The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

• ‘It Will Not Be a Good Situation if We Are Forced to Sign the NCA’: NMSP Vice Chairman
• Religious Affairs Ministry Targets Alleged Sex Predator for Defaming Buddhism
• Myanmar Government ‘Wronged’ by UN Statement
• American Tourist Dies After Falling From Bagan Pagoda
• Traffickers Prey on Lost Rohingya Children in Bangladesh Camps
• Man in the Middle
• Analysis: Myanmar’s Ties to North Korea Prompt Questions

‘It Will Not Be a Good Situation if We Are Forced to Sign the NCA’: NMSP Vice Chairman Posted: 08 Nov 2017 03:59 AM PST The New Mon State Party (NMSP) has an isolated armed group in the southern part on the country in Mon State. The group has not signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) despite Myanmar Army pressure. The military seized at least four army bases from the NMSP in previous months, according to party leaders. The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng interviewed Nai Hong Sar, the NMSP vice chairman and former chairman of the ethnic alliance the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). What is the latest update on the peace process? When will you sign the NCA? We need to talk a bit more with the National Reconciliation and Peace Center. Our Delegation for Political Negotiation will meet with them on Wednesday. When we agree upon the eight points to implementing the NCA, then we will sign it. We know we need to solve our armed conflict; we will not avoid signing the NCA. So, you can't say exactly when you will sign? Right. I cannot say when for sure. You met Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What did you discuss with her? A: We mainly discussed how the Myanmar Army seized out bases and restricted our movement. It shouldn't do so and we lost trust while we were negotiating signing the NCA because of its actions. Trust is needed to build peace. She said she understood and that there should not me oppression when building peace but that she couldn't control the military based on the 2008 Constitution. She was frustrated with the lack of improvement with the peace process, despite her National League for Democracy (NLD) working hard for it. I said there were various points to a successful peace agreement. First, all people and groups should be able to participate in political dialogue. When South Africa built peace, they let all parties participate. We cannot make peace during conflict. We all need to participate to halt conflict. We also need a completed political framework in order to have dialogue. We cannot skip this step and prior to one Panglong peace conference, ethnic armed groups in Rakhine and Shan states could not have national-level meeting with people in their townships. We were unable to attend the peace conference, not having signed the NCA. What if we disagreed with things that were discussed in a previous conference? It would be difficult to amend them later for new attendees. It is better to go step-by-step. She did not respond to my suggestions. Why do you think the Myanmar Army seized bases from your armed group? To force us to sign the NCA. Why did they block your troops from training or even marching on Mon Revolution Day? We asked military officials this. They said they didn't want us to show military strength while making peace with the government. We said we wouldn't cause trouble. You have participated in peace negotiations under former President Thein Sein and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. How do they differ? U Thein Sein and the military had the same form. But, the NLD government and the military are different. It was easy to deal with during U Thein Sein's government in the case of peace agreements. It became difficult under Daw aung San Suu Kyi's government. What is your view on how Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is running the government? She is trying to approach national reconciliation with the military. But many ethnic leaders have a different viewpoint regarding her actions and trust her less because of it. What is the relationship between the UNFC and the Northern Alliance armed groups? We still communicate with them. We negotiated with them [in reference to the NCA]. We also used to work with the Arakan Army, Kokang and Palaung before. But they have a different stance than us now. Did you discuss the Northern Alliance with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? No. If the Myanmar Army forced your armed group to sign NCA what would you do? It will not be a good situation if we are forced to sign the NCA. But we have reached many agreement toward signing and if they agree to our proposed points, we will sign. It took a long time to even reach this level of trust. We don't want fighting. It causes a lot of civilian suffering. How are you preparing in the case that they force you to sign the NCA? If our people can't accept the military actions and we cannot get our rights through political means, there will be another armed struggle. What do you think about how Daw Aung San Suu Kyi dealt with the crisis in Rakhine State? I don't know enough to say but I do know she needs to be careful in solving this conflict. If there isn't justice, it will be a problem later. The post 'It Will Not Be a Good Situation if We Are Forced to Sign the NCA': NMSP Vice Chairman appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Religious Affairs Ministry Targets Alleged Sex Predator for Defaming Buddhism Posted: 08 Nov 2017 03:26 AM PST NAYPYITAW — The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture plans to sue Khun Tan, also known as Zat Lite, who reportedly postured as the next Buddha in order to seduce young girls. "Though the aggrieved parties have not complained, legal action should be taken considering the crime," religious affairs minister Thura U Aung Ko told reporters at Upper House on Wednesday. The minister was "coordinating to take action" against Khun Tan under Article 295 (A) of the Penal Code which covers malicious acts "intended to outrage religious feelings" and carries a maximum of two years' imprisonment. In Mon State's Thaton Township, Khun Tan convinced local Pa-O people he was the reincarnation of influential and respected Pa-O monk Alantaya Sayadaw Ashin Sakka, according to reports. Khun Tan arrived when he was seven in Thaton's Alantaya neighborhood—the area surrounding the monastery of Alantaya Sayadaw—where Pa-O custom advises that a bride thought to be born ill fated can be rebalanced by nominally marrying a man who has good astrological influence. With many parents in the area being led into believing that their daughters nominally marrying Khun Tan would be a blessing, the 25-year-old man is said to have seduced many girls between 2014 and 2016. "Besides taking actions against him, [the government] should investigate and conduct educational programs in Alantaya. Punishing Khun Tan is not enough. He has fled and we are not sure if we could arrest him. The important thing is to educate and raise the awareness of local people and get rid of those [overly religious] attitudes," said Daw Khaing Khaing Lei, the chairperson of the Mon State Parliament Women and Child Rights Protection Committee. Khun Tan reportedly fled to his native Hopong in Shan State's Taunggyi District some two months ago after Mon State government arrested some trustees of Alantaya Pagoda for renovating the pagoda without official permission. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Religious Affairs Ministry Targets Alleged Sex Predator for Defaming Buddhism appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Government ‘Wronged’ by UN Statement Posted: 08 Nov 2017 03:21 AM PST NAYPYITAW — The Myanmar government feels "wronged" over a UN Security Council statement on the Rohingya refugee crisis that reflected international media's perceived bias of the issue, said presidential spokesperson U Zaw Htay. "We feel wronged that UN Security Council members have echoed those allegations. What I would like to tell the international community on behalf of the Myanmar government is that we are trying to find a long-term solution for the Rakhine issue," said U Zaw Htay. The Myanmar government will continue doing what it takes to solve the problem, he said, but would not try to counter the (UN) Presidential Statement because it has already asked the international community to present evidence of the alleged human rights violations and abuses. The UN statement released on Nov. 6 expressed concern over reports of human rights violations and abuses by Myanmar security forces in Rakhine State against Rohingya, saying that abuses involved systematic use of force and intimidation, killing of men, women, and children, sexual violence as well as destruction and burning of homes and property. International groups such as Human Rights Watch have also documented killings and rape of Rohingya and satellite imagery showing razed villages, while access to northern Rakhine is heavily restricted. The statement also called on the Myanmar government to end the excessive military force and intercommunal violence that had displaced more than 600,000 people, the vast majority Rohingya in Rakhine State. "We don't necessarily have to do as the statement asks. But we have to pay heed to it as it the Presidential Statement of the UN Security Council. We can't ignore it," said U Zaw Htay. The statement also urged the Myanmar government to work with the Bangladeshi government and the UN in order to allow the voluntary return of all refugees to their homes in Myanmar with safety and dignity. In response, the State Counselor Office issued a statement on Nov. 7, saying that it regretted a Presidential Statement was issued with regard to a situation that is in the process of being resolved amicably between two neighboring countries. The United Nations is turning a blind eye to measures being taken by the Myanmar government, said MP U Yi Mon of Pobbathiri Township in Naypyitaw, adding that the public should stand by the government on the Rakhine issue. "What Myanmar should do is to steadily do what it takes. The truth will be uncovered one day," said U Yi Mon. "When we approach a problem, we need to approach it from various perspectives," said U Zaw Htay. He added that voices represented by international media are louder than other less represented voices on the Rakhine crisis. While it is solving the crisis, the government also has to handle racial and religious instigation intended to trouble the government, he said. Public trust is a necessary condition for the government to make the country's democratization a success and solve its pressing economic and social problems, he added. The Myanmar government has invited Bangladeshi foreign minister Abul Hassan Mahmud Ali to Myanmar from to Nov. 16-18 to discuss the repatriation of refugees, said U Zaw Htay. "We expect to sign a bilateral agreement when he comes and Myanmar and Bangladesh will continue to cooperate on that," said U Zaw Htay, adding that the Bangladeshi government has not confirmed the date of the visit. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Myanmar Government 'Wronged' by UN Statement appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

American Tourist Dies After Falling From Bagan Pagoda Posted: 08 Nov 2017 02:12 AM PST A foreign tourist died after falling from the top of a pagoda in the ancient city of Bagan on Tuesday evening, confirmed the Nyaung-U police station. The US citizen injured her head and died while being transferred from Nyaung-U hospital to Mandalay Hospital, said U Aung Aung Kyaw, director of the Department of Archaeology, National Museum and Library (Bagan Branch). "We've put notices in more than 20 places not to climb on pagodas. I heard that she fell while she was taking pictures. That pagoda was prohibited for climbing," U Aung Aung Kyaw told The Irrawaddy. The victim, whose age is not yet known, was lodging at Thiripyitsaya Hotel, and a small stupa near the pagoda was damaged as she fell. Since last month, climbing has been prohibited on Shwesandaw Pagoda, one of the most popular sunset-viewing pagodas in Bagan after lower terraces collapsed due to rains. Previously, five temples were open to visitors to view the sunset in Bagan, but after hundreds of pagodas were damaged by a powerful 6.8 magnitude earthquake in August last year, authorities have banned climbing at most of the sites for safety reasons. Following the earthquake, the government constructed three sunset-viewing decks in order to discourage visitors from climbing the pagodas, said U Aung Aung Kyaw. The post American Tourist Dies After Falling From Bagan Pagoda appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Traffickers Prey on Lost Rohingya Children in Bangladesh Camps Posted: 08 Nov 2017 12:10 AM PST UKHIA, Bangladesh — The end of the cyclone season comes as a relief to most Rohingya in Bangladesh's Kutupalong refugee camp. But not Noor Alom, who had been searching for his six-year-old daughter for two days. Fatima left their home, which sits near three putrid latrines, to play on a nearby hillside—and never came back. "Nobody has any news about her," Alom told the Thomson Reuters Foundation after another exasperating search in the blistering heat, his wife rocking on the floor beside him. "I am so worried that someone has sold her and taken her to another place," he said. "People told me that it occurs here." His fears are not misplaced. The United Nations (UN) says trafficking networks already exist in southern Bangladesh's sprawling camps, which have been overwhelmed by the arrival of more than 600,000 Rohingya fleeing Myanmar over the last two months. It says killings, arson and rape of Rohingya Muslims by troops and ethnic Rakhine Buddhist mobs since Aug. 25, in response to coordinated Rohingya insurgent attacks on security posts, amount to a campaign of ethnic cleansing. Six out of ten of the new arrivals in the Bangladesh camps are children, providing a fertile hunting ground for traffickers looking for young girls to recruit as maids. Thousands of children have, at some point, been separated from their families amid the chaos. "It is a major, major risk," said Jean Lieby, head of child protection at the UN children's agency (UNICEF) in Bangladesh. "Young girls might enter into this type of trafficking and then end up in one of the big cities." Kidnappers Nazir Ahmed, a Rohingya refugee in the camp, set up an information centre two months ago, which he said has already reunited some 1,800 lost children with their parents. Despite its important title, the center's only equipment is a wooden table and a megaphone. But, from the moment the sun rises, it is inundated with people looking for their loved ones. "For the Rohingya who have just come here, this place is new," said Ahmed. "If they go far from their house, they can easily get lost." On the morning the Thomson Reuters Foundation visited, two toddlers sat beside Ahmed, staring with terror at the wall of bodies in front of them. "We are telling all brothers of the Rohingya, two children have been found and now they are with us," Ahmed announced over the megaphone, to the amusement of one child. "If these children are yours, you can take them," he said, describing their red and yellow T-shirts, and how one had no pants on while the other had a toy in his hand. "If they belong to your relative, you can inform them that they are here." Ahmed does not disclose the children's names to protect them from potential traffickers. To claim a child, a parent must correctly recite their name and the child must confirm that the adult is their mother or father. Ahmed is only too aware of the threat of human trafficking in Kutupalong. Only a day earlier, an unfamiliar man tried to snatch a child sitting on a footpath. He was swiftly attacked by the child's relative who was buying food from a nearby shop. "We are telling all the people that there are kidnappers here, so be careful with your children," Ahmed said. A few hours after the first announcement was made, only the child in the red T-shirt remained, clutching some tattered bank notes donated by a sympathetic member of the audience. As Ahmed hung up his microphone, a woman forced her way behind the table. The child stretched his slight arms towards her and, for the first time that day, cried uncontrollably. "I lost my child after he followed his father out of the house this morning," his mother, Diloara Begum, said after an emotional reunion. "Some people told me the child will have died, others told me the child will have been kidnapped … When I heard he was at this place, I felt so happy I touched the sky with my hand." Bonded Labor Trafficking is not the only form of exploitation that young Rohingya face in Bangladesh. Other desperate families are selling their children into bonded labor, most commonly in the fish drying industry that dominates the nearest city, Cox's Bazar, UNICEF said. Families receive 18,000 taka (US$217) while their children work to pay off the debt during the nine-month fishing season. To encourage parents to keep their children in school, UNICEF has given more than 400 poor families who arrived in 2016 the same sum in cash, plus grants to start small businesses. The agency would like to offer cash grants to the latest arrivals as well, but funding is tight as millions of dollars are also needed for essentials like water and medical care. With the specter of child trafficking looming large over the Rohingya camps, Alom was fortunate. After a three-day search, he found Fatima crying on one of Kutupalong's dusty streets. "My heart and mind were broken, no one knew anything about her," he said. "Once I saw her I was so very happy, I don't care what happened or where she went, I am just so happy." The post Traffickers Prey on Lost Rohingya Children in Bangladesh Camps appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Man in the Middle Posted: 07 Nov 2017 10:24 PM PST On the second anniversary of Myanmar's 2015 landmark election, The Irrawaddy revisits this shortened interview with the then chairman of the Union Election Commission U Tin Aye with Kyaw Zwa Moe published in the August 2015 magazine issue. Video of the full interview split into two parts is embedded in the text. Mr. Chairman, it is fair to say that two of three elections since 1988 were not a success. The results of the 1990 vote were not recognized. The 2010 election was deemed flawed. But the 2012 by-election, which you organized, was given a certain degree of credit. What will you do to make sure the 2015 election receives the same kind of recognition? Myanmar has very limited knowledge and experience of elections. There had been only four [full, multiparty] elections—in 1952, 1956, 1960 and 1990—before the 2010 election. Judging the previous elections against my personal norms for an ideal election, they are not ones that elected outstanding and morally good people to represent the people. The first three polls took place during periods of anarchy. In the 1990 election, people cast their votes for a party because they did not like the other option. In the 2010 election, there was essentially only one party, which was backed by the previous government and therefore had lots of handicaps. You asked me how I, as the chairman, better organized the 2012 by-election. To answer your question, I reviewed the mistakes—there were both right and wrong things. I will continue to correct the mistakes and keep doing more to ensure the right things are better and more relevant. Do you hope the forthcoming election will be as credible or even more so than the 2012 by-election? Sure, it must be. Where the 2012 by-election was different from the 2010 election was in the matter of widespread advance voting [in 2010]. I have records in my hands about how many individuals from which parties won the election with how many advance votes. How will you prevent such things in 2015? I have prevented them since the 2012 by-election. Speaking of advance votes, I should really thank my seniors. They were far-sighted, because advance voting ensures that voters do not lose their rights. There are two kinds of advance votes. One is for constituents in a constituency. It can be given by those who will be traveling on voting day and the elderly and ill persons who cannot go to polling stations to cast votes. The ward-level chapters of the UEC go to their places, even if they are behind bars or in hospitals, and take their ballots in envelopes. This is how advance votes are cast in constituencies. When we get those advance votes in our hands, we have to make a list of those who cast the votes. We have a form to record them. Then we have to hand over the boxes of advance ballots before 6 am, when polling stations are opened. Advance votes that are handed in after 6 am are invalid. I have instructed that when the polling stations are closed in the evening, the advance votes must be counted first and the list must be hung on the wall of the polling station, because I fear that there will be voting irregularities to do with taking advantage of advance votes. For example, if there are 100 advance votes and the list of which votes have gone to whom is hung on the wall, there can't be cheating. You mean the Union Solidarity and Development Party [USDP] manipulated advance voting previously. Mostly. Mr. Chairman, you were elected to Parliament for the USDP. Is the party happy with your performance at this time? It is a matter for them. Allow me to blow my own trumpet a little bit. If those in power complain to me about such cases [regarding advance voting], I will call them and discuss it in line with the truth and the law. I won't make any compromises with anyone over anything that could discourage a free and fair election. I will dare to criticize anyone for anything that is against the law. If I do something wrong, I will not hesitate to apologize and I will not hesitate to be punished. If I do something wrong, just box my ears. I don't mind. So they [the USDP] don't like me. They do want me to favor them. They don't like me as I'm not biased. You would ask me what I would do if somebody in power put pressure on returning officers. I have issued an instruction. I have told them that advance votes that arrive at polling stations later than 6 am are invalid and I would imprison them if they accept the advance votes that arrive after 6 am. I will conduct training soon and there I will carefully teach them about the must-knows, dos and don'ts. I will tell them what they must do, what they have to do, and if they don't, they will be imprisoned. But people still remain doubtful that the election will be free and fair. Frankly speaking, you are an ex-army man. And there are errors on voter lists. There are doubts as to whether the election will be held in unstable ethnic regions. What guarantee would you like to give to dispel people's doubts? People may doubt the credibility of the coming election because I am an ex-army man. I don't want to say they should or should not doubt me. The winner will say the election is fair and the loser will say it is not. So, taking this into consideration, I have invited civil society organizations, thinking that it will be better if there are witnesses. CSOs understand election laws as they have given voter education. I have asked them to check whether or not my proceedings are in line with the law. I also invited international observers. There are two types of observers. Short-term observers come three or four days before voting day and go back two or three days after voting day. Long-term observers come on the announcement of the date for voting day. The Carter Center has been here […] and done a survey. It will send its team of observers who will monitor different areas. They will monitor the nomination of candidates, their validity, the election campaign, what our commissions do, how we count votes, how we will investigate allegations of fraud and how candidates enter the Parliament. I am allowing them to stay in the country from the day they arrive in the country until the elected candidates are sworn in and become parliamentarians. I assure you I will do my best. Everyone is keeping an eye on me. How can I cheat? Video [Part 1] Mr. Chairman, last year, you said that the military may seize power if there was instability in the country. Perhaps you said it because you were worried. But some viewed it as a threat. As UEC chairman, don't you think such words could damage the credibility of the institution? I don't blame those who criticize me. I did not mean to threaten; I said so because I do not wish it to happen. I joined the military in 1963 and passed the time under the socialism of the Revolutionary Council, and then the State Law and Order Restoration Council and State Peace and Development Council, and the country has lagged behind in development. You know that previously Bangladesh, Laos and Cambodia lagged behind us. But now they are developed. How have they become developed? With the help of grants, aid and loans. I am full of bitter experiences in my mind and in my heart. This makes me afraid that the military might need to seize power again. The military intervenes when there is disorder and instability. The military never seizes power when the country is peaceful. You may point out the 1962 coup. That was because of the weakness of the 1947 constitution. The military seized power, giving the excuse that [ethnic regions] could secede from the country [according to the constitution]. History will decide whether their reasons were right or wrong. I did not mean to threaten. We were blamed for the 1988 coup. There was no rule of law then, there were cases of beheadings, the administrative mechanisms had fallen apart, and there were fights at border posts and the US naval fleets [entered Myanmar's territorial waters]. Under such circumstances, what would have happened had the military not seized power and just stood by? Think about it. It was not that the military seized power because it wanted to, but because it was inevitable. But then, as a result, the country suffered. We see now that the military, government and election commission are working in harmony. I think the military must have given a guarantee about this election. As the military has provided a guarantee, so has the government, I think. This is my personal view. I don't know if they are craftily playing tricks. But I believe we are in the same boat. If they do so, there will be a big impact. The country will be in trouble. I dare to persuade them and I would urge them [to not stage a coup] and to listen to my decision. What I want is—today, the Union Solidarity and Development Party is the ruling party, and it must be the best opposition party if it loses the election. Critics would point to the 1990 election [the results of which were nullified]… No. No. I want to deny that comparison. The national convention was convened for 1992, 1993. The National League for Democracy [NLD] should have acted shrewdly and attended the convention and gone along with the Constitution, no matter what was written in it. In fact, the Constitution was a step for the transfer of power. If the government at the time said the election would be held only after the Constitution was drafted, so it should have been. The NLD could have contested again. No other party would have been able to win that election. If they said they would change the Constitution again after it won that election, no one would have been able to stop it. It was not clever. Video [Part 2] What legal action will the UEC take regarding unlawful campaigning or encouraging people to vote for a particular party? Recently, some religious organizations spoke indirectly of doing so. That case is very delicate. I don't want to talk about it. It is a complicated issue. I asked them not to do it. I will take action if anything is against the law. But it is best if they don't do it. I hear that you will retire when your current term expires. What legacy would you like to leave for the commission? I will quit when my term expires after the election. … As to your question of a legacy, I want to talk about the essence of elections. Elections are crucially important. They need to turn out outstanding and virtuous people. Secondly, political parties are very important. They have to constantly improve their capacity. They have to serve the country when they come into power. The opposition party should not disturb but cooperate. I want to instill these concepts. And I want my commission to be a strong, firm institution. Are you ready to take any bigger role after you retire? I won't unless the situation requires it. Bogyoke Aung San said that he would stand by and laugh at his comrades' arguments, after the country gained its independence. I will copy Bogyoke Aung San's words because I like them. I will not laugh, but I will stand by and watch.  Unless the situation requires it, I will not take any role. You were a member of the USDP. Do you wish the USDP to win in the election? As a chairman, I am not supposed to have attachment to a party. It would not be wise. I do have an attachment, but I don't put it at the forefront of my mind. Anyway, attachment is the origin of a patriotic spirit. If you say you don't love your organization, I would say you don't have patriotic spirit. I am speaking the truth. I love the country. I love my organization. I love the military. I am willing to sacrifice my life for them. I love my organization. But I don't accept wrongdoing. I want the USDP to win, but to win fairly, not by cheating. They are my friends and colleagues who I have known for 20 or 30 years. I am willing to help them any time on personal matters. But if they ask me to help them to win the election, I will say 'sorry.' The post Man in the Middle appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Myanmar’s Ties to North Korea Prompt Questions Posted: 07 Nov 2017 10:12 PM PST YANGON — One of the key foreign policies of the Trump administration has involved a strategic rebalancing with Asia to deal with China's rising power, but Trump's focus so far has been on intensifying the pressure on nuclear-armed North Korea. Myanmar is not on his radar. Nevertheless, he is sending Secretary of State Rex Tillerson to meet Myanmar's top leaders to discuss the situation in Rakhine State. Yet what about Myanmar's past shady connections with North Korea? Will Tillerson raise the issue with his Myanmar counterparts when he meets them later this month? This is an area in which the United States can open a frank discussion as Myanmar's leaders in the past have maintained a close relationship with the North Korean regime that included arms sales, missile development and the construction of secretive underground defense facilities. Some Myanmar generals have even been placed on a sanctions list as a result of their military links to Pyongyang. Among them was Gen Thein Htay, who as head of the Directorate of Defense Industries was a key person in negotiating arms procurement with North Korea. In July, US envoy Joseph Yun, the State Department's special North Korea representative, visited Myanmar where he met Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Yun was in Myanmar's capital to discuss Myanmar's ties with North Korea, prompting analysts to question Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's role and how much she knew about the military's secretive activities and past links to North Korea and the current nature of relations between the two countries, including defense activities. In recent years, the United States has been pressuring Myanmar to sever its remaining links with Pyongyang as it transitions away from military rule. However, it is believed that some military officials and businessmen in Myanmar have continued to maintain interactions with Pyongyang. In July, the Asia Times published an article citing anonymous intelligence sources suggesting that North Korean instructors based at the defense services' educational institutes in Pyin Oo Lwin northeast of Mandalay, have recently provided training on computerized fire control systems for battleships and assisted the Myanmar military in missile development at a top-secret defense industry complex near Minhla in the central Magwe Region and likely at other secret sites as well. In his meeting with Yun, Min Aung Hlaing said that Myanmar only had "friend countries," not enemies, and desired to have relations with militaries across the world. Myanmar's Foreign Ministry responded by saying that Naypyitaw maintains only "normal relations" with Pyongyang and "definitely not" military-to-military relations. Under the previous regime, Gen Shwe Mann, who ranked No. 3 in the ruling junta, travelled to North Korea and signed a memorandum of understanding on military cooperation in November 2008. The Myanmar team, which was led by senior military leaders, visited defense facilities and studied an air defense system, weapons factories, and ships. The former house speaker is now considered to be close to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Early this year, the Myanmar government expelled a North Korean diplomat. "The government took necessary action against Mr. Kim Chol-nam, a national of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea working as a second secretary at the embassy of the DPRK in Yangon, Myanmar, who reportedly belonged to the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation," a document dated Oct. 6 from the Permanent Mission of Myanmar to the United Nations said. The company is subject to both UN Security Council and US sanctions for alleged involvement in exporting equipment that can be used in the development of ballistic missiles and conventional weapons. The post Analysis: Myanmar's Ties to North Korea Prompt Questions appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States

The Irrawaddy Magazine

---

• Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The Last Great Untold Story of WWII
• Policeman and Miner Killed in Kachin Mine Clash
• Should Trump Speak on Rakhine?
• Myanmar Gets First Health R&D Funds Since Independence
• Trump Lands in South Korea, Frontlines of North Korean Nuclear Standoff
• Japan’s ANA Ditches Myanmar’s Asian Blue Airline Project
• UN Security Council Urges Myanmar to Stop Excessive Military Force
• Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week
• Party Lines: Between Hope and Realism

Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The Last Great Untold Story of WWII Posted: 07 Nov 2017 04:14 AM PST It's often said that World War II never ended in the Karen Hills of Myanmar. Almost as soon as the country gained its independence from Britain in 1948, Karen hilltribe guerrillas, who had fought against the Japanese during the occupation, turned their guns against the government in Yangon (then Rangoon) to fight for self-determination for their own homeland. That war lasted until a ceasefire agreement was reached between the Karen National Union and Myanmar's central authorities in January 2012. It remains to be seen if that accord is going to lead to a lasting peace in what's now Karen State as it is only a ceasefire agreement and does not include any provision for a comprehensive political solution to a nearly seven decades long civil war. A book about World War II would, therefore, be relevant even to today's situation in Myanmar's eastern border areas. In fact, Gen. Tamla Baw, one of the main leaders of the Karen movement until his death at the age of 94 in June 2014, was in his youth one of many young Karen guerrillas fighting alongside Maj. Hugh Seagrim, a British army officer, against the Japan's Imperial Army. Tamla Baw was captured by the Japanese in 1944 and was imprisoned for four months, but managed to escape and joined Force 136, another British-organized unit in occupied Burma. Many Karens had been loyal to the British long before the war, and many of them had been recruited into the colonial police and army. Now, they had to face the revenge of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and its Japanese backers, which exacerbated already existing animosity between the majority Burmans and an ethnic minority like the Karens. The Burmans took revenge, and many Karens were killed, among them a group of elders at Papun where Seagrim's guerrilla force was active. The Japanese were even more heavy-handed and reprisals against the Karen civilian population were so brutal that Seagrim surrendered rather than seeing the atrocities continue. At the same time, some of his Karen fighters had been captured and, during his trial in Rangoon, Seagrim told the Japanese "do not punish these Karens. It is only because of me that all these Karens have got into trouble. This war is between the Japanese and the British, not between the Japanese and the Karens. I beg you to release all these Karens here." In a remarkable tribute to his enemy, Col. Sunyoshi, the Rangoon commander of the kempetai, or dreaded Japanese security police, reportedly said that, "I have never come across a finer gentleman." That did not help, however. Not only Seagrim was sentenced to death but seven of his men as well. Seagrim stood alongside some of his beloved Karens when he was executed by firing squad in an open space off Rangoon's Pyay (then Prome) Road on September 22, 1944. Blindfolded, they sang the hymn "The Solid Rock" as they were shot. Seagrim's self-sacrifice on the Karens behalf became a legend and his life and struggle was first immortalized by Ian Morrison, a British journalist and author, in his classic Grandfather Longlegs: The Life and Gallant Death of Major H.P. Seagrim. Although he was only in his thirties when he was in hills of eastern Myanmar, the Karens addressed him respectfully as "grandfather" and his long legs gave him his popular nickname, Hpu Taw Kaw, or, literally "Grandfather Longlegs" in Karen. Published in 1947, Morrison's book remained the only biography of Seagrim until the historian Philip Davies wrote Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The last great untold story of WWII. Davies helped Thant Myint-U set up the Yangon Heritage Trust in 2012, so he is no newcomer to the Myanmar scene and his previous books include works on the architectural heritage of India. Seagrim buried his own diaries and other papers before he ended up in Japanese custody, and efforts to retrieve them have proven unsuccessful, and, as Davies writes, "Seagrim's box remains undiscovered, hidden somewhere deep beneath the blood-red loam of the Karen hills." He has therefore, quite understandably, had to borrow a lot from Morrison's earlier book and also interviewed Seagrim's relatives and Karen survivors of the war. Davies more than Morrison also brings the remarkable exploits of Roy, or Ras, Pagani, an even younger British soldier who crossed paths with Seagrim and sometimes fought alongside him. While Seagrim was a Christian mystic and an intensely spiritual man, Pagani was more of an adventurer and, as Davies calls him "a serial escapee". He was at Dunkirk in 1940 and managed to escape, ended up in Southeast Asia and escaped from Singapore. Captured by the Japanese, Pagani was the only European to escape successfully from the Death Railway that Allied prisoners of war were forced to build to connect Thailand and Burma. In the jungle after that escape Pagani met some friendly Karens who took him to Seagrim's hiding place and the two began to fight together. Davies used Pagani's own typescript of his life and wartime adventures, I Did It My Way, as the main source for his story. But unlike Seagrim, Pagani never became a legend. After the war, he returned home, as he had promised, to his young wife Pip in England and never received more than a Military Medal for his heroic exploits. After running a taxi service in southern England, Pagani retired and died in 2003 at the age of 87. The outcome of Davies' research is a highly readable account of World War II in Myanmar, and it is free from the kind of colonial superiority that can be found in Morrison's book. To Morrison, the Karens are immensely loyal to the British, which he believes is good, but, as he writes in Grandfather Longlegs, they "are not an intelligent people. They are nothing like as quick-witted as the Burmese or the Chinese. They are often extremely stupid [but] to a man they know and trust and love they will remain faithful till they die." In other words, perfect colonial subjects. Seagrim himself would have abhorred such racist stereotypes and Davies also treats the Karen personalities as equals in his account of the war. Davies concludes his narrative by mentioning Aung San Suu Kyi's 2015 election victory and stating that, "beautiful, blessed, benighted Burma; sublime, serene and supremely sad; an enchanted land of lost dreams and forgotten promises, but perhaps, just perhaps, one now changed with hope for the future." That might be an overly optimistic assessment of the situation today. There may be no more war in Karen State, but the ceasefire now prevailing between the KNU and the Myanmar Army is far from solid. Some, among them the daughter of Seagrim's comrade-in-arms Tamla Baw, are even openly critical of the agreement which has not brought the country closer to what the Karens have been fighting for for decades: a federal union of equal states. Seen in that perspective, World War II has yet to end in the borderlands of Myanmar. The post Lost Warriors: Seagrim and Pagani of Burma, The Last Great Untold Story of WWII appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Policeman and Miner Killed in Kachin Mine Clash Posted: 07 Nov 2017 02:20 AM PST MANDALAY — A prospector and a policeman were killed in the Hpakant jade mining area of Kachin State during a clash between authorities and prospective miners on Monday. The two men were killed when an argument broke out as police tried to stop prospectors from searching for jade scraps before a permitted time at Yadanar San Shwin mining company near Hseit Mu village, said witnesses. "A prospector tried to grab the policeman's gun. There was a shooting and the prospector died there," said a witness who did not want to be named out of fear for their safety. The group of prospectors then attacked the policeman, who died on the spot, according to first-hand accounts. "Later, more police arrived and shot at the prospectors, who then left. We heard another prospector was shot but we could not confirm it," added the witness. Hpakant Police Station confirmed an officer had died but declined to comment further on the incident. Local lawmakers told The Irrawaddy they are planning to raise the issue of violence in the mining areas in the next state parliament session. "Incidents like this happen every year, especially during the start and end of the mining season [from mid-October-June]," said state lawmaker U Lashi Daseng of Hpakant constituency. "We will submit this issue in parliament as an important matter." In Lone Kin and Hpakant jade mining areas, clashes between freelance miners, jade mining firms and security forces are common, as the firms do not want the prospectors to work in their areas. In October, five prospectors were shot dead and at least 20 injured when security forces opened fire on them for scavenging for jade scraps in the Lone Kin mining area of Kachin State. Although local administration offices have mediated negotiations between the prospectors and mining companies in order to allow prospectors restricted access to the areas, clashes still persist. "Even though we are doing our best to help negotiations between them, we need concrete rules and regulation, and, of course, rule of law. That can only be achieved with the central government's orders and power," added U Lashi Daseng. The post Policeman and Miner Killed in Kachin Mine Clash appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Should Trump Speak on Rakhine? Posted: 07 Nov 2017 02:16 AM PST International campaign groups have urged US President Trump to speak on Myanmar and the plight of the Rohingya during his ongoing trip to Asia. However, Trump and the White House will need to find a balanced approach to address the complex situation. The fear is that an offhand remark or tweet from the president could be like throwing gasoline on a fire, further dividing communities. The US under Trump has been seen as unreliable, distasteful and divisive. This division should not be brought to Myanmar in its fragile state, where enough extremists and hardliners thrive already. US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson will visit Myanmar soon. He will hold talks with top ranking officials including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing on the situation in Rakhine State and the democratic transition. The United States, while condemning the violence, has been careful to say it holds the military responsible, not Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government. The US still sees Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the best hope to solve the conflict in Northern Rakhine State but it also wants to punish the military for its offensive in the wake of retaliation against Muslim militants and the Rohingya population. The US Embassy in Yangon condemned militant attacks but the return of targeted sanctions on Myanmar is likely a result of armed forces' subsequent brutal campaign against the Rohingya population. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been criticized for her moral failure in not addressing the crisis in northern Rakhine State – but do we want the scandal-plagued US president to speak on human rights and democratic values in Myanmar? When Obama made his historic visit in 2012, US engagement was welcomed throughout Myanmar despite some activists and skeptics remaining cautious. The US's engagement now will likely face a mixed reception at home. The US Congress is paying attention to the situation in Rakhine and in Myanmar and the State Department is under pressure to address the issue in Rakhine State. Meanwhile, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) asked the government to "ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State." "The Security Council calls upon the Government of Myanmar to ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State, to restore civilian administration and apply the rule of law, and to take immediate steps in accordance with their obligations and commitments to respect human rights," it said. The pressure on the military and the government will not simply go away. But China, powerful neighbor with close ties to the Myanmar government and several armed ethnic groups, still holds the key at the UN to swaying the outcome of the UNSC. In any case, pressure is mounting to impose sanctions. A group of US senators introduced a bill that would not allow certain types of military cooperation with the armed forces in Myanmar, and would place sanctions and travel restrictions on top members of the Myanmar military linked to the Rakhine State violence. These restrictions would continue as long as the violence continued. The Rakhine issue will no doubt dominate the dialogue between Myanmar officials and Tillerson. With military leaders, Tillerson will have a difficult time engaging as the top leaders these days take a tough stance toward ethnic groups and marginalized populations and have learned to resist foreign influence and pressure by establishing other regional allies. The military feels it is no longer isolated and that it has some degree of support. The military today is more assertive than before. But it also realizes that western pressure and sanctions will soon target it. The irony is that the military and associates are now placing blame on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as though she wanted the US to impose sanctions. It is unclear whether she wanted to see sanctions imposed as a punishment against the military, but she is now stuck between a rock and a hard place. The media has suggested that efforts to bring sanctions and accountability through the Senate ultimately rest on majority leader Mitch McConnell, a longtime supporter of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who has thus far sided with those wary of anything that could undermine her position, destabilize the country and diminish the newly installed democratic government. Human rights groups said McConnell’s friendship with the state counselor was a major obstacle to the Senate imposing repercussions on Myanmar. As always, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's position on sanctions is vague. In the past, she wanted to pressure the generals to enter into political dialogue, thus western sanctions were her political bargaining chips. Those days are gone. Her spokesman, U Zaw Htay, a former army officer, warned of "bad consequences" if sanctions were imposed. But the question is bad consequences for whom? If imposed, how will sanctions affect internal politics and the dynamic between Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? Will there be more open confrontation between top army leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi? Moreover, how will ethnic groups react to looming US sanctions and how have radical nationalist groups instigated public opinion of the Buddhist population toward expressing fury over US sanctions? If Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and top leaders are on the sanction list, his future political ambition will be stained. But will that give more political advantage to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, democratic forces and those ethnic groups struggling to achieve a federal union? We will soon find out. But with Tillerson's high-level visit in the next week, the US's principle-based engagement should also be under review. Why did the UN and the West's engagement so far produce a complete failure in Myanmar? There is no happy ending to Myanmar's story. It is time to take a deeper look into the complex situation inside the country in order to assist the people and the country. Aside from the Rakhine issue, the US should also pay attention to the ongoing conflict in ethnic regions in the north, the stalled peace process, the rise of extreme nationalism in the country and the 2008 Constitution – the main obstacles keeping the country from moving forward. The post Should Trump Speak on Rakhine? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Myanmar Gets First Health R&D Funds Since Independence Posted: 06 Nov 2017 10:41 PM PST YANGON — The Myanmar government has granted one billion kyats (US$740,000) for research and development in the health sector, according to the minister for health and sports Dr. Myint Htwe. Addressing a meeting of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) at the ministry in Naypyitaw on Monday, the minister said: "All our work, without research, is like fumbling with our eyes closed." This is the first time in the country's modern history since independence in 1948 that the Health Ministry has received a research and development budget, with the National League for Democracy government planning to double the amount next year. The funds will be used for research in all of the departments under the ministry for teaching, food safety and pharmaceutical production, said director-general of the FDA Dr. Than Htut. "Nothing will develop without research. Not only manufacturing but services also need research. According to international practices, organizations use up to 40 percent of their budget on research and development," said Dr. Than Htut. The research budget is a separate fund from the medical research budget, an annual allocation for the Medical Research Department under the Health Ministry. The ministry comprises the Department of Public Health, Department of Medical Services, Department of Medical Research, Department of Human Resources for Health, Department of Traditional Medicine, Department of Sports and Physical Education, and FDA. The national health plan of Myanmar (2017-2021) aims to extend access to a basic essential package of health services to the entire population by 2020. According to the health ministry, the country's life expectancy is 64.7 years, the lowest among ASEAN countries. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Myanmar Gets First Health R&D Funds Since Independence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Trump Lands in South Korea, Frontlines of North Korean Nuclear Standoff Posted: 06 Nov 2017 09:15 PM PST OSAN, South Korea — US President Donald Trump arrived in South Korea on Tuesday, the closest he has come to the frontlines of the nuclear standoff with North Korea, on a visit that could further aggravate tensions with Pyongyang. Landing at Osan Air Base outside the capital Seoul, Trump stepped down from Air Force One onto a red carpet as he began his 24-hour state visit with a ceremonial military honor guard arrayed on the airport tarmac. The White House says Trump's trip is intended to demonstrate US resolve over his hardline approach to North Korean nuclear and missile threats, but many in the region fear that further bellicose presidential rhetoric could increase the risk of a devastating military conflict on the Korean peninsula. Three US aircraft carrier strike groups will conduct exercises together in the Western Pacific in the coming days in a show of force rarely seen in the region, US officials said, as Trump continues his 12-day Asia tour aimed at forging a united front against North Korea and developing trade. Pyongyang's recent nuclear and missile tests in defiance of UN resolutions and an exchange of bellicose insults between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un have raised the stakes in the most critical international challenge of Trump's presidency. On the second leg of his five-nation trip, Trump on Tuesday was due to tour the main garrison for US troops stationed in South Korea, the sprawling Camp Humphreys, which lies about 100 kilometers (60 miles) from the border with reclusive North Korea. He will later hold talks with South Korean President Moon Jae-in. Trump is seeking to further ratchet up pressure on Pyongyang following his visit to Tokyo, where he declared that Japan would shoot North Korean missiles "out of the sky" if it bought the US weaponry needed to do so, suggesting that the Japanese government take a stance it has avoided until now. The South Korea leg of Trump's trip is an effort to present a united front despite differences with Moon over how to confront North Korea, as well as Trump's complaints over the two countries' trade agreement and South Korean defense spending. Trump has rattled some US allies with his vow to "totally destroy" North Korea if it threatens the United States, for deriding Kim as a "Rocket Man on a suicide mission" and for dismissing as pointless any diplomatic engagement with Pyongyang. Kim, who has also made clear he has little interest in negotiations, at least until North Korea develops a nuclear-tipped missile capable of hitting the United States, has called Trump a "mentally deranged US dotard." The post Trump Lands in South Korea, Frontlines of North Korean Nuclear Standoff appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Japan’s ANA Ditches Myanmar’s Asian Blue Airline Project Posted: 06 Nov 2017 09:06 PM PST YANGON — Japan's ANA Holdings Inc has dropped a plan to form a joint venture in Myanmar, the airline said on Monday, after its application for an air operator's certificate (AOC) was rejected by the authorities in the Southeast Asian country. ANA established the Asian Blue joint venture last year with local investor Golden Sky World, owned by property-to-banking conglomerate Shwe Than Lwin. ANA had agreed to take a 49 percent stake in the airline, which would have focused on international routes, in anticipation of growing demand as Myanmar opens up following decades of military rule. Asian Blue was ANA's second attempt at investing in Myanmar. In 2014 it scrapped a plan to buy a 49 percent stake in Asian Wings Airways after growing competition made the investment too risky. "We can’t find a reason," said ANA's Myanmar representative H. Sammy Aramaki, referring to the government’s refusal to issue the operating license. "The management can’t wait any longer," he said, whose company filed the application in May last year. He said ANA's operation in Myanmar would continue as usual. A spokesman for Myanmar's Department of Civil Aviation said ANA's AOC application was rejected. He did not elaborate. The decision comes amid growing frustration over the Myanmar government's management of the economy. The country's much-needed new foreign investment approvals have slowed since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a election victory in late 2015 in one of the region's poorest countries. "We regret the fact that we decided to wind up the company, but we would like to keep on exploring the possibility to contribute to the development of the airline industry in Myanmar," an ANA spokesman told Reuters. ANA, which operates daily flights between Myanmar's commercial capital Yangon and Tokyo, holds an 8.8 percent stake in Vietnam Airlines. The post Japan's ANA Ditches Myanmar's Asian Blue Airline Project appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UN Security Council Urges Myanmar to Stop Excessive Military Force Posted: 06 Nov 2017 08:44 PM PST UNITED NATIONS — The United Nations Security Council urged the Myanmar government on Monday to "ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State," where violence has forced more than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee the Buddhist-majority Asian country. The United Nations has denounced the violence during the past 10 weeks as a classic example of ethnic cleansing. The Myanmar government has denied allegations of ethnic cleansing. To appease council veto powers Russia and China, Britain and France dropped a push for the Security Council to adopt a resolution on the situation and the 15-member body instead unanimously agreed on a formal statement. The council expressed "grave concern over reports of human rights violations and abuses in Rakhine State, including by the Myanmar security forces, in particular against persons belonging to the Rohingya community." "The Security Council calls upon the Government of Myanmar to ensure no further excessive use of military force in Rakhine State, to restore civilian administration and apply the rule of law, and to take immediate steps in accordance with their obligations and commitments to respect human rights," it said. Myanmar has been stung by international criticism for the way its security forces responded to attacks by Rohingya militants on 30 security posts. More than 600,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since Aug. 25. "The Security Council stresses the primary responsibility of the Government of Myanmar to protect its population including through respect for the rule of law and the respect, promotion and protection of human rights," the statement said. It stressed the importance of transparent investigations into allegations of human rights abuses and "in this regard, the Security Council calls upon the Government of Myanmar to cooperate with all relevant United Nations bodies, mechanisms and instruments." Myanmar has refused entry to a UN panel that was tasked with investigating allegations of abuses after a smaller military counteroffensive launched in October 2016. Myanmar's de facto leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has pledged accountability for rights abuses and says Myanmar will accept back refugees who can prove they were residents of Myanmar. The Security Council said it was alarmed by the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation in Rakhine State and warned that the increasing number of refugees "has a destabilizing impact in the region." The council demanded that the Myanmar government allow immediate, safe and unhindered humanitarian aid and media access. It asked UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to report back in 30 days on the situation. The post UN Security Council Urges Myanmar to Stop Excessive Military Force appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week Posted: 06 Nov 2017 06:44 PM PST Waterzonic Myanmar | Nov. 11 Famous DJs will perform at this event. Nov. 11, 4 pm. The One Entertainment Park, Paw Hsan Hmwe Street, Thuwunna.  Tickets 25,000 kyats to 120,000 kyats at www.waterzonicmyanmar.com. Myanmar Scout Music Concert | Nov. 12 Dozens of famous singers will be at this concert. Nov. 12, 6 pm. Thuwunna Stadium. Tickets between 5,000 and 50,000 kyats at 1876, and 09-451010789.   Kant Kaw Wut Yee Book House Anniversary | Nov. 10-12 Discounts up to 30 percent will be offered at the first anniversary of Kant Kaw Wut Yee Book House. Nov. 10-12. No. 51, Ye Kyaw Street, Pazundaung Tsp.   Tuborg Fun Night | Nov. 11 Singers AR-T, Sophia Everest, Raymond and John will be at this event plus outdoor games and activities. Nov. 11, 5 pm to late night. The Penthouse, Bagayar Street, Sanchaung Tsp. Free Admission. Pre-Christmas Opera Musical Concert | Nov. 13-15 A concert to welcome Christmas will be held for three consecutive days. Nov. 13-15, 6:30 pm. Myanmar Convention Center, Min Dhamma Road, Mayangone Tsp. Tickets between 2,000 kyats and 8,000 kyats at 09-450302075.   Yangon Book Street | Every Sat & Sun Yangon Book Street is back on Thienbyu Road on weekends for bookworms. Every Sat and Sun. Theinbyu Road. Open Mic Night | Nov. 9 There will be an open mic event at YangonYangon Bar. Nov. 9, 7:30 pm. YangonYangon Rooftop Bar. Happy hour: 5-7 pm. Caricature Exhibition | Nov. 7-12 An exhibition of nine artists will showcase caricatures of local and international personalities. Nov. 7-12. Myanmar Traditional Artists and Artisans Association, Bogyoke Market. Moe Nyo: 9th Solo | Nov. 11-13 This solo art exhibition will feature trademark watercolor landscapes of artist Moe Nyo. Nov. 11-13. Yangon Gallery, People's Park. Different Leaves One Tree | Nov. 7-11 This is a group art exhibition of four artists. Nov. 7-11. OK Gallery, Aung San Stadium (North Wing) The post Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Party Lines: Between Hope and Realism Posted: 06 Nov 2017 05:58 PM PST On the second anniversary of Myanmar's 2015 democratic election, The Irrawaddy revisits this article from the run-up to that landmark election. In this article from The Irrawaddy's August 2015 issue, contesting parties shared their expectations, challenges and views on the military allotment of 25 percent in Parliament.  NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY (NLD) DAW NAN KHIN HTWE MYINT, Central Executive Committee member Founded in 1988, Myanmar's largest opposition party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 80 percent of seats in the 1990 general election—the results of which were annulled by the ruling junta. The NLD boycotted the country's last general election in 2010 but participated in 2012 by-elections, winning 43 of the 44 seats it contested. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi walks in Warheinkha village during door-to-door visits for a voter education campaign on July 4, 2015. / Reuters EXPECTATIONS "Everyone wants real change from the 2015 election. To achieve that, I think we all need to support one large democratic force. I hope pro-democracy forces will win in the coming election." CHALLENGES "We have found many errors in the voter lists. Even my name didn't appear in the voter list in my constituency. And in some places, the collaboration between the sub-election commissions is weak. As with widespread cheating with advance votes in past elections, it is a risk for us if half of the voter lists include the wrong data." STRATEGY "We have been carrying out our voter list verification process including door-to-door visits to voters. We will also pressure the Union Election Commission on gaining access for party representatives to polling stations." ON THE MILITARY "If they regard the public as their parents, as they say, they should only fulfill a defense role for the country. There is no way they will reduce their allotment of 25 percent of seats in Parliament [in the near future]."  UNION SOLIDARITY AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY (USDP) U TIN MAUNG OO, Central committee member Formed in 2010 as the political arm of the former military regime, the USDP won a parliamentary majority in that year's widely discredited general election. The USDP will contest constituencies nationwide in the coming election, with Union Parliament Speaker U Shwe Mann heading the party's Elections Winning Committee. Members of the USDP campaign for election in 2010. / Reuters EXPECTATIONS "The Union Election Commission has released preliminary eligible voter lists and is fixing the flaws. Each party is trying to win and some may merge or form alliances. New parties have also been founded. So this year's election will be the [most] significant election in the country's history. "People's experiences from 2010 and 2012 are different. In 2010, the public had less interest in political parties. Now the quality of party members, lawmakers and politicians' has increased to some extent. As a consequence, no party will win a landslide victory. It is also more likely that ethnic parties will win in their ethnic states." CHALLENGES "Some parties are speaking about constitutional amendments. The main thing in a democracy is to follow the existing rules. The most important thing is the country's stability. Politicians generally use either students, workers or farmers [for political ends]. If some parties or groups use them for their benefit, it won't be good for the country. "There are many people who don't have a national registration card. There is no specific plan [to address their eligibility to vote]. In my constituency alone, there are thousands [without national registration cards] who aren't eligible. This is the biggest challenge for the election. The UEC is trying their best and I believe the election will be free and fair. But the government needs to make sure all eligible citizens are able to vote." STRATEGY "After the winning party forms government, some party policies should form the policies of the executive body. At present, unfortunately, the USDP's policies aren't working in tandem with the government's operations." ON THE MILITARY "Let's say representatives of the 14 states and regions and the military are on the same boat heading toward democracy; they can encounter strong waves and other difficulties together on the way to their destination. If we work together, the military will know the difficulties in achieving democracy and they can help us too. But if we leave them out, they won't know the challenges and will not be with us. The more doubts and difficulties that build up, the more potential there is for a coup like in Thailand. So for now, the 25 percent of military lawmakers should continue." NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FORCE (NDF) U KHIN MAUNG SWE, Chairman The NDF is comprised of former leading members of the NLD who disagreed with the party's decision to boycott Myanmar's last general election in 2010. The NDF contested 161 seats in that poll, winning 12 seats in the Union Parliament and four seats in state and regional legislatures. The party plans to field nearly 300 candidates to contest the upcoming national election. U Khin Maung Swe, left, of the NDF. / The Irrawaddy EXPECTATIONS "More pro-democracy forces should win seats in Parliament. If so, changes in the country could happen faster. But it depends on the public's votes. I think it is more likely there will be a coalition government. There is no way for a landslide victory by a major party." CHALLENGES "Errors in the voter lists. Also we need to achieve peace in the country before the election to increase the chance of a fair poll. People may cast votes freely but there could still be manipulation by the ruling party—we need to prevent this. Officers at polling stations could also come under pressure… International watchdogs need to be present to monitor the process in as many areas as possible, even if they can't monitor nationwide." STRATEGY "The NLD and other CSOs are checking the voter lists. We will urge the government and the electoral body to fix the errors in time. That's all we can do. We don't have the manpower or financial resources to do it ourselves." ON THE MILITARY "The role of the military in the Parliament will be the same now, with 25 percent of seats. They may consider voluntarily reducing the number of seats themselves if there was a guarantee of peace before the election. If not, there is no way they would [take this step]." ARAKAN NATIONAL PARTY (ANP) U AYE THAR AUNG, Party patron ANP formed in January 2014 following a merger between the Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) and the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD). The former party won 35 of 44 seats it contested in the 2010 election, which the ALD boycotted. The party plans to contest 63 seats in the coming election, mainly in the regional Rakhine State legislature. Members of the RNDP and the ALD at a press conference in June 2013. / The Irrawaddy EXPECTATIONS "I place more emphasis on amending the 2008 Constitution than on the 2015 election. Without major changes to the Constitution, I don't believe there will be changes in the country and internal peace beyond the election. But if candidates from the NLD and ethnic parties win most of the seats in Parliament, we could have more power to make legislation. And the same in regions, if ethnic candidates win in their constituencies and become lawmakers and ministers, I hope they will work for the development of their regions. But we can't expect a real transition since major articles in the Constitution are still not amended." CHALLENGES "There were voting irregularities in the 2010 election. I am concerned there will be the same in the 2015 election. It is hard to believe that from 30 to 80 percent of the current voter lists are [inaccurate]. I am also concerned that if the NLD and ethnic parties win a landslide victory, the ruling party won't transfer power and [acknowledge] the new Parliament." STRATEGY "Our party only represents one state. So I think to monitor the [broader] challenges, the government and big parties will be vital." ON THE MILITARY "After the election, 25 percent of seats will still be reserved for military appointees' in the Lower House, Upper House and the regional parliaments. This is the main barrier to changes in the country and I don't see that they will easily quit by themselves." SHAN NATIONALITIES LEAGUE FOR DEVELOPMENT (SNLD) U SAI LEIK, Joint-secretary The SNLD won 23 seats in the annulled 1990 election. It was forcibly disbanded after boycotting the 2010 poll but re-registered in 2012 and plans to contest more than 160 seats in the coming national election. Opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi with Khun Htun Oo of the SNLD and activist Aung Din in Washington, 2012. / Reuters EXPECTATIONS "If democratic forces win most seats in the election, we will have hope for constitutional amendments. To have the federal union that ethnics demand and the democracy that the public wants, the main challenge is to change the Constitution. "I think this year's election is more important than the 2010 election because at that time some parties were excluded and there were many parties, especially ethnic parties, that didn't run for various reasons. But in the 2015 election, I hope almost all ethnic parties will run. "If the military keeps its seats in Parliament, it won't be a good look internationally. It is important that the democratic forces win a landslide. Only with that can we achieve political dialogue and change the Constitution." CHALLENGES "I'm not sure that the election will be free and fair. Even in the preliminary voter lists, there are lots of errors. Although the electoral body is saying they will fix all the errors in time, we can't predict what will happen. "And the government needs to guarantee they will recognize and implement the results of the election. The ruling party needs to contest the election fairly. I am concerned about that; the attention of the international community, media and public is much needed." STRATEGY "We are doing voter education, verifying voter lists to correct errors and are raising awareness among all eligible voters to come to the polling stations and cast votes. "And we will watch the ruling USDP in accordance with the code of conduct. If they violate it, we will publicly expose them in collaboration with NGOs and the media." ON THE MILITARY "Until now, they haven't looked likely to reduce their current 25 percent of seats in Parliament. But I think if the democratic forces and ethnic parties could pledge not to pursue action over past incidents, they may eventually reduce [their representation]." This article was originally published as the cover story of the August 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Party Lines: Between Hope and Realism appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States