughter's, be bright," she said. "I love my daughter. I had to leave her, but I believe she will later understand why." Nilar Thein fled into hiding when authorities rounded up leaders of the recent demonstrations against the government's latest round of severe price increases. Her husband Kyaw Min Yu (aka Jimmy), was arrested and imprisoned, along with more than 100 other activists. The young mother wasn't the only woman to risk the wrath of the authorities and to place her family and her livelihood in jeopardy. Dozens of women from the 88 Generation Students group and the opposition National League for Democracy braved the taunts and brutality of thugs who broke up their peaceful demonstrations. Among them was Mie Mie, mother of two children and a member of the 88 Generation Students group, as well as HIV/AIDS activist Phyu Phyu Thin, labor rights leader Su Su Nway and Naw Ohn Hla of the NLD.  Women have always been in the forefront of efforts in Burma to combat oppression and promote democracy, but their involvement has grown deeper and stronger since the late 1990s. They have shown themselves ever more ready to confront the authorities and defy successive crackdowns. Their place in the pro-democracy struggle took on new importance when thousands of Burma's menfolk were imprisoned or forced to flee the country at the time of the 1988 uprising. With compassion and total dedication they stood by their families while reinforcing the leadership of the weakened opposition movement—a truly heroic undertaking. "An idea or action tends to come out of a feeling or suffering," said respected Burmese author Kyi Oo. "They [Burmese women] have faced hardships and lengthy imprisonment. Their unusual dedication and sacrifice came out of such hardships." The 83-year-old veteran author of several books on Burma's women expressed admiration for the efforts of Nilar Thein and her fellow activists, Phyu Phyu Thin, Mie Mie, Su Su Nway and Naw Ohn Hla. Nilar Thein's struggle for a just society is rooted in her experience of the 1988 uprising, when she witnessed how government soldiers killed, beat and arrested demonstrators outside her Rangoon home. "I still hear those voices in my ears and see those scenes in my mind," she said. "I desperately want to get rid of this evil system." During a 1996 demonstration, Nilar Thein was prompted to slap Rangoon's police chief, who repeatedly ordered his troops to beat her. The police officers at first ignored the order, but when she slapped the police chief she was thrown into a vehicle and driven away to jail. She was sentenced to three years imprisonment for slapping the police chief and to a further seven for her political activities.  Nilar Thein spent eight years and nine months in two notorious prisons, Insein and Tharawaddy. She emerged from jail with her spirit unbroken and her determination to work for democracy as strong as ever. "The benevolence of those young women towards the country is invaluable," said Kyi Oo. Nilar Thein also appears to be invaluable to the authorities, who have offered a reward of several hundred thousand kyat for her capture. Photographs of her and other wanted activists have been widely distributed by the security forces, whose lack of success in tracking most of them down speaks volumes for the amount of popular support the fugitives enjoy. The wanted activists were even able to continue their campaign by telephone from their hiding places until the authorities blocked their numbers and those of their activist contacts. In one phone conversation, HIV/AIDS activist Phyu Phyu Thin, 35, explained why young women with families to care for were so actively engaged in the struggle. Their feminine nature, their "sympathy and emotion," drove woman to "sacrifice," she said. Phyu Phyu Thin was first arrested in September 2000, along with 30 women members of the NLD, when they gathered at Rangoon railway station to say farewell to party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was heading to upper Burma. The group spent the next four months and four days in an annex of Rangoon's Insein Prison.  Win Maw Oo, a 15-year-old Rangoon student, is rushed to hospital by two medics after being shot by the junta's troops during the 1988 Uprising. She later died. (Photo: Scanned from The Irrawaddy Magazine) Like Nilar Thein before her, Phyu Phyu Thin's resolve to fight official misrule and injustice remained unshaken after her time in prison. She determined to devote her entire life to the pro-democracy movement. The junta's attempt to break her spirit had misfired—"That's their mistake," Phyu Phyu Thin laughed. Before her arrest she had worked only occasionally at the NLD headquarters. After her prison experience, she rarely missed a single day. That prison experience transformed her feminine compassion and emotion into a stronger commitment. She recalled such injustices as the case of three sisters who played no part in politics but who had been sent to prison because their brother had participated in an anti-junta demonstration in Japan. Phyu Phyu Thin has won many sympathizers because of her work with HIV/AIDS patients, and when she was arrested again last May they demonstrated successfully for her release. During last month's demonstrations she was sheltered by one patient, who told her: "You shouldn't be arrested." Over the past five years, Phyu Phyu Thin has cared for about 1,500 patients who were neglected by the state. The number of women political prisoners in Burma exceeds 50, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). The association estimates that since the 1988 uprising, more than 500 women have served prison terms because of their political involvement. The roots of women's involvement in politics and power-wielding in Burma go very deep, reaching back several centuries.  In the Pagan era, from the 11th to the 13th century, Queen Pwa Saw's just reign won the affection and respect of male rulers. Queen Shin Saw Pu, who ruled the Mon Kingdom from 1453 to 1472, was also famous for her effective governance. Two queens of the Konbaung period (1752-1885)—Nanmadaw Me Nu and Sin Phyu Ma Shin—won respect for their strong will and effective involvement in government. Burma's last queen, Supayalat, exercised great power over King Thibaw and worked closely with ministers in managing the affairs of state. Women took to the battlefield in early military encounters with British colonialists. At the time of the First Burma War in 1824, the courage of ethnic Shan women won the admiration of a British officer, Major Snodgrass, who wrote about the 1825 battle of Wethtikan in his book "Narrative of the Burmese War": "These warrior women wore armor and as they rode their horses bravely, spoke words of encouragement to the soldiers…one of the fair Amazons also received a fatal bullet in the breast." At the start of the 20th century, the anti-colonial movement was strengthened by the participation of educated women. In 1919, female intellectuals established Burma's first national women's organization, Konmari, and one year later student members of the group joined in the first university boycott against the British. Opposition to British colonialism was also the agenda of other women's organizations, such as the Myanmar Amyothamii Konmari Athin (Burmese Women Association) and the Patriotic Women's Association. Taking a lead from their menfolk, who adopted the honorific Thakhin, meaning master, in an act of open defiance to the British, women came to call themselves Thakhinma. A number of women were jailed for their political activity. Thakhinma Thein Tin achieved fame for her defiance of the British and was among the first group of five women to be imprisoned. As opposition to British rule grew, Burmese women began to claim a place in the international arena. The National Council of Women of Burma, founded in 1931, successfully pressured the British government to admit a Burmese woman delegate to a special Burma roundtable conference in London. The council's choice was Mya Sein, an author, teacher and mother, known as M.A. Mya Sein because of the master of arts degree she had obtained from Oxford University. Earlier in 1931, she was selected as one of the two representatives for women across Asia for the League of Nations, the world organization that preceded the United Nations. At the London roundtable, Mya Sein called on the British government to enact a law guaranteeing equal rights for women in Burma. In 1929, Hnin Mya was elected Burma's first woman senator. Another distinguished female senator, Dr Saw Hsa, elected in 1937, was made a Member of the British Empire, a prestigious civil honor.  In 1953, five years after Burma gained independence, another leading woman politician, Ba Maung Chain, was chosen as a minister to represent Karen State, Burma's first (and only) woman minister. The role of women in Burmese politics diminished following the 1962 military coup that brought Ne Win to power. Women became little more than puppets in the male-dominated administration. The period between 1962 and 1988, when Ne Win relinquished power after a national uprising, can be seen as a feminine "dark age" in Burma. Under the current military regime, women haven't fared much better, and none occupies any high position in government. The year 1988, however, did see the arrival on the political stage of a charismatic female leader—Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of independence hero Aung San. She became the focus of a nationwide movement for political change and was adopted as a role model for progressive young people in Burma. Nilar Thein and Phyu Phyu Thin both name Suu Kyi (or "auntie," as they affectionately call her) as their role model. Like them, Suu Kyi sacrificed family and a secure home life for the cause of justice and freedom. Suu Kyi declined the opportunity to live abroad with her British husband, Michael Aris, and their two children, choosing house arrest in Rangoon instead. When her husband died she declined to leave the country to attend his funeral, fearing that she would not be allowed to return. She hasn't seen her two sons for a number of years. "The dawn rises only when the rooster crows," Suu Kyi declared in a video-recorded speech to an NGO Forum on Women in Beijing in 1995, quoting an old Burmese proverb. "It crows to welcome the light that has come to relieve the darkness of night." Then she added: "It is not the prerogative of men alone to bring light to this world. Women with their capacity for compassion and self-sacrifice, their courage and perseverance, have done much to dissipate the darkness of intolerance and hate, suffering and despair. "Many of my male colleagues who have suffered imprisonment for their part in the democracy movement have spoken of the great debt of gratitude they owe their womenfolk, particularly their wives, who stood by them firmly, tender as mothers nursing their newly born, brave as lionesses defending their young." Suu Kyi referred to the results of scientific research to argue that women were perhaps better able than men to solve issues without conflict. One study found that women were better than men at verbal skills, while men tended towards physical action. "Surely these discoveries indicate that women have a most valuable contribution to make in situations of conflict, by leading the way to solutions based on dialogue rather than on viciousness or violence," Suu Kyi suggested. Women like Suu Kyi and those now in hiding from the authorities can certainly claim the moral high ground in the current political crisis in Burma. Their compassion for the victims of a male-dominated, repressive regime is seen as an important political weapon. "I love my daughter, but I also need to consider mothers fleeing with their children and hiding in jungles, such as in Karen State because of the civil war," said Nilar Thein. "My suffering is very small compared to theirs. "Compared to their children, my daughter still has a secure life with her grandparents, even though I'm not there." By allowing concern for one's own family to divert attention from the hardships of others "we will face more terrible suffering in the future," Nilar Thein said. "And then my daughter will not be able to enjoy a good life." The post No Soft Touch appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Confiscated Land Returned to Farmers in Magwe Posted: 13 Sep 2017 11:57 PM PDT MANDALAY – More than 2,600 acres of land confiscated by the defense ministry in 2000 was returned to some 300 farmers in Myaing Township, Magwe Region on Tuesday. "A committee led by vice president U Henry Van Thio came to return the land to its original owners, the farmers," said local Lower House parliamentarian U Aung Khin Win. The land was confiscated under the justification that the Ministry of Defense would build a facility in the area. When Maj Sai Thein Win defected in 2010 and leaked news of construction of a secret weapon factory on the confiscated land, the project was cancelled. "The land was handed over to the Ministry of Science and Technology in 2010 and then the Ministry of Education in 2015," explained U Aung Khin Win. "The Ministry of Education is planning to use about 480 acres, so the rest was returned to the original owners," he said. About 350,000 acres of land was confiscated, mainly by the Ministry of Defense, in Magwe Region with much of the land later being transferred to other ministries. Land rights activists have accused ministries of being weak in cooperating with the local committee reviewing and returning confiscated land. "The related departments who work with the committee take to checking documents and returning lands to the farmers," said Ko Aung Kyaw Kyaw, a local land rights activist working with the committee. Some 50,000 acres of land in Magwe Region has been returned to its original owners, according to the committee. The post Confiscated Land Returned to Farmers in Magwe appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| UN Chief, Security Council Call on Myanmar to End Violence Posted: 13 Sep 2017 10:25 PM PDT UNITED NATIONS & LONDON — UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and the UN Security Council on Wednesday urged Myanmar authorities to end violence against the country’s self-identifying Rohingya Muslims that has forced some 400,000 people to flee to Bangladesh. Guterres said the situation in Myanmar's western state of Rakhine was best described as ethnic cleansing. "When one-third of the Rohingya population had to flee the country, could you find a better word to describe it?" he told a news conference. "I call on the Myanmar authorities to suspend military action, end the violence, uphold the rule of law, and recognize the right of return of all those who had to leave the country," said Guterres, adding that he had spoken several times with Myanmar's national leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The exodus of refugees, sparked by the security forces' fierce response to a series of Rohingya militant attacks on Aug. 25, is the most pressing problem Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has faced since becoming leader last year. The government says it is targeting "terrorists," while refugees say the offensive aims to push Rohingya out of Myanmar. The 15-member Security Council met behind closed doors on Wednesday, at the request of Sweden and Britain, to discuss the crisis for the second time since it began and agreed to publicly condemn the situation. The council "expressed concern about reports of excessive violence during the security operations and called for immediate steps to end the violence in Rakhine, de-escalate the situation, re-establish law and order, ensure the protection of civilians … and resolve the refugee problem." British UN Ambassador Matthew Rycroft said it was the first statement from the Security Council on Myanmar in nine years. Such statements have to be agreed by consensus and Russia and China have traditionally protected Myanmar from any action. Myanmar said last week it was negotiating with Russia and China to ensure they blocked any censure by the Security Council over the violence in Rakhine State. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has canceled a trip to the UN General Assembly in New York next week to deal with the crisis. Rycroft said two high-level meetings on Myanmar were due to be held during the gathering of world leaders at the United Nations. "The humanitarian situation is catastrophic," Guterres said. "This is a dramatic tragedy. People are dying and suffering in horrible numbers and we need to stop it." On Wednesday, A dozen Nobel laureates, including Malala Yousafzai and Muhammad Yunus, urged the United Nations on Wednesday to use "all available means" to end violence against Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh. "We urge you to take decisive actions to stop the violence against innocent civilians," Yousafzai and 29 others, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu and British billionaire Richard Branson, said in an open letter to the UN Security Council. "Complete villages have been burned, women raped, many civilians arbitrarily arrested, and children killed," the laureates said. The letter called for Myanmar's government to implement the recommendations of a commission led by former UN chief Kofi Annan to give the self-identifying Rohingya citizenship and freedom of movement. Myanmar's government regards the self-identifying Rohingya as illegal migrants from Bangladesh, even though many have lived in the country for generations. "The government of Myanmar needs to be told that international support and finance is conditional on a major change in policy towards the Rohingya," the laureates said. The post UN Chief, Security Council Call on Myanmar to End Violence appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| News Analysis: Myanmar’s State Counselor on a Dangerous Tightrope Posted: 13 Sep 2017 10:15 PM PDT YANGON – China, Russia, India, and a handful of Southeast Asian nations backed Myanmar's "counter-terrorism" operations in the immediate aftermath of the Aug. 25 Muslim militant attacks on police stations in northern Rakhine State, but the West became more vocal as the sheer scale of the crisis unfolded. The Myanmar Army says it is hunting down the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), which was responsible for the attacks, but refugees at camps in Bangladesh say security forces are killing indiscriminately and even laying landmines to stop them from returning. So far, an estimated 400,000 self-identified Rohingya Muslims have fled to Bangladesh. Starting with Malala Yousafzai, Nobel Laureates have lined up to express their dismay over Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's silence on the desperate plight of the refugees. Tibetan Buddhist leader the Dalai Lama urged her to "reach out to all sections of society" to restore peace and told media that Buddha would have helped the self-identified Rohingya. Five Nobel Laureates working under the banner of the Nobel Women's Initiative appealed to their "sister Laureate" to protect the Muslim minority and Archbishop Desmond Tutu wrote to the State Counselor, saying the price of silence in order to maintain her position is "surely too steep." But if she acts on their word, amends the 1982 Citzenship Law and embraces the self-identified Rohingya, the price would not only be a drop in popularity but also a likely return to military rule. International media calling for UN intervention in Rakhine make this scenario more likely. Neglecting the whole picture also does not help. The Other Side "How many Rohingya have to die; how many Rohingya women will be raped; how many communities will be razed before you raise your voice in defense of those who have no voice?" wrote the five Nobel Laureates in an open letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. But they did not give one mention of ARSA's orchestrated offensive, of reports the group slaughtered more than 60 Muslims who allegedly cooperated with authorities, as well as other non-Muslim civilians. The focus, too, shied away from the nearly 30,000 internally displaced people in northern Rakhine. ARSA tactics have swollen the death toll, as new recruits wielding sticks and knives were urged to face heavily armed security forces, explaining why official figures suggest the number of suspected militants dead dwarfs that of security force casualties. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, though, has seemingly moved toward peace with the formation of a committee assigned to implementing the recommendations of the final report of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State. View from the United States Some international diplomats working closely with the Myanmar government have told media about developments in the peace process and long-term solutions sought by the government to reconcile the Muslim and Arakanese communities in Rakhine. But few of these takes are found in the coverage of world-leading publications. On Sept. 4, diplomats of the United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Australia and EU representatives announced they would provide humanitarian assistance for all affected communities in coordination with the International Committee of the Red Cross. On Sept. 8, Patrick Murphy, deputy assistant secretary of state for Southeast Asia in the Bureau of EAP, held a teleconference with AFP, Associated Press, Reuters, CBS and CNN. During the press briefing, journalists questioned whether the military is responsible for mass killings of civilians, and whether that would mean the return of sanctions for Myanmar. "I don't think we have approached the relationship with Burma in terms of leverage. It is, in fact, a partnership. And as partners, we are looking to help this transition to democracy succeed," Murphy replied. US ambassador to Myanmar Scot Marciel and his team in Yangon have been working with government and military leaders to ensure an undiscriminating humanitarian operation for displaced people and the restoration of stability in Rakhine, said Murphy. He added that the situation on the ground is too risky for relief workers but aid work is expected to resume soon. A responsible reaction to the attacks on security forces was needed, he stressed. But White House Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders took a stronger tone in a statement on Sept. 12, saying the massive displacement and victimization of people shows that Myanmar security forces are not protecting civilians. Sympathetic Diplomats Although many international reports have condemned the State Counselor's stance, some former diplomats have shown understanding with her position. Priscilla Clapp, who served in Myanmar from 1999-2002, criticized the international narrative on the conflict during an interview with France 24 last week. "There was indeed a terrorist attack in Rakhine. It came from outside, and was perpetrated by the people in the Rohingya diaspora, living in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, coming in through Bangladesh," she said. Clapp explained Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had begun the journey to resolving issues in Rakhine State by establishing the Kofi Annan-led advisory commission, which, she added, was soon followed by the militant attacks. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi promised Kofi Annan the government would form several committees on Rakhine State and implement his commission's recommendations, which include granting citizenship, freedom of movement and education. "She was already working on it and it was disrupted by the latest terrorist attacks," said Clapp. "She is not calling the entire community and population terrorists. She is refining it to a group of people who are going around with guns, machetes and IEDs." "The people who are running and fleeing out into Bangladesh are not only fleeing the response of security forces; they are fleeing their own radical groups," Clapp said. Walking a Tightrope Former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd wrote for Buzzfeed News on Sept. 9 that Myanmar is still in the midst of a fluid and fragile political transition. He emphasized a need for commentators to highlight that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the country's civilian head but not its commander-in-chief and that the military-drafted 2008 Constitution legally covers an army coup if the institution, which controls the home affairs, defense and border ministries, believes order needs to be restored. Rudd writes the State Counselor is walking a tightrope between "providing a positive way forward for the Rohingya on the one hand, while not providing the military the pretext for ending Myanmar's fledgling democracy on the other." "The consequence of a stumble could be catastrophic for all," he added. The situation of the self-identified Rohingya and Myanmar's other 50 million people will not improve "if we care more about censuring and abandoning the only democratic government the country has had in half a century," he concluded. Myanmar has some hardline Buddhist groups and radical elements in the Muslim community. Parties also stoke anti-Muslim sentiment for political purposes, apparent in the lack of collaboration between Rakhine politicians and the Kofi Annan commission. Furthermore, the Arakan National Party (ANP) and the former ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) have stated they "can't accept a single word" of the commission's recommendations. The USDP and its alliances have been encouraging the National League for Democracy (NLD) to call a National Defense Security Council meeting since militant attacks last October in Maungdaw. On Sep. 12, 29 political parties released a statement demanding the 1982 Citizenship Law stay intact, and pushing the government to prioritize the relocation of "indigenous" displaced people before the implementation of human rights and ethnic diversity. It ended on the note that the army needs to protect the Constitution. The statement, together with international pressure, and the stifling role of the army in Myanmar, has created an intensely difficult situation for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. But as Rudd wrote, "The way to peace, justice, and human rights will come through democratic rule of law, and not a return to military rule." The post News Analysis: Myanmar's State Counselor on a Dangerous Tightrope appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Aung Myint Turns Everyday Objects into Art Posted: 13 Sep 2017 10:11 PM PDT To ordinary people, paper pulp is just trash. But in the hands of Aung Myint, it can be anything—a bridegroom with a rose in his chest or a soldier covered in blood. Likewise, home appliances such as irons, kettles, plates, and pots have become artistic items in his hands. Aung Myint has been a part of Myanmar's modern art movement since the 1970s, and his artwork has evolved over the decades to include abstract painting, installation, ceramic art and performance.  Known to many as the father of contemporary art in Myanmar, he is applauded for encouraging and inspiring many of Myanmar's most well-respected artists and curators. He is one of the pioneers of installation art in Myanmar and made a name for himself with his hit series "Mother and Child." He has showcased traditional Myanmar items like triangular brass gongs and flower vases in his showcases abroad. For his most recent show, he took pulp from Thailand's Chiang Mai and transformed it on canvas.  About the painting Bride's, he said: "It is about my inspiration and creation. I put a pocket on a bridegroom and stuck a rose onto it." About Warrior's Wear, he said: "The pulp is holey. I thought about what I could do with it. Then, I put red paint in the holes as I got the idea of a soldier shot and killed with bullet wounds." His art exhibition "Expedition" will be showcased at Myanm/art Art Gallery on Bogalayzay Street from September 8 to 18. Artist San Min appreciates the exhibition's installations. About a pot covered with barbed wire, he said: "You can't touch it easily. If it were a normal pot, you could touch it easily, but with thorns, it discourages you from touching. I think this was his thought process."  Aung Myint said that he is satisfied with his works at the exhibition. There will be 13 paintings and seven installations at the exhibition, priced between US$1,000 and $10,000. He has organized 16 solo exhibitions at home and abroad and participated in dozens of group art exhibitions. The post Aung Myint Turns Everyday Objects into Art appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is Still Myanmar’s Best Hope Posted: 13 Sep 2017 07:30 PM PDT Myanmar's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is being criticized by NGOs, media organizations, western governments and some Muslim countries for not being able to protect the 1.1 million Muslims in Rakhine State, who self-identify as Rohingya but are widely referred to in the country as "Bengali" to infer that they are interlopers from Bangladesh. Some have called for her to be stripped of her Nobel Prize and the honorary Canadian citizenship conferred to her, and for international sanctions and intervention. Currently, emotions are running high and shaming her has contributed to that. Deep-rooted conflict between the two communities – Buddhists and Muslims – is complex and there is no quick fix; a gradual process is required for a long-lasting solution. The underlying question is to what extent we know the truth about the situation on the ground or the history between the two communities. It would be wrong to assume that we are fully informed by what we see online or in the media. Fake news and images have circulated on both sides, exacerbating the situation and making it increasingly difficult to identify the truth. International human rights organizations and the Myanmar government have at times taken part in the spread of some of this misinformation. Burmese people abroad and at home are increasingly suspicious of the intents of NGOs, the media and some Muslim countries, and point to biased reporting and alleged evidence of participation in the destabilization of the region. Some sources have claimed that groups working on the issue have received financial support from Gulf countries. There is no doubt that the current humanitarian crisis is a direct result of recent extremist attacks, but repeated condemnation of the government and military counter operations are not fair in the eyes of many Burmese, and encourage ongoing violence. The government, army and majority of the population are united in their response to this crisis, and reasonable international calls might fall on deaf ears under the circumstances. Meanwhile, we also need to take into account regional and global geopolitical situations. Myanmar has two strong supporters – the US (although their involvement is waning) and China, as well as India. In that regard, a soft power like Canada needs to be creative and persuasive – to help diffuse the ongoing tension, alleviate the suffering of those who fled the violence, and make reasonable recommendations to the government and people of Myanmar – as the government cannot go against wide popular sentiment. We cannot expect to completely impose international norms and standards on Myanmar, as it is still far from being a truly democratic country. Former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has come out to say that the information being portrayed is "misguided, misinformed." Two former US Ambassadors to Burma, Priscilla Clapp and Derek Mitchell, have also discussed the complexity of the situation on the ground and the state counselor's difficult position. Of course, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi – now a politician – is facing the difficult decision of going along with her constituency or pleasing the international community. This is after setting up the Kofi Annan-led Rakhine State Advisory Commission, which was given the mandate of recommending viable solutions to the issues and Rakhine. The government was reportedly willing to implement these suggestions but violence broke out just hours after the commission delivered its final report. On Aug. 25, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked 30 police outposts in Rakhine State. The series of attacks were coordinated and premeditated. ARSA's leader Ata Ullah was born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia. He led a group of insurgents that previously attacked border guard posts in Rakhine State in October 2016. It seems as though these attacks were meant to raise international attention and call for intervention against subsequent military operations. Ongoing operations have caused Muslim, Buddhist and Hindu communities in the state to flee, while the international community has focused its attention on the Muslim refugees, fulfilling the militant group's agenda. Condemnation is easy. But searching for a viable solution requires patience, thought and understanding of the situation. I doubt that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would mind being stripped of her honorary Canadian citizenship or even her Nobel Peace Prize. But that is not a solution. Hundreds of thousands of innocent people are suffering from these conflicts and violence. What we need is to alleviate their suffering and that calls for a constructive, diplomatic approach. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is still the best hope for Burma. There is no alternative. Tin Maung Htoo is the former executive director of Canadian Friends of Burma, which campaigned for democratization in Myanmar since the 1990s. The post Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is Still Myanmar's Best Hope appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 13 Sep 2017 05:58 PM PDT YAWNGHWE TOWNSHIP, Shan State – Yawnghwe (Nyaung Shwe) Haw, the residence of Myanmar's first President Sao Shwe Thaike, in Yawnghwe Township, southern Shan State, opens on Wednesday to the public as a cultural museum. Sao Shwe Thaike, an ethnic Shan, was the last saopha—or hereditary prince—of Shan State's Yawnghwe. He became President of the Union of Burma in 1948 following the country's independence from Britain and served as head of state until 1952. The conference hall in the 100-year-old Haw is a historic place where Myanmar's independence hero Gen Aung San and an ethnic delegation led by Yawnghwe Saopha Sao Shwe Thaike held talks on Feb 8, 1947 to sign the Panglong Agreement on Feb. 12, an agreement for both the mainland and ethnic areas in Myanmar to claim independence together from the British. The Haw was built by Shan Saopha Sir Saw Maung in 1913. Construction took 10 years and cost some 300,000 kyats. After Gen Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, families of Shan chieftains were banned from living in the Haw, and under different administrations, the Haw has been named a historical, cultural and Buddhist museum. The post Yawnghwe Haw in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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