Monday, September 25, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy

The Irrawaddy Magazine

‘Our Top Priority is to Achieve Peace’

Posted: 25 Sep 2017 07:31 AM PDT

Kachin State chief minister Dr. Khet Aung recently sat down with The Irrawaddy's Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint and talked about his government's undertakings and plans for this term, as well as the controversial China-backed Myitsone Dam project.

What has the state government done for Kachin State over past 18 months since it took office?

Mainly, we concentrated on infrastructural development such as building bridges, roads, power stations and the electricity supply. We were able to electrify some 200 villages with the 2016-17 fiscal year budget. And we also upgraded the Sumprabum section of the Union Highway. Previously, the road was only accessible by foot, and even motorbikes could not drive on it in the rainy season. This year, cars can use it in the rainy season.

What are the top priorities of your government since it assumed office?

The State Counselor is organizing the 21st Century Panglong peace conference. Our top priority is to achieve peace. Our second priority is to fight drugs. It is critical that we fight drugs nationwide. I visited Bhamo Prison and asked the warden about the number of prisoners and their crimes. He said there were 1,493 prisoners and more than 1,200 were imprisoned on drug charges. This is not a good sign.

I also visited Myitkyina Prison. There were more than 3,200 prisoners with more than 2,800 imprisoned on drug charges. Recently, I also visited Mohnyin, and the township administrative department said that the prison was only recently built but already full of inmates, and 90 percent of them are imprisoned on drug charges.

Drugs are an acute problem not only in Kachin State but also across the entire country. It is a real cause for concern. We are fighting it the best we can. When I went to Mohnyin, we seized more than 300 million kyats worth of drugs.

In previous years, community-based anti-drug group Pat Jasan launched anti-narcotics campaigns in the state. But there was fierce resistance from poppy growers, and their activities ceased after growers started firing shots during their campaigns. What do you think of Pat Jasan?

Their intentions are good, but we want them to cooperate with us within the legal framework to combat drugs more effectively. We've invited them to cooperate. We've formed anti-drug committees at the district, township, ward and village levels. If they can work in close coordination, we'll be able to overcome the drug problem.

In Special Region (1), militias have admitted to also growing poppies. How will the government handle this?

Frankly speaking, it is difficult to handle. Militias and border guard forces are controlled by the army. We cannot handle them directly and there are difficulties.

How is Myitsone Dam project going now?

The report on the dam has yet to be the submitted to the President. This is all I can say for the time being. The public will be informed after the report is submitted.

I heard that a Chinese government delegation met the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) and talked about resuming the dam project. Did China talk with the Kachin State government about the dam?

No, they didn't.

People object to the project. What is the stance of the Kachin State government?

We share the same view as the people. They elect us and their wishes are of the utmost importance to us. If the people don't want it, it won't happen.

Why has it taken so long to submit the report [on the assessment of the possible impacts of the dam] to the President?

There is a lot to coordinate between different stakeholders. The process also included consultation with international experts, which takes a while.

I've talked to locals and they are concerned that the Myitsone Dam project will be resumed. What would you say to them?

I would say that it depends on their wishes.

Locals have borne the brunt of clashes between the Myanmar Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), who were fighting for their own reasons. What do you have to say about that?

As we've not yet achieved peace, problems such as displacement arise when the Tatmadaw [Myanmar Army] conducts clearance operations in areas that are not controlled by the government. What we can do is to minimize the troubles people are facing. We are different. The Tatmadaw carries out [operations] with a military outlook.

Speaking of clashes in Kachin State, it is the Tatmadaw that launched assaults, and local activists claim that it doesn't want peace. What do you think?

As I've said, it acted with a military outlook. Its primary concern is state security and it acts based on that.

What are the challenges facing the Kachin State civilian government?

As peace is not yet achieved, there are some difficulties in the administrative system. I don't want to go into detail.

Kachin people had great expectations for the National League for Democracy (NLD) government as well as your [state] government. But they have faced some frustrations. What would you say to your constituents?

We have only been in office for 18 months and we are seeing the problems that people face. We will try our best to mitigate these. We have a mission and a vision.

Our vision is a peaceful, modern, developed, drug-free state with the co-existence of Union brethren. Our mission is peace, smooth transportation, electricity supply for all towns and villages, drug elimination, and strengthening friendship between ethnicities, security and rule of law.

We'd also strive for the socio-economic development of local people by promoting agriculture, livestock breeding and tourism. And we are inviting foreign direct investment in agricultural and livestock sectors in our state.

We will also make sure there is reliable and speedy public service delivery as well as fight corruption. These are our goals for the five-year term.

The post 'Our Top Priority is to Achieve Peace' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Locals to Protest UNESCO Natural World Heritage Designation at Hkakabo Razi

Posted: 25 Sep 2017 07:23 AM PDT

YANGON — Citing concerns of land loss, locals are planning protests over a Mt. Hkakabo Razi National Park expansion project, which aims to distinguish the locale as Myanmar's first UNESCO Natural World Heritage Site. Demonstrations are scheduled to be held in northern Kachin State's Putao, Machanbaw and Naungmon townships on Sept. 28.

U Yaw Gu, chair of Rawang Literature and Cultural Affairs in Putao, told The Irrawaddy that around 10,000 people are expected to participate in the protests.

"Locals don't agree with expanding the area for Mt. Hkakabo Razi National Park. They believe that it will impact their life negatively," he explained.

The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation published an announcement that the mountain's national park would be expanded so that it could earn Myanmar's first Natural World Heritage Site designation.

The Kachin Political Cooperation Committee (KPCC) published a statement on Sept. 18 condemning the ministry's announcement and calling on them to stop the implementation of the process.

"We objected to the project due to people's will. There's no transparency in it and locals will not get compensation […] for losing their land due to the expansion of the area," said U Lan Yaw, general secretary of the Kachin National Congress Party.

"We simply don't want anyone to exploit our land," he added, citing previous land grabs in the Hukawng Valley Wildlife Sanctuary.

Hkakabo Razi's landscape is rich in ecological diversity, including rare species of orchids.

Mt. Hkakabo Razi National Park was established in 1996 with an area of 1,472 square miles around Southeast Asia's highest mountain, located in Putao, Kachin State.

Myanmar's Forest Department has working with UNESCO since 2013 to designate the area as a Natural World Heritage Site. The Forest Department and UNESCO are now undergoing an intiative to "safeguard natural heritage" in Myanmar. According to a Forest Department announcement, community members from nearby villages have been appointed and trained as park guards in both the national park and the wildlife sanctuary to monitor and report on the illegal activities in the areas.

The tentative list of Natural World Heritage Sites in Myanmar include the Hkakabo Razi landscape, Hukawng Valley Wildlife Sanctuary, Indawgyi Wildlife Sanctuary, Natmataung National Park, Myeik Archipelago, the Irrawaddy River Corridor and the Tanintharyi Forest Corridor. Among these tentative sites, Mt. Hkakabo Razi has been given top priority; the UNESCO World Heritage Committee has already acknowledged all of the potential sites.

The post Locals to Protest UNESCO Natural World Heritage Designation at Hkakabo Razi appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Urges UNFC to Cooperate with Peace Process

Posted: 25 Sep 2017 05:08 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The government's Peace Commission on Monday urged the ethnic bloc of nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) non-signatories the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) to cooperate with the government to achieve peace in the country.

Peace Commission members and the UNFC's delegation for political negotiation (DPN) met for informal talks in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand on Monday, with Peace Commission member U Aung Soe and DPN head Khu Oo Reh making opening remarks.

Monday's meeting follows the sixth round of formal talks between the two parties in Yangon last month. Talks have been delayed due to the illness of Peace Commission chair Dr. Tin Myo Win and instability in Rakhine State since Aug. 25.

Khu Oo Reh said the UNFC had the same will to continue talks and understood the delay due to unavoidable causes.

Talks covered the DPN's nine-point proposal to signing the NCA, the seventh round of formal talks, and the possibility of high-level meetings between the government and UNFC leaders.

"We have been thinking whether it would be smoother to have [high-level] negotiations through our senior leaders, or whether we should continue this current form of negotiation," Khu Oo Reh said in his speech.

If the ethnic bloc participates in the upcoming third session of the 21st Century Panglong Union peace conference, U Aung Soe said in his speech, "then we could say that our political process is effective to some extent."

The DPN did not join the last session of peace conference in May.

U Aung Soe said the government is collaborating with all relevant stakeholders, including the government, parliament, the Tatmadaw, ethnic armed organizations, and political parties, on the amendments of the political dialogue framework in order to convene the third session of the peace conference.

The government plans to hold the next session in November, though peace negotiators believe it will be delayed.

U Aung Soe said all parties need to try harder to make progress in the peace process as they have not seen any success even though the National League for Democracy (NLD) government has been in power for more than one and a half years.

He said the UNFC should consider collaborating with the civilian government to reach its four commitments to achieve peace, national reconciliation, and rule of law, and to amend the 2008 Constitution.

"Our government believes solving remaining problems would be easier if all of our ethnic groups stand together with us in peace building, along with the current political crisis [in Rakhine]," U Aung Soe added.

The government has not yet, however, entered into talks with the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee—an alliance of armed groups in northern Myanmar led by the United Wa State Army.

There will be a delay in UNFC members signing the NCA due to the seventh round of talks between DPN and the Peace Commission at the beginning of October, said DPN spokesperson Nai Aung Mange at a press conference following the meeting.

He reiterated that collaboration in the peace process would help in the amendment of the Constitution, which parliament also has a part to play in.

He referred to an understanding between the government and the military that a Union Accord agreed upon at the Union Peace Conference could invoke a new constitution, and encouraged everyone's participation.

"We believe we would be able to implement the changes in the 2008 Constitution which is the most important task for our country in the short term, if we combine parliamentary politics and peace process," he said.

"As you all know, we are not able to amend the Constitution without the Tatmadaw's agreement. Thus, if we all try together, we soon will be able to build the democratic federal Union that we all aim for."

The post Govt Urges UNFC to Cooperate with Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Muslim Militants Allegedly Kill Hindus, 45 Bodies Unearthed in Rakhine: Community Leader

Posted: 25 Sep 2017 04:00 AM PDT

YANGON – Security forces unearthed 45 dead Hindus, including six children, near Ye Baw Kya village in northern Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, according to a statement issued by the government's Information Committee and later reports from a Hindu community leader.

The government's statement — based on Hindu community leader U Ni Mal's testimony — on Sunday said members of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) arrested some 100 men and women from several Hindu villages in Kha Maung Seik village tract on Aug. 25 and killed the majority of abductees.

U Ni Mal told The Irrawaddy this afternoon after he and villagers assisted security forces in searching for additional burial sites.

The community leader claimed the 45 deceased were brutally killed and some were beheaded or had their throats slit. Among the bodies were 20 women, 19 men, and six children. A mass grave of 28 was found of Sunday, with 17 discovered on Monday afternoon.

Twenty eight bodies were unearthed in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township on September 24. 

(Photo: Thuta Zaw/ Facebook)

U Ni Mal said that the Hindu community had verbally and officially requested that authorities and Arakan National Party lawmakers looks into the deaths, but that there were delays due to security concerns.

The UN estimates that some 500 Hindus fled to Bangladesh after Muslim militants attacked border police posts on August 25 and resulting Myanmar Army security clearance operations have followed. The refugees are sheltering in makeshift camps on the Bangladesh border alongside a UN-estimated 420,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims.

U Ni Mal expressed that the Hindu community "wants justice" for these attacks.

Some 30,000 Hindus and Buddhists in Maungdaw were also displaced to other areas in Rakhine State after military clearance operations began following Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacks on border police posts.

During a visit by The Irrawaddy's reporter in early September, some Hindus expressed that they would no longer live alongside Muslims in Maungdaw if the government planned to relocate them.

"We are not comfortable living alongside them anymore," said U Ni Mal.

The post Muslim Militants Allegedly Kill Hindus, 45 Bodies Unearthed in Rakhine: Community Leader appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

More Than 700 Stranded on Myitkyina-Tanai Road in Kachin State

Posted: 25 Sep 2017 02:05 AM PDT

HPAKANT, Kachin State — More than 700 people were stranded in a village in Kachin State's Hpakant Township after the Myanmar Army blocked some 70 vehicles on the Myitkyina-Tanai road, claiming the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) was collecting taxes from vehicles in the area.

The Tatmadaw's Light Infantry Battalion No. 298 based near Dun Bum village blocked passengers travelling in both directions at noon on Friday—including children, elderly people, and pregnant women.

Trucks carrying oil and produce from state capital Myitkyina to Tanai were also blocked by the army.

On Sunday morning, the battalion allowed six of the more than 70 vehicles to pass, but continued to block the rest.

"The [Myanmar] army blocked [the road] as the KIA collected money around Lawa [village] in Hpakant since Sept. 22," said Ko Sai, the driver of a small passenger vehicle running between Myitkyina and Tanai.

He said he paid 50,000 kyats to the KIA for a year and had received a KIA receipt, which he presents at KIA checkpoints. The fee per passenger is usually 5,000 kyats, he added.

According to other drivers travelling between Myitkyina and Tanai, the KIA charges 50,000 kyats on small vehicles and 100,000 to 200,000 kyats on bigger ones, per year, to use the road.

A Myanmar Army soldier on duty at Dun Bum said the battalion was blocking the road so as to avoid passenger vehicles being trapped armed clashes.

"The KIA would get a lot of money even if they only collect 5,000 kyats per person. They always collect money," said the soldier. "Some travelers think we are deliberately causing delays to their trips," he added.

According to locals, Battalions No. 6 and 14 of KIA Brigade No. 2 are active in Dun Bum and Lawa villages where KIA was reportedly collecting money.

"We didn't start collecting money a few days ago, we have been doing it for over 50 years," Lt-Col Tang San of KIA Battalion No. 6 told The Irrawaddy. "We solicit donations, we don't deny it. But we don't block the road and ask for money," he added.

There is no military tension between KIA Battalion No. 6 and the Myanmar Army in Hpakant at the moment and the road is accessible, he said.

"We don't block civilians. It is the [Myanmar] army that blocks travelers when we [KIA troops] come out [of the forest]. We only usually come out onto the road once a month," said Lt-Col Naw Bu, a spokesperson of KIA.

Among those stranded, some were traveling onward to Mandalay, Yangon, and Shan State.

One stranded driver, who wished to remain anonymous, said that when the road is closed like this, it usually lasts at least three days.

"I'm used to this situation so I always bring a mat and bedding with me," he said. "We have to stay alert for possible armed clashes in the forest."

Daw Sami, who was travelling to Myitkyina said: "It is not convenient to sleep and relieve oneself here on the road. I've travelled at least ten times on this road. If we met KIA, we gave them money. We had no trouble. Being stranded here costs more [than paying money to KIA]."

According to drivers and local residents, passenger vehicles were blocked by the Myanmar Army in Tingkawk and Kawng Ra villages in Tanai Township for the same reason from Sept. 16 to 18.

Military tensions remain high in the area as Myanmar Army attacked gold mines operated by the KIA in Hpakant's Sha Htu Zup village in August last year, as well as amber and gold mines in Tanai Township in June this year.

The Myanmar Army believes the KIA earns around 2.8 billion kyats in tax each year  from illegal gold and amber mines, which it uses for the procurement of arms and ammunitions to fight the army.

Myanmar Army helicopters dropped leaflets in the second week of June, asking people in the mining areas to leave by June 15 or else be recognized as insurgents supporting the KIA.

This was followed by attacks that forced around 10,000 locals and many more migrant miners to take shelter in Tanai Town. There have been frequent reports of gunfire on the Myitkyina-Tanai road.

The Myanmar Army reportedly limited fuel and food shipments to Tanai as part of their campaign to close the mines in that area.

The post More Than 700 Stranded on Myitkyina-Tanai Road in Kachin State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Govt to Accommodate Squatters by 2020

Posted: 25 Sep 2017 12:00 AM PDT

YANGON — The Yangon regional government will provide accommodation for all squatters in the region in the next three years before the current administration's term expires in 2020, said Yangon chief minister U Phyo Min Thein.

"We've started making preparations this month to accommodate squatters. Our regional government will draw up a plan to accommodate them because squatters are a burden to industrial zones," said the chief minister at a meeting between Vice President U Myint Swe and businesspeople in Yangon on Saturday.

The regional government surveyed the population of squatters since last September and issued smart identity documents to them. According to the survey, there are some 100,000 squatters in the region.

There have been reported cases of squatters occupying vacant spaces in factory compounds in some of the region's 29 industrial zones and demanding money from factory owners to vacate.

To upgrade the region's industrial zones, it is important to address the issue of squatters, said U Phyo Min Thein.

"Squatters, water and electricity supply, sewage systems, and dumping are the pressing issues to upgrading the industrial zones. And we plan to build industrial zones in every township [in Yangon]," said the chief minister.

The plan also includes the creation of jobs at new industrial zones for squatters, he said.

According to the regional government, it also plans to establish small-scale industrial zones in 12 townships in the region outside the municipal border of the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC).

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Yangon Govt to Accommodate Squatters by 2020 appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UN Medics See Evidence of Rape in Myanmar Army ‘Cleansing’ Campaign

Posted: 24 Sep 2017 10:35 PM PDT

COX'S BAZAR, Bangladesh — Doctors treating some of the 429,000 self-identifying Rohingya Muslims who have fled to Bangladesh from Myanmar in recent weeks have seen dozens of women with injuries consistent with violent sexual attacks, UN clinicians and other health workers said.

The medics' accounts, backed in some cases by medical notes reviewed by Reuters, lend weight to repeated allegations, ranging from molestation to gang rape, leveled by women from the stateless minority group against Myanmar's armed forces.

Myanmar officials have mostly dismissed such allegations as militant propaganda designed to defame its military, which they say is engaged in legitimate counterinsurgency operations and under orders to protect civilians.

Zaw Htay, spokesman for Myanmar's de facto leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, said the authorities would investigate any allegations brought to them. "Those rape victim women should come to us," he said. "We will give full security to them. We will investigate and we will take action."

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself has not commented on the numerous allegations of sexual assault committed by the military against self-identifying Rohingya women made public since late last year.

Violence erupted in Myanmar's northwestern Rakhine State following attacks on security forces by Rohingya militants last October. Further attacks on Aug. 25 provoked a renewed military offensive the United Nations has called "ethnic cleansing."

Reuters spoke with eight health and protection workers in Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar district who between them said they had treated more than 25 individual rape cases since late August.

The medics say they do not attempt to establish definitively what happened to their patients, but have seen an unmistakable pattern in the stories and physical symptoms of dozens of women, who invariably say Myanmar soldiers were the perpetrators.

It is rare for UN doctors and aid agencies to speak about rape allegedly committed by a state's armed forces, given the sensitivity of the matter.

"Inhuman Attack"

Doctors at a clinic run by the UN's International Organization for Migration (IOM) at the Leda makeshift refugee say they treated hundreds of women with injuries they said were from violent sexual assaults during the army operation in October and November.

There have been fewer rapes reported among the influx of refugees since August, said Dr. Niranta Kumar, the clinic's health coordinator, but those they have seen have injuries suggesting "more aggressive" attacks on women.

Several health workers suggested that, whereas in October many women had initially remained in their villages believing the army sweeps were only targeting self-identifying Rohingya men, this time most had fled at the first sign of military activity.

Doctors at the Leda clinic showed a Reuters reporter three case files, without divulging the identity of the patients. One said a 20-year-old woman was treated on Sept. 10, seven days after she said she was raped by a soldier in Myanmar.

Handwritten notes say she said soldiers had "pulled her hair" and a "gun used to beat her" before raping her.

Examinations often find injuries suggesting forced penetration, beating and even what looked like intentional cutting of the genitals, doctors said.

"We found skin marks, it showed a very forceful attack, an inhuman attack," said IOM medical officer Dr. Tasnuba Nourin.

She had seen incidents of vaginal tearing, bite marks and signs that seemed to show a firearm was used to penetrate women, she said.

Among the new influx of self-identifying Rohingya she had treated at least five women who appeared to have been recently raped, she said, adding that in each case the physical injuries observed were consistent with the patient's account of what had happened.

"Fraction of the Cases"

At Bangladesh government clinics supported by UN agencies in the Ukhia area, doctors reported treating 19 women who had been raped, said Dr. Misbah Uddin Ahmed, head of the main health complex there, citing reports from female clinicians.

"The evidence included bite marks, tearing of the vagina, these sorts of things," he said.

In one day alone, Sept. 14, six women showed up at one of the clinics, all saying they were sexually assaulted. "They all said Myanmar army had done this."

An IOM doctor who asked not to be identified, working at one of those clinics near the Kutapalong refugee camp, said a woman who crossed from Myanmar in late August said she was raped by at least seven soldiers.

"She was extremely weak and traumatized and said she struggled to make it to the clinic," the doctor said. "She had a laceration on the vagina."

The doctor treated 15 of the 19 cases of women who appeared to have been raped, and another eight women who had been physically assaulted. Some were given emergency contraceptives, and all were given treatment to reduce the risk of contracting HIV and jabs against hepatitis. Symptoms included bite marks over the arms and back, tearing and laceration on the vagina and vaginal bleeding, the doctor said.

Internal reports compiled by aid agencies in Cox's Bazar recorded that 49 "SGBV survivors" were identified in just four days between Aug. 28-31. SGBV, or sexual and gender-based violence is used to refer to only cases of rape, according to UN doctors. Data for reported rape cases was not available for other dates.

A situation report from aid agencies says more than 350 people had been referred for "life-saving care" relating to gender-based violence – a broad term that includes rape, attempted rape and molestation, as well as emotional abuse and denial of resources based on gender – since Aug. 25. It did not refer to the perpetrators.

Kate White, emergency medical coordinator for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in Cox's Bazar said the charity had treated at least 23 cases of sexual and gender-based violence including gang-rape and sexual assault since Aug. 25.

"This is a fraction of the cases that are likely to be out there," she said.

"Rape as a Weapon"

Reuters first reported allegations of mass rape of self-identifying Rohingya women within days of militant attacks in northern Rakhine in October.

The same reports were also heard by UN investigators who visited Bangladesh in January.

A report of the UN Secretary General in April said the sexual assaults were "apparently employed systematically to humiliate and terrorize their community".

Before her rise to power last year Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had spoken of rape being used as a tool of division in the country's myriad ethnic conflicts.

"It is used as a weapon by armed forces to intimidate the ethnic nationalities and to divide our country, this is how I see it," she said in 2011 in a video message to a conference on sexual violence in conflict.

Her spokesman Zaw Htay said there was "nothing to say" when asked if her view had changed since then. "Everything should be according to the rule of law," he said. "The military leaders also have said they will take action."

The post UN Medics See Evidence of Rape in Myanmar Army ‘Cleansing’ Campaign appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Junta Leaders, Backers Fuel Suspicions of Plans to Stay in Power

Posted: 24 Sep 2017 10:01 PM PDT

BANGKOK, Thailand — In his dark suit, Thai junta leader Prayuth Chan-ocha cut an incongruous figure guiding a rice tractor across a muddy paddy field in front of cameras and watching villagers.

The prime minister's latest photo opportunity won applause from farmers watching in straw hats and his visit to Suphan Buri on Monday brought a call from a local political bigwig for him to stay in power for another decade.

Political activities in Thailand have been suspended since Prayuth's 2014 coup, but Thai politicians are asking whether what looks like campaigning is exactly what it seems.

The trips to the countryside, a new Facebook account and a chorus of political groups offering support are raising suspicions of a plan to keep Prayuth in power even if long-promised elections happen next year.

"It's not beyond expectations that he is out campaigning in the provinces to prepare to become prime minister again," said Chaturon Chaisang, a leader of the Pheu Thai party, which under various names has won every election for a generation.

Since August, Prayuth has visited six provinces, including places traditionally considered important battlegrounds for elections. Such trips with his cabinet will now be monthly.

In the previous three years, he had only taken two such trips outside Bangkok.

"I am not here to make people love me, but I want everyone to love the country," Prayuth, 63, told farmers in Suphan Buri, 100 km (60 miles) north of Bangkok.

Said 60-year-old farmer Samruay Tongpratet: "If the prime minister can truly help the poor then he can stay as long as he wants."

Prayuth's office declined to comment on any plan to keep him in power.

Cremation and Coronation

Politics will not resume until well after the cremation next month of the revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who died last October, and the subsequent coronation of his son, King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

In the meantime, Prayuth has the field to himself.

"That's why he needed to hold these mobile cabinet meetings in the provinces, act more like a politician, hold rallies, and meet the people," said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University, noting the signs that Prayuth wants to stay longer.

Last month, Prayuth set up a Facebook page with pictures of him walking with his arm around a farmer's shoulder and giving alms to monks. It now has nearly 11,000 likes.

A poll in June showed that 53 percent of Thais would like Prayuth to serve another term.

Although Thailand's economic growth lags other countries in Southeast Asia and dissent is strongly repressed, surveys show that Prayuth's backers welcome the stability since the coup.

Whether that calm survives electioneering is another question after over a decade of turmoil between colour-coded factions that Prayuth said he sought to end with his coup.

On one side is the 'yellow' Democrat Party, which is popular with middle-class voters and has strong support in Bangkok and parts of the south.

On the other side is the 'red' movement of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose parties appeal to poorer voters, particularly in the populous northeast.

Thaksin's sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, was overthrown by Prayuth in the 2014 coup and last month fled Thailand ahead of a verdict in a corruption trial – eliminating a charismatic party figurehead who might also have rallied opposition to Prayuth.

'Outside Prime Minister'

Although he cannot technically stand for election because he would have needed to resign by July, a new constitution drawn up at the junta's behest does offer him a route.

He could be chosen as an "outside prime minister" – foreseen under the constitution if the winning party fails to get enough votes for its candidate in the 500-member lower house of parliament.

In such a case, the upper house would also have a say – its 250 members will be picked by the military. Prayuth would still need support from at least half the lower house, however.

Although neither of Thailand's two main political parties has said it would endorse him, smaller players are mobilizing.

Paiboon Nititawan, a former member of a now-defunct reform council, has set up an office for a new People's Reform Party to back Prayuth.

Suchart Chantharachotikul, a classmate of Prayuth from military school, told Reuters he is coordinating smaller parties to form a grouping to back the junta leader.

"Prayuth's military government isn't perfect, but they took care of problems like unrest. It wouldn't be so strange if he stays on for another four years," Suchart said.

A composer of sentimental ballads, Prayuth has dropped hints in his music of a longer term political future. His latest song, "Bridge", repeats a message that he will stay as long as it takes to steer Thailand through troubled waters.

"My two hands won't let you go," says one refrain.

The post Thai Junta Leaders, Backers Fuel Suspicions of Plans to Stay in Power appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:

Saturday, September 23, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Dateline Irrawaddy: In Rakhine, ‘Cooperation is Essential’

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 09:17 PM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi held a diplomatic briefing at 10 a.m. on Tuesday. Her address focused on the political situation in Myanmar, including issues concerning Rakhine State. It also placed an emphasis on promoting harmony, understanding, peace and development in the community without placing blame on any one side, and urged the international community to help reduce hatred and anger. We are discussing her address with Editor of the Irrawaddy Burmese Edition Ko Ye Ni and our News Editor Kyaw Phyo Tha. I am Kyaw Zwa Moe, Editor of the Irrawaddy English Edition.

ရခိုင္အေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ဘာေတြေျပာသြားလဲ…ရခိုင္အေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ဘာေတြေျပာသြားလဲ ဆိုတာကို ဧရာဝတီသတင္းဌာနရဲ႕ အဂၤလိပ္ပိုင္းအယ္ဒီတာ ေက်ာ္စြာမိုး၊ ဧရာဝတီသတင္းဌာနရဲ႕ ျမန္မာပိုင္းအယ္ဒီတာ ရဲနည္နဲ႔ ဧရာဝတီသတင္းဌာနရဲ႕ အဂၤလိပ္ပိုင္း သတင္းအယ္ဒီတာ ေက်ာ္ၿဖိဳးသာတို႔ကေဆြးေႏြးထားၾကတာပါ။

Posted by The Irrawaddy – Burmese Edition on Tuesday, September 19, 2017

It can be said that the entire country was closely watching this morning's address by the State Counselor. It was her first since the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army [ARSA] launched attacks in Rakhine State on August 25. As far as I am concerned, she placed emphasis on the fact that the government had not yet been in power for 18 months and that Myanmar's democracy is young and fragile.

She continued to say that Myanmar was a complex country because it was undergoing a transition to democracy after half a century or more of authoritarian rule and nearly 70 years of internal conflict. As I have just said, she did not blame any parties and urged everyone to help with the democratic transition, peace, stability and development of Myanmar. What did you think of her speech, Ko Ye Ni?

Ko Ye Ni: As you have just said, it was her first speech since the attacks, and the UN has said about 400,000 refugees fled to Bangladesh but we don't know how they estimated the number of refugees. After the exodus, supporters of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in her struggle for democracy, including the UN, Desmond Tutu, Malala [Yousafzai] and Angelina Jolie, accused the Myanmar government of ethnic cleansing and have been pressuring her to speak out. Under such circumstances, this was her first address to the nation.

Analyzing the speech, I found that it was aimed at the UN General Assembly, which she could not attend and had to send Vice President U Henry Van Thio in her stead. She delivered the speech one day before the vice president did so at the UN. As she clearly stated where she and her government stood and explained future plans, it can be said that it was a strategic address.

Although she managed to deliver the strategic address to her best [ability], she still needs to work out and negotiate many details on how the strategies will be implemented on the ground.

KZM: Ko Kyaw Phyo Tha, Ko Ye Ni has just said the UN estimated the number of the refugees at 400,000. This is a problem for the image of the country. When we looked at statements of the UN, reports of other countries and the international media, we learned that they were just hurling accusations one-sidedly against Myanmar. The Myanmar government rejected the terms used in UN statements. As Ko Ye Ni has just said, the State Counselor pointed out that there were many allegations and counter-allegations and she did not want to comment on them. So the objective of her speech was not to make allegations but to restore harmony and peace. More allegations will fuel conflict. Based on these and other facts, what do you think of her address?

Ko Kyaw Phyo Tha:  She made some important points, including how she and her government planned to address the issue. For instance, she explained the implementation of the Kofi Annan report, which was released on August 25. She said the report is being implemented. Concerning peace and stability in Rakhine State, she said priority would be given to matters that contribute to peace, harmony and development. Another interesting thing she said was more than 50 percent of Muslim villages in the area were still intact and she was interested in why they didn't flee, while the UN and others said more than 400,000 had escaped the violence.

She invited the international community and the diplomats to ask [the villagers that remained] and find out for themselves why these villagers didn't flee. It is very interesting.

KZM: She wanted to point out her findings that more than 50 percent of Muslims villagers in Maungdaw still live in harmony with the Arakanese community there.

So she urged the international community not just to look at problems but also to look at the areas where there were no problems, and invited them to see for themselves. Another interesting point is concerned with citizenship. She said her government had solved the issue to some extent. However, some Muslim leaders told [self-identifying Rohingya] not to apply for citizenship. She urged the international community to help persuade them to join in the process because they had nothing to lose from it.

Another important point made by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was that action would be taken against anyone who violates human rights regardless of their race, religion or political background. The entire world, including the UN, has been making accusations of human rights abuses—they wanted to know whether security forces attacked civilians or committed a widespread arson. She made reference to these issues and how to solve them, as Ko Ye Ni has pointed out. Another point she made is that there had been no clearance operations since September 5. So, I think she invited the diplomats. It is interesting to see how she will arrange such transparent trips. We will have to wait and see. Only then will the international community trust Myanmar. Otherwise, it won't.

Ko Ye Ni: Some people who maintained human rights expectations for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and are now broken-hearted will not be pleased with her stance on human rights. This can be seen because human rights statements are still being released after her address. They blamed her for not criticizing the army, which mainly committed human rights abuses. In my opinion, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she would not tolerate or accept any human rights abuses committed not only by the army and ARSA but also by anyone, including civilians, who did so by taking advantage of the situation. She was able to express her firm human rights stance.

KZM: Were there any important points for the international community that she failed to make, Ko Kyaw Phyo Tha?

KPT: The international community was mainly talking about her silence in previous weeks and did not necessarily blame her for the current crisis. Last week, the direction began to change and [the international community] started criticizing her but also pointed out that she is not the only person to be blamed. The commander-in-chief of defense services is also responsible for the problems. Why didn't they blame him, [the international community] asked. As Ko Ye Ni has just pointed out, her address failed to criticize the commander-in- chief of defense services. So, this is likely to be a point to continue the criticism of her.

KZM: What other important points did you find in her speech, Ko Ye Ni?

KYN: Another point I was interested in in her speech was that it placed emphasis on implementation of the recommendations of the Kofi Annan commission as soon as possible and NVC [national verification card] process. Those who fled to Bangladesh would be allowed to come back after negotiations with the country. At first, Muslims resisted the process unless they were recognized as Rohingya [as opposed to Bengali]. She asked the international community to persuade them to join in the process. When her friends persuade them, will those who sympathize with the Muslims and Muslim community leaders cooperate with the government? On which ground will they cooperate with the offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? It is very interesting. As she said in her speech that she had to think for the entire country, will those who are still clinging to the Rohingya, accept the offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?

KZM: I think this will lead to political issues. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army [ARSA] launched attacks on police posts the day after Kofi Annan released recommendations for Rakhine State. The recommendations have been recognized by the government and international organizations including the UN, but [ARSA] does not accept it. It is not practical for them to have a higher ambition but the attacks will not end. What is your opinion, Ko Kyaw Phyo Tha?

KPT: I feel similarly. As you have just said, I want them to accept what shoud be accepted rather than make demands that are not practical. The diplomatic briefing is more than that, she said at the end [of her speech]. She was reaching out as a friend to those who want Myanmar to be peaceful and to develop. All the points she made must be carried out successfully.

KZM: To summarize the points we have discussed, she talked with those who want Myanmar to prosper in a very friendly manner. I don't think she was talking to the terrorists. All of us have pointed out that cooperation is essential. Cooperation of not just the UN, the international community and other diplomatic attendees but also of the forces in the country including local Muslims, security forces and even those who are opposed to the Kofi Annan report. We will have to wait and see the situation on the ground but it will be a very difficult task.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: In Rakhine, 'Cooperation is Essential' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:

Friday, September 22, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

‘Violence is No Answer’ Says US State Dept Official on Rakhine

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 06:47 AM PDT

CHIANG MAI, THAILAND – The United States has urged all stakeholders and the Myanmar security forces to ensure protection and access to humanitarian assistance to all displaced populations in Rakhine State, regardless of race or religion, said Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Southeast Asia Patrick Murphy after his three-day visit to Myanmar.

From Bangkok, Thailand, Secretary Murphy held a telephonic press conference on Friday afternoon with reporters around the world before proceeding to Singapore.

His visit to Myanmar came four weeks after a crisis unfolded in northern Rakhine State. Around 420,000 self-identifying Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh in recent weeks, after clearance operations were carried out in the region by the Myanmar military, following Aug. 25 attacks on security outposts by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).

Patrick Murphy told reporters, "We are really quite alarmed by the allegations of human rights abuses and we call on the Burmese security authorities to respect the rule of law and stop the violence, including that perpetrated by the local vigilantes who have taken justice into their own hands in a number of circumstances."

He emphasized the United States' condemnation of the August attacks and the violence, and added that the US "remains deeply troubled by the ongoing significant clashes" in northern Rakhine.

"Our appeal to the military is that while they have a legitimate need to respond to militant attacks, they equally have a need to protect civilian populations, to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and to contribute to the lowering of tensions, and not discriminating when it comes to those who receive humanitarian assistance or the protection under the rule of law," he told The Irrawaddy.

The US has announced it will offer provisions of an additional US$32 million in humanitarian assistance to urgently support those displaced, including Rohingya Muslims fleeing into Bangladesh and those internally displaced in Rakhine State.

He said that the US welcomed State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's decision to speak publicly on Tuesday about the ongoing conflict and humanitarian needs, and applauded her vision to resolve many of the immediate challenges. But implementation of long-term political solutions remains a challenge for the country, he added.

Thus, he said, the US also continues to urge security forces to work with the elected government in Naypyitaw in implementing the recommendations outlined in the the Rakhine Advisory Commission report, issued on Aug. 24, noting that he had met with the armed forces' chief of staff Gen Mya Tun Oo.

The Deputy Assistant Secretary, accompanied by US Ambassador to Myanmar Scot Marciel, also visited to Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State and met regional stakeholders, including Rakhine State cabinet members, security forces, and leaders of communities and political parties. He discussed the ongoing situation in the state on Thursday.

Murphy told The Irrawaddy that he saw that "the ability to coexist peacefully has been challenged," noting that "there is a lot of distrust, there is a lot of animosity, there are perceptions of motives and a lot of concerns about the future. And we hear all of these competing narratives and concerns."

He described the remaining challenges as "head-spinning in their complexity." Rakhine, Myanmar's second-poorest state, suffers from underdevelopment and limited infrastructure. The country's "diverse populations in one way or another have all suffered discrimination and repression over many, many years," Murphy acknowledged, adding that the current crisis has serious repercussions for locals, as well as regional populations, including those in Bangladesh.

After widespread allegations of military abuse, the United Kingdom withdrew its support to Myanmar military personnel this week. However, the US will not alter its military-to-military engagement as it is already "extremely limited," Patrick Murphy said.

"Because the process of consolidating democracy [in Myanmar] is incomplete, we are not in the position to have a normal relationship with the military," he explained, adding that the US was "not considering any expansions" of this relationship.

"We now have to see if there is any action we can take to encourage more responsible reactions to the developments in northern Rakhine State," Murphy explained.

He also urged all affected parties to "protect the need for common respect for human dignity" and to halt the spread of hate speech and misinformation.

"I must observe that one of the newest factors adding to the complexities is the platform that social media now offers," he told The Irrawaddy. "There are even campaigns to project misinformation. This has had implications for the delivery of humanitarian assistance. This has had implications of how people perceive motives."

"We don't disallow that the broader political issues are complex and won't be resolved overnight. But our message is that violence is no answer. Displacement, the destruction of the property is no answer. And in fact, it inflames problems and makes them worse; it leads people to desperation," he said.

The post 'Violence is No Answer' Says US State Dept Official on Rakhine appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Media, Misinformation and Misleading Photos in Rakhine Crisis

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 06:42 AM PDT

YANGON – Misinformation regarding the crisis in Rakhine State has attracted widespread criticism after being published in local and international media.

Singapore-based Channel News Asia (CNA) published a subtitled video report on Sept. 19 that quoted refugees on the Bangladesh border as saying, "Aung San Suu Kyi gave that commitment [a diplomatic briefing] before. She came to our village and gave a speech [in northern Rakhine]. After she left, the same things happened."

CNA ran a video-report with refugees’ claims, which were later challenged. (Photo: Facebook Screen-grab)

Viewers pointed out that Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had not traveled to northern Rakhine State since the National League for Democracy assumed office in 2016. She went to southern Rakhine State once in 2015 during the election campaign.

On Wednesday, Myanmar President Office's spokesman U Zaw Htay wrote a post on Facebook and tagged CNA's Myanmar correspondent May Wong. It read, "I really don’t know when our State Counsellor went to their village and how she met those people in Rakhine State. Kindly let me know please!"

On Thursday, the report was removed from CNA's website.

Facebook user Khin Myat Thet commented under U Zaw Htay's post, "CNA deleted the video!! But the lie that they purported has still been circling."

The same day, Al Jazeera ran a story with the headline "Traitor: Rohingya refugees react to Suu Kyi's speech," which quoted refugees saying, "Suu Kyi is a traitor. A majority of the Rohingya voted for her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) […] But once she won, she joined hands with the army-backed party [the USDP] and forgot about us. I lost everything. What's the meaning of returning back? Suu Kyi's a traitor, we can't rely on her words."

Many of the self-identifying Rohingya were disenfranchised in the 2015 election as they are not recognized as citizens but as interlopers from Bangladesh.

Al Jazeera also published a feature with false information provided by refugees in Bangladesh. (Photo: Facebook Screen-grab)

The Muslims from Rakhine State were favored to vote in 2010 as they possessed white cards but these were revoked by former President U Thein Sein's administration when the national verification project was introduced in early 2014.

On September 18, Reuters published an exclusive story titled "’We will kill you all’ – Rohingya villagers in Myanmar beg for safe passage" with a misleading photo that was taken by the same agency on the Bangladesh border.

The picture shows a man holding a machete and attempting to fight someone. It was taken by a Reuters photographer on Sept. 17 when a fire broke out during the distribution of bananas in a Rohingya refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh.

Reuters published a controversial picture which was taken in a Bangladeshi refugee camp. (Photo: Facebook Screen-grab)

The picture attracted complaints on social media from people who claimed that it misrepresented the situation and the story. Reuters correspondent Andrew Marshall replied to a comment and stated that there was no intention to mislead and that he had asked editors to change the photo.

Other media agencies did not release apology letters until later. CNA's Myanmar correspondent declined to comment for this story.

Myanmar Press Council member U Myint Kyaw said a journalist must confirm whether a source's claims are truthful and that it reporters fail to search for information from various organizations, they would be reporting with bias and violating the ethics of journalism.

"Inaccurate news hurts the credibility of the media," said U Myint Kyaw.

Veteran journalist Daw Aye Aye Win, an award-winning former correspondent for Associated Press (AP), corroborated the statement of press council member U Myint Kyaw and criticized that releasing articles that have not been properly fact checked lack journalistic responsibility, referring to CNA's report.

Daw Aye Aye Win added that even if organizations are incorrect, they need to quickly issue corrections so these mistakes are not repeated as truth.

Press council member U Myint Kyaw recommended that the readers continue fact-checking and commenting on articles they believe include inaccurate information.

"Organizations need to admit their mistakes honestly, in order to maintain trust. Simply removing reports is dishonest and violates journalism ethics," said U Myint Kyaw.

On September 7, one of leading local newspapers Eleven Media published an article with photos that claimed to show Muslims setting fire to their own houses. These photos went viral on social media. Netizens later pointed out inconsistencies in religious dress and others recognized some of the people pictured in the images as Hindus who were sheltering in Maungdaw.

One person who spread these misleading photos was President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay. He shared the images on Twitter and Facebook and wrote: "Bengalis setting fire to their own homes."

Government spokesman U Zaw Htay posts photos that claim to show Muslim residents in Rakhine burning their homes. / Screengrab / Zaw Htay / Twitter

When the truth was revealed, he deleted the photos and posted that the government was going to investigate the controversial photos.

Eleven Media published a piece the following day stating that the government was going to investigate the case but did not issue an apology or correction under the article.

The post Analysis: Media, Misinformation and Misleading Photos in Rakhine Crisis appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

As West Ponders Sanctions, Will Myanmar Seek Beijing’s Embrace?

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 04:55 AM PDT

As some Western governments seriously consider sanctions on Myanmar's military and government in light of security operations in Rakhine State dogged by allegations of human rights abuses and dubbed ethnic cleansing by the UN, Beijing is ready to step in to assist its southern neighbor.

There is a sense of irony to see that the West's abrupt lifting of sanctions and full support for political reform in Myanmar since 2011 is on the verge of reversing. The West didn't listen when activists and observers warned them not to drop sanctions and welcome Myanmar with open arms too quickly.

Now, as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi openly warned in her diplomatic address this week, Myanmar's fragile democracy faces an uphill battle and huge challenges. Some Western governments and media take the moral high ground to bark at Daw Aung San Suu Kyi over human rights issues, but many in Myanmar say they are barking up the wrong tree.

With mounting pressure in the West to re-impose sanctions and restrictions, the government under Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will seek some selected allies in the West but will be forced to rely more and more on China.

The Chinese government invited Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to visit even before she became de facto leader of the government and is likely extend its political support and investment.

Rumors of Beijing's hesitance over Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing's manoeuver to reach out to India, Japan and the West have persisted since last year; he has now visited Brussels twice, but is unlikely to return if Europe imposes sanctions.

Informed sources have indicated that China invited Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing to visit the country's capital in the near future. He visited before to meet President Xi Jinping.

This week, Min Aung Hlaing visited strife-torn Rakhine State. Next week, he will likely hold regular security meetings with top brass in Naypyitaw. He will then visit Beijing, sources told The Irrawaddy.

As a sign of more restrictions and sanctions designed to punish the military's behavior, the British government suspended an educational course provided to Myanmar's military on democracy, leadership and English language—which cost around £305,000 (US$411,000) last year—until there is an acceptable resolution to the current situation.

In return, the military in Myanmar issued a statement saying they will never again send officers to Britain for training.

Every year, Myanmar sends its officers to Russia and China. Soon, India will also train Myanmar Army officers and allow them to study in military academies in India—the agreement was reached during Min Aung Hlaing's visit to India in July.

Due to conflict in Rakhine, the United States' plan to expand military-to-military engagement with Myanmar has been halted. The EU is also considering imposing sanctions and other restrictions on the Myanmar Army.

China Backs Myanmar at the UN

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told UN Secretary-General António Guterres that China supports efforts by the Myanmar government to protect its national security and opposes recent violent attacks in the country's Rakhine State.

"China is willing to continue promoting peace talks in its own way, and hopes the international community can play a constructive role to ease the situation and promote dialogue," Wang Yi said.

As a key ally to former repressive regimes, China continues to provide diplomatic protection to Myanmar as some Western nations press the government and military on the brutal crackdown on self-identifying Rohingya that has sent 420,000 refugees fleeing to Bangladesh.

Rakhine State is an important region for China.

As a major investor in Myanmar, China is looking for a seaport in Kyaukphyu, Rakhine State, on the Bay of Bengal—the country clearly has strategic interest in the Indian Ocean. To Beijing, Rakhine State without western influence is better.

In April, during his official visit to Beijing, Myanmar President U Htin Kyaw signed an agreement with Chinese President Xi Jinping on a partially completed crude oil pipeline between western Myanmar's Kyaukphyu and southern China's Kunming.

In May, Reuters reported China was looking to take a stake of up to 85 percent in the strategically important seaport in Myanmar as part of its "One Belt, One Road" initiative.

As China expands its geo-political influence and opens up an economic corridor to its southern neighbors, it needs stability in Rakhine State.

China's motives in backing Myanmar are said to include a desire to expand its foothold in Myanmar and acting to limit Western influence spreading among its neighbors.

Beijing has been pushing for preferential access to the deep seaport of Kyaukphyu—part of its ambitious infrastructure investment plan to deepen its links with economies throughout Asia and beyond, Reuters reported.

The pipeline is part of the US$10 billion Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone and there are also plans for a railway linking Yunnan Province and Myanmar, though it is thought to be suspended or under review.

In April, Chinese Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang visited Bangladesh and offered to tackle a diplomatic row between Bangladesh and Myanmar over the flight of the persecuted Rohingya.

Beijing's "Belt and Road" initiative is massive and is intended to stimulate trade by investment in infrastructure throughout Asia and beyond. The Daw Aung San Suu Kyi government is seen close to China.

Asian neighbors such as Thailand, Singapore, Japan and India will not impose sanctions and never had imposed sanctions on Myanmar when under repressive regimes. Asian investors will not leave the country because of the situation in Rakhine State.

The dilemma some Western nations face is whether to impose sanctions knowing it will only increase China's foothold and expands its influence.

The post As West Ponders Sanctions, Will Myanmar Seek Beijing's Embrace? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Township Spokesman Arrested for Drugs

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 04:46 AM PDT

MON STATE, Thanbyuzayat Township — A township National League for Democracy (NLD) spokesman was arrested in possession of 15 methamphetamine pills on Wednesday.

U Tun Win, 42, was found carrying the pills underneath his motorbike helmet, during a stop-and-search in Mon State's Thanbyuzayat Township, according to police.

The arrest of U Tun Win, the party's spokesman for Thanbyuzayat, has been reported to the NLD, according to Mon State NLD chairperson Dr. Khin Saung.

NLD's central executive committee members will decide whether to take action against him, said Dr. Khin Saung.

Thanbyuzayat police station filed a case against U Tun Win under 20(A) of Section 3 of Myanmar's Drugs Act. Those found guilty face three to five years in jail.

The post NLD Township Spokesman Arrested for Drugs appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fifth Exhibition for 79-Year-Old Artist

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 04:38 AM PDT

YANGON — Artist Maung Maung Thein (Pathein) is showing his fifth solo art exhibition at Lokanat Gallery in Yangon from Sept. 18-25.

The exhibition features natural scenery and traditions from different parts of Myanmar as well as scenes from Phuket in Thailand.

The exhibition shows at Lokanat Gallery in Yangon from Sept. 18-25. (Supplied)

Maung Maung Thein has been teaching painting to children since the 1950s. The 79-year old studied painting from artists of the colonial period like Saya Myit, U Maung Maung Mya and U Thet Win.

He completed some of his paintings in the exhibition in the 1980s. He is also showing outdoor paintings he drew in Phuket. Prices of the 60 oil and acrylic paintings range from US$100-$700.

The artist, who is not able to attend the exhibition for health reasons, said, "Every artist has his or her own style, learning basic techniques and creating one's own piece of work. Other artists' styles are their own ones. Create art with one's own style and be proud of it."

The post Fifth Exhibition for 79-Year-Old Artist appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nine Charged Over Sittwe Violence

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 04:13 AM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — Nine people have been remanded under unlawful assembly charges for their part in a mob that attacked an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) aid shipment bound for conflict-torn Maungdaw in Rakhine State capital Sittwe on Wednesday, according to police.

The nine people were being held in Sittwe and have been charged under six different sections of the Penal Code, including sections 143-5 which relate to unlawful assembly and sections 438 and 440 which relate to "mischief," Police Lt Kyaw Moe of Sittwe's No. 2 Police Station told The Irrawaddy.

The nine men were arrested on Wednesday night when nearly 300 people gathered and threw petrol bombs at a boat laden with ICRC aid at Set Yoe Kya jetty about 8 p.m.

The crowd was dispersed by some 200 police who fired rubber bullets and tear gas to restore order. The Myanmar Army's regional commander and his soldiers arrived at the jetty at 11 p.m.

"At first we tried to negotiate [with the mob] but they refused to disperse, and began to ignite petrol bottles" said Lt Kyaw Moe of Wednesday's trouble.

Sittwe resident Kyaw Thant Lwin told The Irrawaddy on Thursday that the clashes had frightened residents and that a lot of unconfirmed reports about the violence had been shared online, but that the situation was calm on Thursday morning.

Another resident told The Irrawaddy that violence flared because the crowd believed the boat contained terrorists.

According to an Information Committee statement, laborers loading the ship on Wednesday afternoon told two men that the boat was carrying ICRC aid after they inquired.

At about 5 p.m., 50 men arrived at the jetty and demanded the boat captain not to leave. After the incident was reported, the district police chief and community Buddhist monk leaders tried to mediate and diffuse the situation but the boat was delayed from leaving and the mob continued to swell.

The 50-ton aid shipment was organized by ICRC's local supervisor U Naing Lin Wai and included 774 solar panels, 64,071 items of clothing, 1,240 tarpaulins, 1,331 blankets, 1,331 water buckets, 3,000 mosquito nets, feminine hygiene products and kitchenware.

The post Nine Charged Over Sittwe Violence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Memory of Sacrifice: Memory, Justice and the Saffron Revolution

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 04:06 AM PDT

Over the past few years, anniversaries of major events in the Myanmar pro-democracy movement, including the Saffron Revolution, are commemorated with the laying of memorial wreaths for those who were killed, speeches by movement leaders about the continuing struggle, and retrospective pieces in the media reflecting on how far the country has come, and how far there is yet to go.

Well-known leaders of the democracy movement are lauded, but the lesser-known, ordinary laypeople and monks continue to suffer the impacts of their involvement in protests like the Saffron Revolution. Their time in prison and association with the then-banned organizations continues to stigmatize them and their families, preventing them from full participation in society. Now that leaders of the democracy movement are leading the government, they should make clear that those who fought for democracy are to be celebrated, not shunned, and take steps to enable their full participation in the social, economic and political life of the country.

To the puzzlement of many outside observers, memorial events are relatively devoid of outrage and demands for justice, despite the state's brutal response to the protests. The rhetoric focuses on the bravery and sacrifice of the protesters and activists, not the horrific acts committed by those in power. Some have attributed this to a Buddhist tendency toward forgiveness, and others to a calculated political maneuvering by activists still engaged in the day-to-day struggles to consolidate and improve democracy. While both are likely factors in many cases, there is more nuance in this rhetoric.

When it comes to justice for those killed, injured, tortured and detained in the Saffron Revolution, the way the events are remembered is instructive. By their words and actions, monks and lay members of the pro-democracy movement remember their fallen colleagues as heroes who gave of themselves for the betterment of the country, not as helpless victims of a brutal regime. For many, to focus on their victimhood is to belittle their bravery in the face of known risks, to retroactively invalidate their agency and the choices they made.

These dynamics should not be seen as a rejection of justice, but as setting forth a framework within which demands for justice should be understood. Official recognition and commemoration, done well, may go a long way to providing justice for victims of political imprisonment and of violence against protesters, addressing some of the consequences of the violations and providing a remedy to the victims. If former political prisoners and other pro-democracy activists are celebrated publicly as heroes rather than ostracized as criminals, perhaps they will have an easier time reintegrating into their communities, finding employment and restoring family ties.

For the most impact, recognition must come from the government, a more authoritative, wide-reaching source than a small group of activists holding ceremonies on anniversaries. Acknowledgment of wrongful imprisonment and recognition of activists' contribution to the society should be done on an individual basis, in a way that makes it clear to families, communities and future employers that there should be no obstacle to that person's full participation in the social, economic and political life of the country. Meaningful recognition and commemoration should also include expunging criminal records, removing notations on identity cards, restoring revoked professional licenses, and restoring citizenship and related rights to those who are still in exile.

This is not to say that those who suffered do not deserve justice, whether in the form of reparation, truth, criminal justice or some combination of those objectives. In fact, when commemorating the Saffron Revolution, many have called for assistance to survivors, an apology from the government, and institutional reform to prevent recurrence. Some have demanded prosecution of those who ordered the crackdown. However, at least at this historical moment, the focus is on recognition and commemoration – as heroes of the democracy movement who unjustly but bravely suffered for the good of the country.

Thousands of people throughout Myanmar made incredible sacrifices to move the country towards democracy. They braved the streets in demonstrations, spread information obtained from banned sources, rallied support for the movement's leadership, and did millions of other everyday acts of resistance. For that, they have suffered imprisonment, exile, stigmatization, unemployment and have been left otherwise unable to fully participate in their society and enjoy the gains of their struggle. Now that the leaders of that movement have power, now that the country is, in fact, moving slowly towards democracy, those who helped make that happen should be able to enjoy the benefits as well.

Aileen Thomson is an independent expert on justice and human rights with a particular focus on transitional justice in Asia. She was previously the Head of Office for the International Center for Transitional Justice in Myanmar and Nepal. She has a J.D. (law) and a M.A. (international affairs) from the American University in Washington, D.C.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Memory of Sacrifice: Memory, Justice and the Saffron Revolution appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

ARSA Linked to Foreign Extremist Groups: Bertil Lintner

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 03:59 AM PDT

YANGON — A Muslim militant organization behind the attacks on 30 police stations in northern Rakhine State last month has connections with foreign extremist groups despite their blanket denial of such accusations, according to a journalist who has been covering Myanmar and Asia for more than three decades.

In his latest story about the Muslim insurgency in northern Rakhine, Bertil Lintner writes that Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army's claim on fighting for self-determination like other ethnic armed groups in the country and rejection of being branded as a terrorist organization by the Myanmar government are unfit with the realities on the ground.

The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) has claimed its attacks were part of a campaign to achieve basic human rights for self-identifying Rohingya Muslims living in Rakhine. However, the Myanmar Army responded to the offensive with a brutal crackdown, forcing an estimated 420,000 to flee to Bangladesh, bringing accounts of indiscriminate killing and rape by security forces.

In "The truth behind Myanmar's Rohingya insurgency" published in Asia Times, the Swedish journalist cites intelligence analysts as saying the group's mentor is Karachi-based Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Pakistani of Rohingya descent. He has appeared in videos spread on social media calling for 'jihad' in Myanmar, according to the article.

"Abdus Qadoos has well-documented links to Lashkar-e-Taiba, or the Army of the Righteous, one of South Asia's largest Islamic terrorist organizations that operates mainly from Pakistan. The group was founded in 1987 in Afghanistan with funding from now deceased Al Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden. Abdus Qadoos has even appeared in meetings together with Lashkar-e-Taiba supremo Hafiz Mohammed Syed," writes Lintner.

The article describes the group's leader as Ataullah abu Ammar Junjuni, also known as Hafiz Tohar, who was born in Karachi and received madrassa education in Saudi Arabia.

Alleged links to foreign extremist groups contradict an ARSA statement posted on Twitter on Sept. 14, which said it has no "links to Al Qaeda, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, Lashkar-e-Taiba or any transnational terrorist group."

ARSA added "it to be known by all states that it is prepared to work with security agencies to intercept and prevent terrorists from entering [Rakhine] and making a bad situation worse."

Lintner highlights ARSA's second-ranking leader, "a shadowy man known only as 'Sharif' who comes from Chittagong in southwestern Bangladesh and does not appear in any of the group's propaganda videos." He reportedly speaks with an Urdu language accent, the official language of Pakistan.

Security analysts note 150 foreigners among the ARSA rank, according to the story, as well as the likelihood of "angry and desperate young men" among the self-identifying Rohingya in Rakhine and refugee camps in Bangladesh.

"Most of them are from Bangladesh, eight to ten come from Pakistan with smaller groups from Indonesia, Malaysia and southern Thailand. Two are reportedly from Uzbekistan. Trainings held in the Myanmar-Bangladesh border areas have been carried out in part by older veterans of the Afghan wars, the security analysts say," the journalist writes.

In fact, the name ARSA was unknown until late last year. Even after the first attack on police outposts in October last year, the group name was unheard of. The Myanmar government said 'Harakah al-Yaqin, or "the Faith Movement' was behind the attacks. Later the group changed its name to ARSA, according to the story.

"The moniker had clear religious connotations and notably did not contain the words Rohingya or Arakan (Rakhine). It was only last year it started to use the more ethnically oriented name ARSA, perhaps in an attempt to distance itself from the radical milieu in which the movement was born."

Lintner also considers the tactics of ARSA to resemble the Muslim insurgents in southernmost Thailand, adjacent to Malaysia, more than Myanmar's other ethnic armies, as the fighters mingle with villagers, wear civilian clothes, and retreat across the border to neighboring Bangladesh.

"They prefers to mobilize hundreds of unarmed villagers to attack state positions in the middle of the night…….The relatively small attacking party then moves in, kills the intimidated soldiers or police and escapes with their weapons. It's a style of attack familiar in South Asia but altogether foreign until now in Myanmar," he writes.

The strength of ARSA, he said, quoting analysts, is much less than what the rebels as well as Myanmar military authorities claim. According to insiders, ARSA's strength is in the hundreds rather than thousands, with the total number of active trained combatants likely not exceeding 500.

After the attacks on August 25, the Myanmar military claimed to have killed 400 insurgents. The Swedish journalist estimated that most likely nearly all of them would have been conscripted villagers.

"If that many ARSA fighters had been killed, almost the entire organization would have been wiped out, according to security analysts monitoring the group," he writes.

The post ARSA Linked to Foreign Extremist Groups: Bertil Lintner appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine State Crisis Hinders Myanmar’s Peace Process

Posted: 22 Sep 2017 02:04 AM PDT

Myanmar, plagued by prolonged civil war for a half century, has now been forced into a tailspin. Recent violence in Rakhine State threatens to impede an already fragile nationwide peace process.

After the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) launched attacks on police outposts on Aug. 25, 2017, the government denounced and branded the group as extremist terrorists, and Myanmar Army security clearance operations in Rakhine State followed.

Due to the clearance operations, hundreds of thousands of civilians fled to Bangladesh and other areas. The crisis has been widely debated in domestic and international communities.

While the country has been grappling with continuing civil conflict in the north, the festering crisis in the Rakhine State has become a hindrance to the peace process.

The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) initially planned to meet with the government's Peace Commission this month but postponed to next month. The UNFC expressed that the Rakhine State conflict would stall the ongoing peace process in which the ethnic bloc has long participated to seek peace in the country.

Many ethnic leaders, particularly the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), have voiced concern that the recent violence in Rakhine would impede the peace process.

A prominent official from the KIO pointed to three incidents – Rakhine in June 2012, Meiktila in March 2013 and Rakhine in August 2017 – in which he believes the Myanmar Army used these other conflicts to draw attention away from the ongoing clashes in Kachin State.

In May 2012, former US Secretary of State Clinton expressed the Obama administration's concerns about the Kachin conflict when she met Myanmar's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin in Washington. Clinton, who became the first US secretary of state to visit Myanmar in more than 50 years, urged the country to end ethnic conflicts.

International attention on the civil war seemed to peak when UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon underlined the conflicts in Kachin State during his three-day visit to Myanmar from April 29, 2012. With both domestic and international attention focused on Myanmar Army offensives in Kachin State, inter-communal violence erupted in Rakhine State in June 2012.

Former President Thein Sein declared a State of Emergency in Rakhine State on June 10, 2012. The Myanmar Army, who then controlled the administration, targeted the Muslim minority (the self-identifying Rohingya) in the region through mass arrests and arbitrary violence.

Another intertwined incident erupted in 2013. The Myanmar Army attacked the KIO with combined ground forces, artillery fire, and air strikes, and the KIO lost most of their strategic outposts in early 2013.

When domestic and international concern was at its peak, violence again broke out between Buddhists and Muslims, leaving more than 40 people dead and entire neighborhoods razed in Meiktila in March 2013. Then President Thein Sein soon announced a state of emergency, which allowed the military to take control in the area.

Last but not least, the recent attacks in Rakhine State erupted after attention had been brought to army clearance operations against the KIO in the resource-rich area of Tanai. On June 5, Myanmar Army helicopters dropped leaflets over parts of Tanai ordering residents to leave by June 15 or risk being "considered as cooperating with the terrorist group KIA [Kachin Independence Army]."

The Myanmar Army soon launched offensives against the KIO in the amber and gold-rich area. Due to clearance operations, thousands of local and domestic migrants who had been working there for years were forced to flee. Many of the displaced are now staying in temporary shelters provided by churches in Tanai town.

On Aug. 14, 2017, the Myanmar Army representatives assigned to Parliament reiterated that the "clearance operations' against the KIO were in line with the military-drafted 2008 Constitution and did not need government approval.

With the eruption of violence in Rakhine State, both domestic and international attention again veered away from Kachin and toward Rakhine State.

The ongoing fighting in Kachin and northern Shan states needs to cease, and attention needs to be put there, alongside the crisis in Rakhine State.

The conflict in Rakhine not only impedes the country's peace process but also threatens to erode democracy with the declaration of a state of emergency and increased military control.

ARSA's attacks have bolstered the Myanmar Army. The goverment took on its rhetoric in labelling the group a terrorist organization, which allowed for clearance operations. The army has also garnered support from virulent nationalists, some political parties, and some ethnic Arakanese from its actions in the region.

This support legitimizes the army, and enables them to conduct clearance operations in other ethnic areas, furthering threatening the peace process.

On Sept. 1 2017, the Myanmar Army declared that it would wipe out the Arakan Army (AA) from Rakhine State, where both sides clashed in late August 2017. This is a vow to conduct similar military operations against the AA as were done to the KIO in August 2017.

It is going to take the government, the Myanmar Army and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to work together to build a peaceful country, and this is the time to do it. Any additional Myanmar Army offensives will only stall the peace process even further.

Gen Yawd Serk, chairman of the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South, has said that the situation in the country will worsen if the peace process is stalled.

The government has attempted to resolve both the civil war and the issues in Rakhine State but these cannot be solved by the government or the army alone. The international community, intellectuals, political parties and civil society are vitally important and must be allowed to participate in these processes.

The success of Myanmar's peace process and the outcome of the Rakhine State crisis hinges on how the government, military, and ethnic armed organizations address the root causes of conflict collectively. Absent of such cooperation, the peace process will be stalled and violence in Rakhine State will not be resolved.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based analyst.

The post Rakhine State Crisis Hinders Myanmar's Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rakhine Crisis Dents Myanmar Hopes of Western Investment Boom

Posted: 21 Sep 2017 10:47 PM PDT

YANGON/HONG KONG — When officials from Myanmar's commercial capital Yangon toured six European countries in June, they were hoping to drum up investment in transport, energy and education.

Instead, they were bombarded with questions about the country's treatment of the self-identifying Rohingya Muslim minority, who have long complained of persecution by the Buddhist majority in the oil-rich, ethnically divided, western state of Rakhine.

"In each of every country, that issue was always brought up," Hlaing Maw Oo, secretary of Yangon City Development Committee, told Reuters after the 16-day trip.

The situation in Rakhine has worsened dramatically since then, with more than 400,000 Muslims in the state fleeing to Bangladesh to escape a military counterinsurgency offensive the United Nations has described as "ethnic cleansing."

Western trade and investment in Myanmar is small, but there were hopes that a series of reforms this year would prise open an economy stunted by international sanctions and decades of mismanagement under military rule.

With most sanctions now lifted, an expected flood of Western money was seen as a key dividend from the transition to civilian rule under Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Regional diplomats saw it balancing China's growing influence over its neighbor.

But Suu Kyi has been beset by international criticism for saying little about human rights abuses against the self-identifying Rohingya, and lawyers, consultants and lobbyists say the European and US companies that had been circling are now wary of the reputational risks of investing in the country.

Louis Yeung, managing principal of Yangon-based investment firm Faircap Partners, said one of his business partners—a listed, US-based food and beverage company—decided to hold off its plan to enter the Myanmar market for three to five years, citing factors including slower-than-expected reforms and the Rakhine crisis.

"Their conclusion is that it wasn't the right time for them," he said. "They want to see more traction from the government and Rakhine is not helpful."

On Hold

The pressure has been growing in recent months, even on existing investors, with rights group AFD International calling on foreign firms to stop investing in Myanmar.

A small group of investors in US oil major Chevron filed an unsuccessful motion at its annual general meeting urging it to pull out of its production sharing contract with a state-run firm to explore for oil and gas, while Norwegian telecoms firm Telenor, which runs a mobile network in Myanmar, issued a statement calling for human rights protection.

Chevron declined to comment on its investment in Myanmar, while Telenor did not respond to several requests for comment.

Bernd Lange, chair of the European Parliament Committee on International Trade, said last week his delegation postponed a visit to Myanmar indefinitely, saying the human rights situation "does not allow a fruitful discussion on a potential EU-Myanmar investment agreement."

Khin Aung Tun, vice-chairman of the Myanmar Tourism Federation, told Reuters global firms planning to hold conferences in Myanmar were now considering other locations.

"People were just starting to see Myanmar as a ‘good news’ story," said Dane Chamorro, head of South East Asia at Control Risks, a global risk consultancy.

"Now you can imagine a boardroom in which someone mentions Myanmar and someone else says ‘hold on, I've just seen something on Myanmar on TV: villages burned down, refugees, etc’."

In an interview published in Nikkei Asia Review on Thursday, Suu Kyi acknowledged it was "natural" for foreign investors to be concerned, but repeated her view that economic development was the key to solving poor Rakhine's long-standing problems.

"So investments would actually help make the situation better," she said.

In China's Orbit

Myanmar's US$70 billion economy should be a strong investment proposition for Western firms. It boasts large oil and gas reserves and natural resources such as rubies, jade and timber. Wages are low and its youthful population of more than 50 million is eager for retail and manufacturing jobs.

In April, Myanmar passed a long-awaited investment law, simplifying procedures and granting foreign investors equal treatment to the locals. A game-changing law allowing foreigners to buy stakes in local firms is expected later this year.

"The investment conditions were improving," said Dustin Daugherty, ASEAN lead for business intelligence at Dezan Shira & Associates, a consultancy for foreign investors in Asia.

Myanmar's economy may not suffer much, however, if Western firms shun the country—or even if their governments were to reimpose some sanctions, although that appears unlikely for now.

Suu Kyi has sought to deepen relations with China at a time when Beijing is keen to push projects that fit with its "Belt and Road" initiative, which aims to stimulate trade by investment in infrastructure throughout Asia and beyond.

Myanmar trades with China as much as it does with its next four biggest partners: Singapore, Thailand, Japan and India. None of that top five participated in previous sanctions.

Trade with the United States is only about $400 million and US investment is just 0.5 percent of the total. Europe accounts for around a 10th of investment, while China and Hong Kong make up more than a third, and Singapore and Thailand another third.

Than Aung Kyaw, Deputy Director General of Myanmar's Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, told Reuters European investors might have "second thoughts," but he expected Asian investors to stay put.

China is already in talks to sell electricity to energy-hungry Myanmar and pushing for preferential access to a strategic port on the Bay of Bengal. In April, the two countries reached an agreement on an oil pipeline that pumps oil across Myanmar to southwest China.

"It is going to feed Aung San Suu Kyi straight into the hands of [Chinese President] Xi Jinping," said John Blaxland, director at the ANU Southeast Asia Institute and head of the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre.

The post Rakhine Crisis Dents Myanmar Hopes of Western Investment Boom appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:
Subscribe to: Posts (Atom)