YANGON—Civil society organizations (CSOs) specializing in conflict resolution have asked that they be allowed to send delegates to the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference and called for an equal opportunity to participate in discussions on all topics related to peace.
The CSOs made the request in an open letter to leaders of the peace process including State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
Some 145 representatives of 92 CSOs participated in the 17th Civil Society Forum for Peace (CSFoP) in Yangon on Dec. 4-5. They discussed key developments and challenges facing the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, including women's and security affairs, as well as the current conditions faced by people living in the country's various states and regions.
In the open letter published Wednesday, the representatives made more than a dozen recommendations concerning the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference, military affairs and joint monitoring of ceasefires.
Mi Kun Chan Non, a spokesperson for the Mon Women's Organization and a delegate to the CSFoP, told The Irrawaddy that CSFoP representatives should be entitled to delegate status at the Panglong conferences, rather than their current role as observers
"CSO members include many resourceful individuals with expertise in different sectors. They are able to provide input and suggestions for all five sectors — political, economic, social, security, and land and environmental affairs — of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee," Mi Kun Chan Non said.
The government has been criticized for failing to recognize CSOs' contributions to the peace process.
The open letter also called for a review of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in order to further its goals of national reconciliation and peace. The CSO representatives urged the leading stakeholders to publicize the results of their meetings and the records of political dialogues held at each stage.
It also urged the Tatmadaw — the Myanmar Army — and all ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to declare a joint nationwide ceasefire. A similar ceasefire proposal has been put forward for negotiation by a separate bloc of EAOs, the United Nationalities Federal Council. The UNFC has proposed eight points for discussion that would allow its members to sign the NCA if the government and Tatmadaw agree to its terms.
The third session of the 21st Century Panglong Union Peace Conference is scheduled to convene in the last week of January, according to the 6th Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting held in late November.
YANGON—Rakhine State Lower House Speaker San Kyaw Hla on Monday established a five-member team to investigate lawmakers' claims that state Municipal Affairs Minister Min Aung has failed to perform his duties properly.
Lawmakers said they were not properly consulted on the state budget the minister presented to Parliament, and have raised concerns about what they claim are his careless comments on sensitive issues.
On Nov. 29, 17 members of the state Parliament from the Arakan National Party (ANP), the National League for Democracy (NLD) and Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) lodged a letter of complaint against Min Aung. San Kyaw Hla has declined to disclose the lawmakers' identities or specific charges.
Of the seats in the Rakhine Parliament, nine are held by the NLD, three by the USDP, 21 by the ANP, one by an independent and 12 are reserved for the military.
In accordance with parliamentary procedure, the House speaker established an investigative panel that includes at least one representative of each political party. According to an official announcement released by Parliament, lawmakers have demanded the minister be impeached, claiming his dereliction of duty has harmed the nation and the public interest.
Responding to the move, Min Aung said, "I have no idea about the accusations. I will be able to tell you more after Parliament resolves it." The minister will get a chance to defend himself when the state Parliament resumes its regular session on Dec. 19.
NLD-appointed Min Aung is the first regional government minister to be targeted for impeachment since the current Union government took power two years ago. He is also the spokesperson for the State Government, frequently appearing alongside Chief Minister Nyi Pu.
A member of the investigation team, NLD lawmaker Naing Kywe Aye, told The Irrawaddy over the phone on Wednesday that lawmakers would submit details to the House speaker during the forthcoming parliamentary session to assist the panel in establishing whether the minister is guilty or not.
The lawmaker cited the dissatisfaction expressed by MPs during a parliamentary session earlier this week after Min Aung presented the government's budget for fiscal 2018-19 and announced a tender for a project to develop three-story markets in Gwa, Tungup, and Kyauktaw without seeking parliamentary approval for the projects.
Asked by The Irrawaddy whether the regional minister had violated parliamentary procedure, Naing Kywe Aye said, "Of course. Even after the regional Parliament approves the fiscal year budget, it still needs the approval of the Union Parliament. After that, a tender process can start. I think lawmakers will add that as one of the topics [to be investigated]."
Naing Kywe Aye admitted that Parliament had received several complaints related to Min Aung's lack of transparency in handling construction project tenders.
"To verify the cases, we will summon some of the losing bidders who filed complaint letters," he said.
Online, there has been much discussion of the fact that this is not the first time tension has flared between the ANP and the NLD. In March 2016, Arakanese lawmakers walked out of Parliament to protest Nyi Pu's was appointed chief minister.
Several outspoken lawmakers have complained that state Cabinet members consistently ignore the role of elected civilian lawmakers.
"Whenever Cabinet members are called on to answer questions in Parliament, one regional minister attends and offers incomplete answers to lawmakers' questions on behalf of the other ministers. Then they decline to answer follow-up questions from legislators," Naing Kywe Aye said.
Than Maung Oo, an independent Arakanese lawmaker representing Ramree constituency (2), said a rift had developed between lawmakers and state-level Cabinet members over the ministers' refusal to provide comprehensive answers to lawmakers' questions.
He corroborated Naing Kywe Aye's claim that the 2018-19 fiscal year budget was drafted by government officials and submitted to the Parliament without going through a consultation process involving lawmakers.
Lawmakers oppose the proposed budget, claiming government bureaucrats have allocated huge sums to their departments, in amounts that exceed the development budget for the entire state.
Than Maung Oo said there were not enough ministers in the current state government to properly handle all of the Cabinet portfolios. "Take the Agriculture and Livestock Ministry, for example. It has 12 directors general. So one minister cannot keep track of what their staff are doing on the ground," the lawmaker said. After coming to power, the NLD consolidated the state Cabinet, reducing the number of ministries to six (not including the Ministry of Border Affairs, which is fully controlled by the Myanmar Army). As a result, each minister has to manage nearly a dozen departments, stretching the capabilities of less experienced ministers in particular, critics of the policy say.
Lawmakers also accuse Min Aung of having been careless on several occasions in his comments about sensitive questions raised in Parliament.
"Speaking in Parliament on behalf of the border affairs minister, he recklessly answered questions regarding an incident that left a number of local people dead before the Aug. 25 serial attacks," Than Maung Oo said.
Clashes broke out on Tuesday night between members of the Northern Alliance armed groups the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) in Namtu Township, according to local sources.
Two army officers from the SSA-N, the armed wing of the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), told The Irrawaddy that fighting continued throughout the night.
"We heard our troops clashed with the TNLA, but we do not yet know the exact reason why," said Col Sai Su and Col Sai Phone Han from the SSA-N.
"We will provide detailed information when we get the ground report," said Col Sai Su.
The clash broke out around 9 p.m. near Mong Yin, where TNLA troops came to launch an anti-drug campaign, according to local sources in Namtu town.
Shan and Palaung (Ta'ang) people live in Mong Yin, but the majority are Shan, according to Tar Hla Kyaw, a resident in Namtu.
"We heard that the Shan disliked that the Palaung came to launch an anti-drug campaign," said Tar Hla Kyaw.
Locals say that tension escalated over the past few days leading to the clash.
However, the TNLA's Information Department issued a statement that fighting broke out between the TNLA and the Myanmar Army in the Mong Yin area but did not mention fighting between the two Northern Alliance members.
The TNLA report stated that fighting broke out at 10 a.m. in Mong Yin between the TNLA and Infantry Battalion 344 of the Myanmar Army.
Brig-Gen Tar Phone Kyaw of the TNLA told The Irrawaddy that he did not hear about clashes between his troops and the SSA-N.
The TNLA and SSPP are both members of the Northern Alliance bloc. They have joint forces in northern Shan but ground troops occasionally clash due to territory disputes.
The TNLA and SSPP have not signed nationwide ceasefire agreement yet. The two groups have had numerous clashes with the Myanmar Army in northern Shan State.
NAYPYITAW — The Union Election Commission (UEC) has rejected an application to form a political party filed by a group of laypersons belonging to the ultranationalist Buddhist association Ma Ba Tha.
The UEC rejected the application at its meeting on Nov. 23, saying some of the group's members were not in compliance with the Political Parties Registration Law.
"We'll ask [the UEC] what 'not in compliance with the Political Parties Registration Law' means. The UEC said some [members] are not in compliance. So, we'll ask who they are. For example, if there are three members who are in violation, can we replace them and resubmit the application? We'll ask it for clarification within a few days," Maung Thway Chon, one of the leaders of the proposed party, told The Irrawaddy.
Maung Thway Chon accused the UEC of discriminating against Ma Ba Tha, which has locked horns with the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government several times over the past year.
"Their denial of our request to form a party, before we have had a chance to act [as a party], is a suppression of nationalism and goes against democratic norms," Maung Thway Chon said.
Ma Ba Tha grew out of 969, a nationalist movement established in 2012 to organize boycotts of Muslim-owned businesses. In 2013, 969 members rebranded the group as the Association for Protection of Race and Religion, commonly known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ba Tha.
The row between Ma Ba Tha and the government erupted when Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein described the group as "unnecessary" while addressing a gathering of Myanmar residents of Singapore in June 2016.
Ma Ba Tha demanded that President Htin Kyaw and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi take action against the chief minister over the criticism. Their demand was ignored and the state-backed clerical organization Ma Ha Na announced that Ma Ba Tha was not a "lawful monks' association" as "it was not formed in accordance with the country's monastic rules."
Ma Ba Tha has since accused the government of favoring Muslims and failing to protect Buddhism. Some of its leading members, including U Wirathu, have preached anti-Muslim sermons, while Ma Ba Tha has produced a number of publications, overseen by Maung Thway Chon, that regularly feature anti-Muslim articles.
In May, Ma Ha Na banned Ma Ba Tha from operating under its current name and ordered that its signboards be taken down across the country by July 15. Since then, Ma Ba Tha has rebranded itself as the Buddha Dhamma Charity Foundation.
In late May, as Ma Ba Tha celebrated its fourth anniversary, Maung Thway Chon unveiled a plan to form a political party that he said would work for the national interest, unity and sovereignty.
He said Ma Ba Tha had 10 million members in nearly 300 townships across the country.
"It doesn't mean they all have to be members [of the new party]. If they want to protect race and religion, they are welcome. Non-members are encouraged to join as well," he told The Irrawaddy in May.
He said the party would work separately from Ma Ba Tha, and would be a distinct entity engaged solely in politics.
"If the UEC rejects us again, we will submit a writ," he said.
U Ye Htun, a former Lower House lawmaker representing Shan State's Hsipaw Township, said the UEC might be concerned that the party intends to exploit religious feelings for political purposes, which is banned under the 2008 Constitution.
"I don't know which provisions their members are not in compliance with. The UEC needs to clarify this. At the same time, political parties must steer clear of religion," said U Ye Htun.
Asked about the reason for the rejection, UEC chairman U Hla Thein referred The Irrawaddy to the agency's letter to Ma Ba Tha and declined to comment further.
Lower-ranking UEC officials said the decision was made by the UEC leadership, adding that they did not know the reason for the rejection.
There are currently 95 political parties in Myanmar, according to the UEC's website.
YANGON — The government will meet with employer and employee representatives later this month in hopes of bridging the wide gap between the two groups' competing proposals for a new minimum wage.
"We plan to hold a forum in the third week of December in Yangon. Parliamentary committees will also be present," U Win Shein, director-general of the Directorate of Labor at the Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population, told The Irrawaddy.
Employees have proposed a new rate of 5,600 kyats (about $4.11) for an eight-hour work day, a significant increase over the current rate of 3,600 kyats. Employers have proposed a new rate of approximately 4,000 kyats.
U Khin Maung Aye, chairman of a garment manufacturers association at the Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone, called the employees' proposal "unreasonable."
"Roughly speaking, it should be fine to pay around 4,000 kyats. We can't afford to pay more than that. If we do, we will go into the red," he said.
However, the average daily expense of an individual worker is around 6,600 kyats, according to a survey by the Confederation of Trade Unions of Myanmar (CTUM).
"We will hold discussions and propose a rate based on that fact," Ko Win Zaw, a CTUM central executive committee member, told The Irrawaddy.
On Sunday, hundreds of workers staged protests in Yangon and Mandalay to demand a 5,600 kyats minimum wage.
In February, the National Minimum Wage Committee, tasked with determining the minimum wage, was reformed with economists, officials of relevant ministries and representatives from labor and employer groups.
Since then it has met three times. It met most recently in October, when minimum wage committees from the regions and states discussed their survey results and tentatively agreed to a new rate of between 4,000 and 4,800 kyats.
According to the Directorate of Labor, the coming meeting is likely to finalize the rate, which will then be sent to Parliament for approval.
The Minimum Wage Law was enacted in March 2013. The current wage of 3,600 kyats came into effect on Sept. 1 the same year.
It applies nationwide to workers across all sectors, except small and family-run businesses that employ fewer than 15 people.
According to the law a new rate must be set every two years.
GENEVA — Myanmar's security forces may be guilty of genocide against the Rohingya Muslim minority and more of them are fleeing despite a deal between Myanmar and Bangladesh to send them home, the top UN human rights official said on Tuesday.
The United Nations defines genocide as acts meant to destroy a national, ethnic, racial or religious group in whole or in part. Such a designation is rare under international law, but has been used in contexts including Bosnia, Sudan and an Islamic State campaign against the Yazidi communities in Iraq and Syria.
Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, was addressing a special session of the Human Rights Council which later adopted a resolution condemning "the very likely commission of crimes against humanity" by security forces and others against Rohingya.
Myanmar's ambassador Htin Lynn said his government "disassociated" itself from the text and denounced what he called "politicization and partiality."
Zeid, who has described the campaign in the past as a "textbook case of ethnic cleansing," said that none of the 626,000 Rohingya who have fled violence to Bangladesh since August should be repatriated to Myanmar unless there was robust monitoring on the ground. He described reports of "acts of appalling barbarity committed against the Rohingya, including deliberately burning people to death inside their homes, murders of children and adults; indiscriminate shooting of fleeing civilians; widespread rapes of women and girls, and the burning and destruction of houses, schools, markets and mosques."
"Can anyone – can anyone – rule out that elements of genocide may be present?" he told the 47-member state forum.
Shahriar Alam, Bangladesh's junior foreign affairs minister, told the session in Geneva that his country was hosting nearly one million "Myanmar nationals" following executions and rapes.
Mainly Buddhist Myanmar denies the Muslim Rohingya are its citizens and considers them foreigners.
These crimes had been "perpetrated by Myanmar security forces and extremist Buddhist vigilantes," Alam said, calling for an end to what he called "xenophobic rhetoric..including from higher echelons of the government and the military."
Criminal Investigations
Prosecutions for the violence and rapes against Rohingya by security forces and civilians "appear extremely rare," Zeid said.
Marzuki Darusman, head of an independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar, said by video from Malaysia: "We will go where the evidence leads us."
His team has interviewed Rohingya refugees, including children in the Bangladeshi port city of Cox's Bazar, who recounted "acts of extreme brutality" and "displayed signs of severe trauma."
Myanmar has not granted the investigators access to Rakhine, the northern state from which the Rohingya have fled, Darusman said. "We maintain hope that it will be granted early in 2018."
Pramila Patten, special envoy of the UN Secretary-General on sexual violence in conflict, who interviewed survivors in Bangladesh in November, said: "I heard the most heart-breaking and horrific accounts of sexual atrocities reportedly committed in cold blood out of a lethal hatred of these people solely on the basis of their ethnicity and religion."
Crimes included "rape, gang rape by multiple soldiers, forced public nudity and humiliation, and sexual slavery in military captivity," Patten said.
Myanmar denies committing atrocities against the Rohingya. Its envoy Htin, referring to the accounts, said: "People will say what they wanted to believe and sometimes they will say what they were told to say."
Kelley Currie, US ambassador to the UN Economic and Social Council, said the Rohingya's lack of Myanmar citizenship was "the fundamental root cause of this crisis," adding: "Stop denying the seriousness of the current situation."
In an interview with The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, ultranationalist monk U Wirathu offered his personal views on the current situation in Rakhine State and the government's legal action against nationalist Buddhist monks. The Irrawaddy's senior reporter Zarni Mann met with U Wirathu at the Dhama Thaharya Kyaung at Masoeyein monastery.
The Army and the government have been criticized for their handling of the conflict in Rakhine State. What is your view?
The government has been unreliable on this matter. So, we have had to rely solely on the Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military]. Personally, I fully support [military chief] Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and I believe him when he says the Tatmadaw will provide full protection to minorities in Rakhine State in order to protect them from genocide. When it comes to protecting the national identity, we only have him to rely on.
But the Army's actions in relation to the conflict in Rakhine State have resulted in fresh sanctions and condemnation.
I've read about that. I have to say it is inappropriate. This sort of operation [like the one the military is conducting in Rakhine] should be the responsibility of the government, not the Tatmadaw. The institution most responsible for handling such conflicts is the government. Taking action against the Tatmadaw rather than the government is a mistake.
Nonetheless, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been stripped of numerous honors and awards over her handling of the Rakhine situation.
No. No. What I want to say here is that taking action against the Tatmadaw by violating the country's sovereignty is wrong. Taking action against our country's leaders like this is unfair. What the international community should do is to talk with the government to find the best solution. I'm against any intervention like that by foreign countries.
Again, it is absolutely unfair to strip Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of her honors and awards. The Westerners are childish to do this. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not seek those awards and honors. It was they [the West] who awarded her and honored her. Stripping her of the honors and targeting people with sanctions or taking other such actions is inappropriate.
The government is now implementing the recommendations included in the report of Mr. Kofi Annan's commission in accordance with international standards and human rights. Isn't this a good development?
The report is satisfactory to all sides [but] it is not perfect. Initially the commission said the report's recommendations should be implemented as soon as possible. Later it said only the most urgent recommendations should be implemented immediately. So it is difficult for me to say if it is good or not. However, one thing I can say is there are many suggestions in the report that threaten the stability of the country. For example, it recommends that the government give citizenship to those who are not entitled to citizenship. Its proposal that the government amend the 1982 Citizenship Act poses a threat to the country. If the government agrees to do this, we will have to oppose it. I believe Buddhist monks and their supporters will take to the streets should the government agree to these recommendations.
However, many Myanmar citizens fled to a neighbouring country during the conflict. Shouldn't they have a chance to return to their homes?
I never said no one can come back. Everyone who deserves to come home must have the chance to do so. There are clear rules and regulations for this process, requiring that documents be checked. Anyone who can present the proper documents should be allowed to come home.
Pope Francis recently visited our country. As his visit came amid the criticism over the human rights issue in Rakhine State, the international community hoped he would address this. However, the pope did not mention the Rohingya explicitly and was widely criticized for that.
The pope is a religious leader. He is doing what religious leaders should do, which is to tell people to love each other, to help each other and to be patient. However, he did use the term "Rohingya" before visiting us. And afterwards, when he was in Bengladesh, he used the term "Rohingya". So to me, this means he is using his position as a religious leader to act as a political figure, rather than acting as a religious leader.
On the other hand, I have to question the international community on this point. Is it an abuse of human rights not to use the word "Rohingya"? The people of this country don't accept the term "Rohingya", so the Pope did not use it [here]. We have nothing to say regarding his diplomatic behavior. Personally, I do not like the way he used "Rohingya" before and after visiting our country.
In the past, you supported Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What changed? Do you believe as some nationalists do that she is using human rights to oppress religion and nationalism, in particular through a series of lawsuits against nationalist groups?
We feel that we are being deliberately targeted. I believe we are being oppressed and that one day Buddhism and the Myanmar national identity will be replaced by other religions and by foreigners. I now see her as a threat to the country's religion and national identity.
When the State Sangha authorities declared Ma Ba Tha an unlawful association, the Mandalay divisional government reportedly ordered that the group's signs be taken down. However, some nationalists are reportedly still displaying them.
They [the authorities] are the ones who do not understand the law, which is why they issued that order. Maybe they believe they can intimidate us by issuing such orders. What I do know is that Ma Ba Tha would not have any problems if Ma Ha Na and the government obeyed the law. They are acting like scarecrows. Ma Ba Tha is not an unlawful association. People label Ma Ba Tha as "unlawful" based solely on the statement from Ma Ha Na; they are blinded by it. If they really see Ma Ba Tha as unlawful, they should take their claim to the courts. We are still working under Ma Ba Tha.
At a meeting last month the State Sangha authorities reportedly considered an appeal against the ban on you conducting public sermons. What is the status of that appeal?
There's nothing special about that. I just did it as a test, because we heard many different views [concerning the ban] in the town — apart from Gabaraye [i.e., the State Sangha] — that the decision to ban me had been made by a few senior monks. Some monks said that if they had been at the meeting, there would have been no ban. I'd like to know what would happen if all 47 senior member of Ma Ha Na were present. What I discovered was that in gatherings at Gabaraye, all views are the same. When talking about the 47 senior members of Ma Ha Na, even my teacher can't be trusted.
Myanmar is in China's embrace today. Facing political pressure and the threat of sanctions over the situation in Rakhine State, the government is seeking China's diplomatic and economic support.
It seems China will not hesitate to assist Myanmar. However, Myanmar's approach will be cautious and calculated as it also fosters other friendships in the region.
The government of Myanmar and its powerful military consider China an important and strategic partner but don't want to be seen as relying heavily on China alone.
The government is expanding its economic cooperation with other countries including Singapore, Vietnam, Thailand, South Korea, India and Japan. Singapore remains the top investor, having invested more than US$4 billion this fiscal year, followed by Vietnam with $1.3 billion. However, while important regional allies, they are not political heavyweights in the international arena with the clout to protect Myanmar.
Even so, Myanmar's armed forces will be cautious with China, given that it has provided arms and logistical support to rebel groups in the north for decades. It's not clear just how much trust and confidence Myanmar's generals have in Beijing.
In the 1990s, when the regime was desperately looking for jet fighters and ammunition, China sold low-grade jet fighters, weapons and ammunition to Myanmar's junta. The generals have diversified since then, purchasing jet fighters and military hardware from others including Russia, India, Pakistan, Israel and some Eastern European countries. Today, Myanmar is expanding military and defense cooperation with India, Russia, Japan and Thailand.
Nevertheless, one can see more military cooperation between the People's Liberation Army of China and Myanmar's armed forces. The China North Industries Corporation (NORINCO) and the Myanmar Army have pledged to expand collaboration with a view to growing defense trade and related technologies.
NORINCO announced the plans in a press release on Nov. 28, although the agreement was reached a few days earlier, the company said, in meetings between NORINCO President Wen Gang and Myanmar Army chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing.
In its press release, NORINCO said it had a "long history of cooperation" with Myanmar and that it was looking to continue to provide the country's army with defense products and services and to continue to "expand and enhance areas of cooperation."
The US was preparing to help train Myanmar's army officers and expand military-to-military engagement, but violence and allegations of human rights violations in Rakhine State have shut down the contacts while the US Congress considers imposing sanctions.
State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's recent visit to China indicates that the two countries will strengthen economic ties. In a meeting with Suu Kyi, Chinese President Xi Jinping urged her to further expand bilateral cooperation.
The China-Myanmar economic corridor is new, proposed in November when Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi paid a visit to Naypyitaw.
The corridor will arrive in three phases, expanding to Mandalay, Yangon and the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone in troubled Rakhine State. It is part of a grand plan to boost connectivity between four countries: Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar.
The project will connect Kunming in China with Kolkata in India, then add Mandalay, Dhaka and Chittagong. It is part of China's grand geopolitical and economic strategy, connecting Beijing straight to the Indian Ocean.
Neither is India being left out of Myanmar's own geopolitical rebalancing. Suu Kyi wants her country to continue strengthening economic and political ties with India too. She studied in India, where her mother served as ambassador in the 1950s.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Myanmar in September, when he backed Suu Kyi's government and offered assistance and development initiatives for Rakhine State.
Mandalay Region Chief Minister Zaw Myint Maung has been to Kolkata seeking Indian investments in central Myanmar (he has also accompanied Suu Kyi's on her latest visit to China).
India shares a 1,600-km border with Myanmar along four northeastern states. Some Indian militants seeking separation and autonomy are based in Myanmar. Myanmar's army leaders have promised to push them out, but neither the region nor the Indian rebels are priorities for the government or the military.
Beijing Looks to Restive Rakhine
During her visit to Beijing and meetings with Chinese leaders, Suu Kyi is believed to have discussed several economic projects and existing contracts signed under previous governments, including the regime that ruled the country until 2010. They include the controversial Myintsone project suspended under President Thein Sein, the Letpadaung mining project, and the Kyaukphyu deep-sea port and related pipeline and railway projects in the area.
The China-Myanmar corridor will no doubt boost China's trade and political influence. Moreover, planned highways, railroads and pipelines will give China direct access to the Indian Ocean. It will be interesting to see what the government can renegotiate with China to benefit its impoverished country, Rakhine State and the people.
The contracts are under review and it is believed that the current government has been trying to renegotiate them with China.
Unsurprisingly, China has backed Myanmar over the crisis in Rakhine State from the start; it has even offered to mediate.
In the first week of November, a Chinese delegation visited Rakhine State to assess the situation. The delegation, from China's Asean Economic and Cultural Association, was accompanied by Myanmar's Hintha Akari Co and seen meeting several key leaders.
Interestingly, during the trip the Chinese delegates said one planned project was to help Myanmar extend and strengthen fencing along the state's border with Bangladesh.
It seems China is shifting its attention to Rakhine State.
So, while the West — the US in particular — considers imposing targeted sanctions on Myanmar's generals and scaling back ties with the military, China is thinking of building highways and railroads.
Former freelance photographer John San Linn and his wife were detained in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina on Monday night, after police found more than 1,000 bullets at their home in Myawaddy near the Thailand-Myanmar border, according to local police.
Lwin Maung Thein, a police officer in Myitkyina, told The Irrawaddy: "We detained him. The police in Karen State told us to arrest him. It is their case."
Police from Myitkyina and Myawaddy cooperated to arrest the pair. John San Linn worked as a freelance photographer in Kachin and Karen states in the past.
The police found 1,020 12.7 mm bullets under his house. The investigation is ongoing and police officer Lwin Maung Thein said he did not yet know whether the seized ammunition was thought to be linked to the Kachin Independence Army.
Ethnic rebels in northern Shan State often use these bullets. They can be used to destroy unarmored vehicles, penetrate lightly armored vehicles and damage external ancillary equipment.
The police officer said that John San Linn and his wife would be transferred to Karen State to face charges.
Police filed charges until Article 19 of the Arms Act for unlicensed possession of arms/ammunition, said Myawaddy police officer Thet Naing Soe.
"We have been trying to arrest him for a long time," Thet Naing Soe added.
He said that an anonymous source had provided the information used to arrest them.
PATHEIN — Two herds of hungry wild elephants destroyed a house and crops in a village in Irrawaddy Region's Ngapudaw Township on Monday.
According to locals, each herd included at least five elephants. The herds arrived separately from the east and west of the Pathein-Mawtin Road in the township's Dipayone Kwethit village on Monday evening.
"The two herds were only about 500 feet from each other. They seemed to be starving. They came close to the fences of our houses and ate bananas and other crops. Because they came so close to people, Forestry Police had to fire shots to scare them away," said Tin Chaung village tract administrator U Tun Lay, who helped police drive the wild elephants away.
A house in Dipayone Kwethit was destroyed by elephants that had wandered into the backyard to eat crops. The elephants were not aggressive toward villagers, local residents said.
"The elephants approached the fences of our houses, but didn't appear to be hostile. It seems they had been chased by a group of elephant poachers," said U Tun Lay.
"When one household scared them away, they went to another house. If that house scared them off, they went to the next one. The villagers were too scared to sleep that night [on Monday]. They made noises and lit fires [to keep the elephants away from their houses]," he added.
The elephants were still in the woods near the village on Tuesday morning, he said.
An "elephant-scaring" team was on its way to the village on Tuesday, Khun Pyone Naing, head of Ngapudaw Township Forestry Department, told The Irrawaddy.
The team, formed in June this year and made up of non-governmental organization workers, Forestry Police offers and Myanma Timber Enterprise staff, is tasked with scaring away elephants from human settlements and protecting them from poachers. It conducts regular patrols in forests, and when necessary drives away wild elephants with the help of domesticated elephants.
"Such places are frequently visited by wild elephants. We will drive them back into the forest with the assistance of domesticated elephants," Khun Pyone Naing said.
For the time being, Forestry and local police are providing security for the village.
According to local residents, wild elephants usually visit farms in search of food from the time of the paddy harvest in November until around May, just before the rainy season starts.
Elephants have seen their habitats shrink dramatically due illegal logging in recent decades, said Sai Zaw Oo, a supervisor at the Myanmar Elephant Lovers Association, which is based in Ngapudaw Township
"So, they come to human settlements to eat paddy, banana and other crops grown by humans. And this has led to human-elephant conflict" he said.
"At the same time, this has given elephant poachers the opportunity to hunt wild elephants that come and search for food," he added.
Last year, four local villagers were killed in elephant-human conflicts that erupted after the animals started eating crops near Ngwe Saung Beach in the west of Pathein Township, according to the Ngwe Saung Beach police station.
On Nov. 30 Forestry Department personnel had to drive away a wild elephant after it destroyed a house and killed a pig in Kyaukphya village tract in the west of Pathein Township.
With the transition in 2011 to a new hybrid civilian-military government in Myanmar, a number of international development/assistance carpetbaggers – organizations and individuals – have flocked to the country. Many of them are opportunist international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), United Nations organizations (UNOs), international development agencies (IDAs), and consultants which go into the conflict and ceasefire ethnic areas in countries to take advantage of the unsettled social, economic, and political conditions for organizational and/or individual self-interests.
Carpetbaggers is a term that was used to describe those persons who moved, immediately after the US Civil War, from the North to the former Southern rebellious states to take advantage of the unstable social, economic, and political climate. The term came to be associated with opportunism and exploitation by outsiders. Their name came from their luggage, which was manufactured from old carpets. The present day international development/assistance carpetbaggers, who carry backpacks now, are conflict/disaster seekers who prey on disaster areas and weak/collapsed states, such as Myanmar, in a similar manner as do "ambulance chasing" lawyers who rush to the scene of an accident to take advantage of any injured parties.
These international development/assistance carpetbaggers do not conduct any Do No Harm/conflict analysis; or if they do, they don't use it to understand the conflict dynamics and power/influence relationships of the situation on the ground so as not to really "Do No Harm." Moreover, there is no sharing of these Do No Harm/conflict analyses with local stakeholders to ensure their validity. Consequently, the international development/assistance carpetbaggers strengthen the centralization of the political, administrative, and fiscal powers of the Myanmar Government in social services while the ethnic people seek decentralization – an important aspect of their economic and political aspirations for the past seventy years.
Such actors undermine the social services provided by the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in their administered areas by not obtaining operating permission from local EAO administrative officials; degrade local ethnic community-based organizations (CBOs)/civil society organizations (CSOs) by drawing experienced staff away with compensation packages above local prevailing terms; pay above local market rates for facility leases, driving up local lease rates; provide direct overlapping local services, such as in health care; and, use logframes to push their own priorities which are not that of the local community or ethnic partnership organization(s).
This situation also plays into the hands of local Burman and ethnic business cronies who utilize their networks within the Myanmar Government, state/region/township governments, and/or Tatmadaw to influence decisions regarding local international development/assistance for the benefit of their own business interests.
The Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw take advantage of this "ignorance" or "Do Not Care" attitude of the international development/assistance carpetbaggers in a proxy economic counter-insurgency strategy involving development, nation building, humanitarian assistance, and conflict resolution/peace building programs in the ethnic areas.
In essence, international development/assistance is co-opted and "weaponized" by the Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw against the EAOs by undermining the social and economic support given by the EAOs to their supportive ethnic populations as well as to push the EAOs toward the acceptance of unfavorable ceasefire terms and political compromises.
The international development/assistance carpetbaggers take political sides by complementing the economic concessions given by the Myanmar Government to those EAOs, which have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), while failing to similarly engage with EAOs which have not signed the NCA.
As one ethnic leader commented to a visiting INGO, "You Doing No Harm is harming us."
The international development/assistance carpetbaggers are driven by basic human greed for financial rewards (e.g. salaries and grants), status/recognition (e.g., official posting titles, CV citations, and housing/transportation special benefits), and/or other personal gains through the exploitation of situations involving development, nation building, humanitarianism, and conflict resolution/peace building. There are multiple types of international development/assistance carpetbaggers:
Development carpetbaggers The international development carpetbaggers fund/build roads, bridges, and communications systems in the ethnic areas that extend the administrative and military reach of the Myanmar Government and Tatamdaw. They may or may not conduct Conflict Analyses, Environmental Impact Assessments, or Social Impact Assessments. However if done, they may only be paper-based, fill-in-the-blank exercises. Consequently, there are issues of environmental degradation and uncompensated/poorly-compensated land confiscations, resulting in displacement of ethnic people. Moreover, the resultant physical infrastructure may allow penetration by the Tatmadaw of vehicles and heavy armaments into conflict areas which were previously inaccessible. Of course, corruption follows as well.
Nation-building carpetbaggers The ethnic areas are targeted for nation building, which strengthens the control of the Myanmar Government and extends its administrative and Tatmadaw reach without the necessity of any power/resource sharing arrangements with the ethnic people. These opportunist nation-building carpetbaggers are eager to assist the autocratic Aung San Suu Kyi's Myanmar Government to become more efficient and effective in entering, controlling, and exploiting the ethnic areas. They have agreed with the Burma Government, in the so-called Naypyitaw Accord, to align their projects with Burma Government policies. It does not matter that nation building, without sustainable peace, undermines the now seventy year ethnic quest for political, administrative, fiscal, resource, and security power sharing and ethnic equality promised to them by General Aung San, Aung San Suu Kyi's father, when they formed the Union of Burma in 1948 with Burmans.
Humanitarian carpetbaggers There is the proliferation of humanitarian activities into the ethnic areas, especially in regard to health, education, and poverty reduction by some opportunist INGOs, UNOs, and IDAs. This allows for the further extension of Myanmar Government's administrative and Tatmadaw control in the ethnic areas through these proxies to undermine the relationship of the EAOs with their ethnic peoples' support base. These humanitarian carpetbaggers also must adhere to the Naypyitaw Accord. Many do not obtain memorandums of understanding (MoUs) from the EAOs which may control their targeted areas of operations or work with local CBOs/CSOs which are equipped to provide any necessary international assistance directly to their own people. Of course, the humanitarian assistance is also a source of additional overhead/administrative funding, salaries, housing/transportation special benefits, CV citations, and donor and organizational publicity for these humanitarian carpetbaggers. An Afghan analyst is reported to have remarked, "INGOs are the cows that drink the milk themselves" (Quoted in Making States Work, July 2004: P. 13).
Conflict resolution/peace building carpetbaggers One cannot forget the conflictresolution/peace buildingcarpetbaggers who prey on conflict situations such as in the ethnic areas. These are the opportunist international academicians, institutes/think tanks, foreign governments, and foundations that are advising the Myanmar Government and EAOs about ceasefires and political dialogue. They are there to "help" the EAOs to "return to the legal fold". These carpetbagging consultants get grants and publicity for their ceasefire/peace building "back seat driving" and Western "cookie-cutter" solutions which, in any case, are not contextually-based to the unique Asian/Burma social, economic, political, and security sector realities in Burma. In short, they are more "cows that drink the milk themselves".
With the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015 by some EAOs and the accession of the Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party to government offices in 2016, the door is now wide open to even more international development/assistance carpetbaggers to reap organizational and/or individual benefits in the ethnic areas of Myanmar.
International development/assistance carpetbaggers have been "called-out" in numerous books and articles over the past half century. They ignore or dismiss such "calling out", as in this article, since they know that recipient countries need international development/assistance.
They give a bad reputation to those international development/assistance organizations which do good transparent and impartial work, and understand and properly respond to local social, economic, and political environments. While there has been some progress in reining these international development/assistance carpetbaggers in, many are still "out there". In this sense, they have come to Myanmar and are now spreading, like a virulent development/assistance virus, into the ethnic areas of Myanmar.
The ethnic people have been striving for self-autonomy, ethnic equality, and peace for almost seventy years. They desire sustainable peace through equitable power/resource sharing and security sector reform before international development/assistance. International development/assistance are aspects of peace building, which should occur after, not before, peacemaking and peacekeeping. The Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw use peace building to avoid power/resource sharing with the ethnic people.
However, if the EAOs cannot resist the lure of international development/assistance, then they must vet and control access into their administered areas by international development/assistance organizations to ensure they don't undermine the EAO's popular support base, fracture the EAO or its alliances, and contribute to corruption. Moreover, wherever possible, international development/assistance must be channeled through local ethnic CBOs or CSOs in a fully transparent and responsible manner
The following are recommendations to control international development/assistance organizations seeking to implement activities in EAO-administered areas:
All international development/assistance organizations, operating in EAO-administered areas, should be required to register with the governing EAO and only those who receive approval would be able to implement their project(s). Registration applications would include, as appropriate, local CBO/CSO partnerships, Conflict Analyses, Environmental Impact Assessments, and/or Social Impact Assessments.
MoUs are signed between the EAO and registering international development/assistance organizations and such MoUs will govern the scope and terms of operations.
The registration documentation is shared with the locally-affected communities for their comments and concerns.
For approved registrations, written official authorization and personal identification cards are issued by the EAO.
The activities of registered organizations are monitored by the EAO or an approved local ethnic CBO/CSO on a quarterly basis to ensure that they are in active and full compliance with the terms and scope of their MoUs, including expected outcomes, impact, and utilization of funding. Intentional noncompliance would be cause for termination of the project and exit of the offending organization(s).
Engagements with conflict resolution/peace building organizations and individuals must be evaluated as to appropriateness in respect to the political-military situation in Myanmar, Burma/Asian values, conflict history, conflicts-of-interest, political bias, conflict resolution/peace building experience, and other relevant factors. Myanmar is an Asian multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and multi-religious country with a long history of insurgency and dissent. There are no Western counties which have similar characteristics and can serve as a conflict resolution model for Myanmar. Consideration should be given to power/resource sharing models in Asia, such as in India, and to extent, models in Africa.
The ethnic people have suffered enough from the Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw since Independence. They don't need to be also deceived or exploited by some international development/assistance organizations and individuals which say "we have come to help you" with development/assistance, but really want to drink the milk themselves or serve as the willing or unknowing economic counter-insurgency tool of the Myanmar Government and Tatmadaw.
The EAOs must strictly vet, control, and monitor international development/assistance organizations and individuals and say "No" to international development/assistance carpetbaggers: they are not welcome to do their "carpetbagging" in Myanmar's ethnic areas.
This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.
YANGON — The Oxford City Council stripped Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of its Freedom of the City award last Monday, an honor it bestowed on her in 1997. She collected the award in person in 2012, after 15 years under house arrest.
"Oxford has a long tradition of being a diverse and humane city, and our reputation is tarnished by honoring those who turn a blind eye to violence," Councilor Mary Clarkson said in a statement posted on Twitter.
The city joined a number of other British institutions that have stripped the state counselor of honorary titles given in recognition of her long struggle for democracy and her fight against oppressive military rule in Myanmar, all referencing the latest crisis in Rakhine State.
Following orchestrated attacks by a Muslim militant group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, against police posts and an army base on Aug. 25, Myanmar's 72-year-old de facto leader has faced strong international censure for failing to criticize the military's response and to speak out against violence toward Rohingya Muslims.
Subsequent clashes and security operations by the Myanmar Army have left hundreds dead and hundreds of thousands displaced, including more than 620,000 Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh amid reports of killing, rape and arson by the military.
During a joint press conference with US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in Naypyitaw on Nov. 15, the state counselor insisted that she has not been silent about the humanitarian crisis.
"I think what people mean is that what I say is not interesting enough. But what I say is not meant to be exciting, it's meant to be accurate. And it's aimed at creating more harmony and a better future for everybody, not for setting people against each other," she said at the time.
"We mustn't forget that there are many different communities in Rakhine, and if they are to live together in peace and harmony in the long-term we can't set them against each other now. We cannot make the kind of statements that drive them further apart. This is the reason why we are very careful about what is said."
Among the groups and institutions criticizing her government's response to the Rohingya crisis, those in the UK seem to be the most active.
Last month, the London School of Economics voted to revoke an honorary presidency awarded to her in 1992. Before Oxford, the city councils of Glasgow and Sheffield stripped her of their own freedom of the city awards.
Oxford University's St. Hugh's College, from which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi graduated in 1967, removed her painted portrait and name from its common room. One of Britain's largest trade unions, Unison, has suspended an award it had given her.
The Irrawaddy interviewed scholars, politicians and activists to find out why they believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is being stripped of her awards and what they think of the practice.
Thitinan Pongsudhirak / Supplied
Thitinan Pongsudhirak, associate professor and director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Thailand's Chulalongkorn University
Some places and people in the UK undoubtedly and understandably feel betrayed by ASSK [Aung San Suu Kyi]. They had huge and unrealistic expectations for her to come into power under democratic rule and take Myanmar forward. However, Myanmar is beset with deep-seated structural problems — e.g. internal conflicts — that precede and transcend Ms. Suu Kyi. She can only do so much, and she is achieving a democratic transition like she was supposed to. But it is premised on a compromise with the Tatmadaw. She cannot have the cake and eat it, too. She cannot just come to power and kick out the army overnight.
It’s like these UK places withdrawing her recognition because they feel jilted, a deep disappointment in the face of the humanitarian crisis in Rakhine. The Rohingya issue gnaws at the collective conscience of the international community. They want quick answers and are quick to blame. They can blame the Tatmadaw and [Senior General] Min Aung Hlaing, but they have already been blamed aplenty. They can relate more by blaming Ms. Suu Kyi because they are familiar with her.
It’s like the international community has put her up on the highest pedestal and made her into a global democracy icon, way beyond what she is capable [of] and what the reality on the ground would countenance. And now they are bringing her down.
The withdrawals of honors in the UK also reflect the facile views these institutions held of her in the first place. The world is complicated. Rakhine is an intractable mess.
Of course anything to do with the Tatmadaw does not go down well with international stakeholders. There is so much baggage and ill will regarding the army’s misdeeds in the past. That ASSK is working with the Tatmadaw and Min Aung Hlaing taints her in the eyes of [the] international community.
At the same time, I do think ASSK can take more risks on the Rakhine crisis. She can leverage her immense moral authority against the army for a more acceptable outcome…. Moreover, she has shown that she is a poor executive, with no message and no messenger — i.e. the virtual absence of a decent communications team. She micromanages too much, does not have a grand strategy, and does not know how to be [the] transitional and transformative leader her country needs at this time. And she has not groomed others to help and succeed her.
Al Haj U Aye Lwin / The Irrawaddy
AI Haj U Aye Lwin, chief convener for the Islamic Center of Myanmar and member of the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission on Rakhine State
We appreciated the Western nations very much for their help and support for democracy in Myanmar. But their actions right now could put the democracy that they want to flourish in reverse. If the democratic forces are weak, the dictatorship will come back.
In her first public address [on the Rohingya crisis], the state counselor already said that she condemned any human rights violations and unlawful violence and that action would be taken against anyone, regardless of race, religion, or political standing, who violated human rights. She also said she would speak with those who have fled and those who have stayed in the state.
She invited diplomats and officials to observe the problem too. She has done all of this under difficult circumstances. In her second public address [on the Rohingya crisis], she spoke of the repatriation of refugees, houses to be rebuilt for the residents in the state, and programs to improve their lives. She had already formed the committees to implement the programs as well, as per the commission's recommendations.
I would like to tell them [Western critics] to consider carefully the conditions in Myanmar. There are forces trying to exploit religion for political gain, especially the hatred of Muslims. So speaking out however they want to is not essential. It is only important to do the things that need to be done to resolve the problems. They need to understand that. They are doing it to give moral support [to the refugees], but they are blaming the democratic forces and weakening them, which makes the dictators happy.
U Thant Thaw Kaung / The Irrawaddy
U Thant Thaw Kaung, founder of the Myanmar Book Center and Myanmar Book Aid and Preservation Foundation, a leading book importer and distributor in Myanmar
No one asked when they gave those awards. In Myanmar there is not only the Rakhine issue. We will show the world by our actions what needs to be done, as the state counselor said.
Ko Mya Aye / The Irrawaddy
Ko Mya Aye, a prominent Muslim political activist since the 1988 uprising
It is not good for the image of the state counselor or for our country. We felt upset. But it will all be over if we resolve everything fairly and justly.
I think it depends on the institutions and student unions in the UK. I don't know on what norms and standards they based their decisions. I assume that both accurate news and fake news reaches them. And accurate and fake information reaches the state counselor too.
Is it a small thing that Daw Suu has done? Who says she doesn't deserve those awards? Compared to her, those titles are too small. It is too childish to withdraw what they gave. Wait and see. Only those who revoked the awards will lose their dignity in the end, not her.
KUALA LUMPUR — When night falls after her 14-hour workday, Indonesian domestic worker Deni Apriyani retreats to her room in Singapore and reaches for a pen to jot down her feelings, in poem after poem.
"I usually write about my daily life," the 27-year-old said.
"I feel satisfied – it's like you have just released something heavy in your head," Apriyani told the Thomson Reuters Foundation from Singapore where she has been a domestic helper for an expatriate family since 2013.
Like tens of thousands of maids in Singapore, Apriyani rises at dawn to clean, cook and look after children but this largely invisible domestic workforce and other migrant workers in the city-state often live in the shadows.
Now a small number have taken to poetry to write about their daily struggles, being homesick, love and joy in an annual contest which aims to break down barriers with Singaporean society by showcasing migrant workers' literary talents.
Apriyani won the first prize at this year's competition on Sunday with a poem about domestic abuse, which was based on an account from a woman in her home village in Indonesia.
Organizers said they have seen steadily rising entries since the competition was launched in 2014, with over 100 submissions this year from migrant workers representing eight countries including Bangladesh, Myanmar and the Philippines.
The poems were mostly written in their own languages before being translated into English.
Organizer Shivaji Das said he had seen a surge in what he termed "activism poems" in recent years, which talk about the struggles of migrant workers.
"We have seen poems about their work situations, such as not being treated nicely, not being paid or around their living conditions," said Das, an Indian-born management consultant and author who moved to Singapore 12 years ago.
Migrant rights groups allege mistreatment of domestic helpers is widespread although the Singaporean authorities have consistently denied this.
Das said the aim of the competition was to give migrant workers "a voice and a platform."
"It is much more powerful to have them speaking about themselves in their own voice, their dreams and fears."
"The whole idea is when you see them in this way, you tend to appreciate them more as a complete human being, instead of being just an economic machine," Das told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Singapore counts on a large number of migrant workers in sectors ranging from construction and manufacturing to the service sector.
Myanmar, French and Japanese boxers will compete in this Lethwei challenge fight.
Dec. 10, 2 pm. Theinbyu Stadium. Tickets between 10,000 and 30,000 kyats at 01-557787, 01-8605145.
Zero Platform: International Performance Art Festival | Dec. 8-10
This event will feature two days of performance art and a one-day seminar. More than 30 artists from Myanmar, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, Finland, Poland, Germany and Belgium will participate.
Performances Dec. 8-9, 4 pm to 8 pm. Thakhin Mya Park. Seminar Dec. 10, 1 pm to 4 pm. New Zero Art Village, Pane-Nae-Gone Village, Hmawbi Tsp.
Book Fair | Dec. 7-17
Yangon University Library will showcase rare books to celebrate the university's 97th anniversary.
Dec. 7-17. Yangon University Library.
Myanmar International Fashion Week | Dec. 8-10
This event will showcase the latest fashion and jewelry items.
Dec. 8-10, 6 pm to 9 pm. Shwe Htut Tin Ground. Tickets at 01-553711, 01-551143, 01-400760
808 Festival Yangon 2017 | Dec. 9
Boombox Cartel, Coone, DVBBS, Timmy Trumpet and Vini Vici, BG b2b Blacklix, BG X Hane and Kitty will perform.
Dec. 9. Thuwunnabhumi Event Park, Upper Pansodan Street. Tickets 25,000 kyats to 75,000 kyats at 09-43174433
Festive Christmas Performance | Dec. 9
This event features carol singing with a performance by the Orchestra for Myanmar and a special guest conductor from Poland, Maestro Wojciech Czepiel.
Dec. 9, 7 pm. Holy Trinity Cathedral, Bogyoke Road, next to Bogyoke Market. Free entry for people of all faiths.
Nay Myo: Solo Poetry Day | Dec. 9
The respected poet and artist will recite old and new poems.
Dec. 9. 2 pm. Yangon Book Plaza, 5th Floor, Thanzay Market, Lanmadaw Tsp. Tickets 5,000 kyats. (Admission includes Nay Myo's new book, a drink and entry into a lucky draw to win one of his paintings.)
Property Show | Dec. 9-10
High-end flats will be on sale at discounted prices at this event.
YANGON – At the request of the state government, all Hindu internally displaced persons (IDPs) currently sheltering in Danyawaddy football stadium in Rakhine's capital Sittwe returned to Maungdaw on Tuesday, according to Hindu community leader U Ni Mal.
On Nov. 28, the Arakan State Cabinet summoned Hindu community leaders to discuss the relocation. After attending the meeting, U Ni Mal disclosed that the state government wants all Hindus moved from the temporary IDP camp, as it plans to hold a football tournament in the coming weeks.
According to U Ni Mal, the government informed displaced Hindus that a temporary structure has been constructed for them right behind the Maungdaw District administrative office. Regional authorities pledged Hindus would be allowed to return to the places they were living in before the Aug. 25 attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in Maungdaw.
In response to ARSA attacks, the Myanmar Army launched attacks on the group, which resulted in more than 620,000 Rohingya refugees fleeing to neighboring Bangladesh. The international community has accused government troops of committing ethnic cleansing during the operations.
The Myanmar and Bangladesh governments signed a Memorandum of Outstanding (MoU) on a refugee repatriation agreement a couple of weeks ago in Naypyidaw. But details have not been officially announced yet.
"No one wants to return to their place of origin, as entire villages were butchered by aggressive Bengali attackers. We don't trust them. We told them it's impossible," said U Ni Mal.
Since the armed conflicts erupted in Maungdaw, more than 3,000 Hindus have fled to Sittwe Township and at least 1,200 have sought refuge in separate locations in Maungdaw district as well. As stability has been restored to the region, some Hindus have returned independently to Maungdaw. As of last week, 552 people remained in camps, with 352 returning on Sunday.
On Thursday, the remaining 200 people will be returned to Maungdaw. U Ni Mal said the state government would provide transportation and food for the displaced people.
U Ni Mal helped local authorities to unearth a mass grave containing the bodies of 45 Hindus in northern Maungdaw's Ye Baw Kya village in September. More than 50 additional bodies have yet to be recovered, though eight Hindu women among those returning from Bangladesh have shown authorities a crime scene near Baw Talar village.
"Dozens of Hindus were slaughtered near Baw Talar creek, but the killers threw the bodies into the creek. So we can't find them," said U Ni Mal.
He said he had received death threats via phone from Muslims angered that he has cooperated with the authorities.
"They are pissed off at me as I assisted authorities to find Hindu corpses. Actually, I was helping to locate the bodies to assist grieving families and my relatives, but they accuse me of being a government man," he said.
