Monday, February 19, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

A Quick Guide to Inle Lake and Nyaung Shwe

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 05:44 AM PST

Inle Lake is a uniquely Myanmar attraction that is very popular with tourists. It is famous for its floating gardens, fisherman who row canoes with one leg (Intha), and wooden houses on stilts.

Inle Lake is situated in southern Shan State, about 650km from Yangon. Nyaung Shwe is the principal town near the lake and offers many things to do while also being just a pleasant place to hang out.

Even though Inle Lake is surrounded by mountains, when summer comes it gets very hot. So winter, when the Phaungdawoo Pagoda festival is held, is the perfect time to visit.

How to get to Inle Lake

There are many options including private car, bus or train. You can choose the way that best suits you.

If you go by bus, it costs around USD18 for a round trip from Yangon and takes about 10 hours. The road is good but not straight. I recommended the following express bus services: JJ, Elite, Shwe Mandalar and Lumbini Express.

If you choose to fly, there are daily flights from Yangon to nearby Heho. At Heho airport you'll need to take a 30-km taxi ride to Nyaung Shwe. Some hotels provide ferries for their guests; you just need to ask your concierge.

Where to stay

There is a wide range of accommodation depending on your budget and how many days you intend to stay in the area.

The entrance of the Novotel Inle Lake Myat Min/ Novotel Inle Lake
A view from the Novotel Inle’s swimming pool/ Novotel Inle Lake

If you want to stay at a luxury hotel, the Novotel Inle Lake, Sanctum Inle Resort, Myanmar Treasure Inle Lake, Inle Princess Resort and View Point Lodge are popular accommodations. Prices at these hotels start from USD150 per night.

The main building of the Sanctum Inle Resort/ Sanctum Inle Resort

If you are traveling on a tighter budget or just want to save your money to spend more time in Inle, the Inle Apex Hotel, Aquarius Inn, and The Hotel Emperor Inle have attracted a lot of good reviews. Rooms at these hotels start at USD40 per night.

Please note that these hotels are simply the writer's choice and there are many other good accommodations from which to choose.

The entrance to the Inle Princess Resort / Inle Princess Resort

What to do in Inle Lake

Explore the lake by boat

Inle has really beautiful scenery and the combination of the lake and the surrounding hills offer an amazing landscape. You can enjoy this beautiful view by taking a boat, which also offers the best way to experience the floating villages, wooden houses on stilts, floating garden and many others things. It's safe and the experience is amazing.

Lunch and visit the Burmese Cat Village at Inle Heritage

If you are a cat lover, you will definitely fall in love with this place. The entrance is free. You can look around the cat village and all the cats are friendly with people.

Inle Heritage also has an organic garden and you can have a fresh lunch at reasonable prices, and enjoy the terrific views.

Mine Thouk Village and Bridge

Mine Thouk Village can be accessed by bicycle from Nyaung Shwe. It takes only 20 or 30 minutes to get there and there is a pretty wooden bridge called 'Mine Thouk Bridge'. It's a fun experience to walk on the wooden bridge and watch the floating tomato gardens of the nearby villages.

Inle has many things to do depending on your travel dates. So, what are you waiting for? Start planning for an adventure around Inle!

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Myanmar Receives List of Returnees From Bangladesh

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 05:36 AM PST

YANGON — Bangladesh has provided Myanmar with a list of more than 8,000 mostly Rohingya refugees to have their backgrounds checked prior to their return, the Ministry of Home Affairs announced Saturday, after a nearly one-month delay in the repatriation process.

The list of 8,032 refugees from 1,673 households was handed over to Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe on Friday during a bilateral meeting at the Bangladeshi Home Affairs Ministry in Dhaka.

The first group of refugees on the list will be repatriated once their prior residence in Myanmar has been verified.

Myanmar’s Home Affairs Ministry said it also urged Bangladesh to investigate and provide information about a list of suspected members of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army it had previously provided Dhaka.

It said the two countries also discussed the pending launch of liaison offices in Myanmar’s Maungdaw Township and Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar to coordinate security and combat the cross-border trade of illegal drugs.

Late last year, Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed to start repatriating the hundreds of thousands of mostly Rohingya refugees who have fled northern Rakhine State since late 2016 on Jan. 23. But Bangladesh delayed the process while tensions were rising in the Cox’s Bazar camps and as some critics of the deal voiced concerns over the lack of security guarantees for those who would return.

Despite the ongoing preparations for repatriation, more than 2,500 Rohingya have crossed into Bangladesh just this year. According to government statistics, an average of 75 Rohingya fled their villages each day between Jan. 1 and Feb. 15.

Myanmar has said it was ready to start receiving the refugees as soon as Bangladesh sends it a list of names.

Minister of Labor, Immigration and Population U Thein Swe told reporters in Naypyitaw on Monday that Myanmar would check that the listed refugees had resided in Myanmar within a week and then inform Bangladesh to start the repatriation.

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Army, Police Raid Drug Labs in Northern Shan State

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 05:22 AM PST

Soldiers and anti-narcotics police raided illegal narcotics labs in the Lwalkhan village area of Kutkai Township and seized amphetamines, precursor ingredients and drug-making equipment valued at 9.96 billion kyat, the Defense Ministry said yesterday.

In a report the ministry said a joint team of Army and police personnel raided four locations, turning up 34 makeshift buildings used for the production of narcotics, 12 generators, 22 freezers, 210 barrels of acid, 165 barrels of diesel, 60 barrels of gasoline, 32 boilers, 200 bottles of acid, 600 2-liter cans of acid, 750 bags of caustic soda, 150 baskets of hydrogen peroxide, 487,1000 stimulant tablets, 13 kg of stimulant powder, 43 kg of brown opium and 23 other categories of related materials worth over 9.96 billion kyat in total.

The joint team conducted its operation in the area from February 15-17, but the report did not mention any arrests or suspects, or what led to the raid.

The report said the joint team would hand the narcotics and related materials to the police in Kutkai, adding that further operations would be conducted in the area.

U Taung Htay, a police officer based in Kutkai town, said, "No one has been arrested yet. We are still working on it. We are not yet sure how we will proceed; our officers are discussing it. The anti-narcotics police have not yet come to us to press charges," said the police officer.

He said those running the lab may have been tipped off before the raid.

"We found a lot of equipment, but they all ran away," said U Taung Htay.

The joint team of Army and police had to trek one-and-a-half hours from outside Lwalkhan village to where the small huts had been set up in the jungle, he said.

"We will arrest them soon, but we are still investigating. We have even informed Interpol," said U Taung Htay.

Kutkai Township in northern Shan State is the scene of ongoing fighting between the Myanmar Army and a joint force of TNLA, KIA, AA, and MNDAA fighters. Illegal opium is grown in large quantities in the area, which is also home to large-scale illegal amphetamine production.

A local militia group, Kawng Kha, is also based in the Kutkai area. The TNLA reported that Lwalkhan village is under the control of the Kawng Kha.

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Chin State Bans Hunting, Picking Rhododendron Flowers

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 05:19 AM PST

YANGON — The Chin State government has issued a public warning against picking Rhododendron flowers and hunting wildlife across the state.

Rhododendrons, which sprout the state flower, grow mainly in the townships of Mindat, Matupi, Falam and Tedim. Chin State Chief Minister Salai Lian Luai said his government has banned the cutting of Rhododendron tree branches and the picking of its flowers as well as hunting wildlife, a traditional source of livelihood for hill tribes in the state and beyond for centuries.

"The state counselor [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] has instructed us to conserve Rhododendron flowers. Now hornbills are on the verge of extinction. We will take action in line with existing laws if there are violations," he said.

Rhododendrons bloom in December and January, and Chin residents are not happy that visitors pick the flowers and cut its branches. Recent photos of some visitors cutting off Rhododendron branches drew criticism after spreading on social media.

“The Chin State government has sought comment from the state Advocate General's Office on imposing the official ban," said Mang Hen Dal, state minister of agriculture, livestock, forestry and mines.

He said violators would be punished under the Forestry Law and the Wildlife and Conservation of Natural Areas Law.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Government Rejects EU Call For Independent Investigation Into Rohingya Exodus

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 05:14 AM PST

Naypyitaw—In response to an EU parliamentary delegation's demand for an independent investigation into alleged suppression of Muslim minorities in northern Rakhine State, the Myanmar government has said it does not believe any foreign investigation would be independent and fair.

"Myanmar has cooperated with Yanghee Lee (the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar), who talked about an independent investigation. But the claims she made after her visit were not fair. Therefore, we won't agree to a fact-finding mission [sought by the EU], nor investigations by foreign countries," U Zaw Htay, spokesperson of the President's Office told The Irrawaddy.

The European parliamentary delegation, led by Pier Antonio Panzeri, visited Myanmar from Feb. 12-16, and during a press conference on Friday, the Italian politician called for the government to allow an independent investigation into human rights violations of Muslim minorities in northern Rakhine State.

Panzeri said that the latest developments in Rakhine State called for such an investigation because the report conducted by the Kofi Annan-led Advisory Commission was made some time ago, and did not cover the current situation.

"According to my experience, if democratic transition stalls for some reason, the country is likely to face renewed challenges that it had already experienced," he said.

U Zaw Htay said that there was a huge gap between the understanding of the Myanmar people and foreign countries' perception of the Rakhine issue. And that gap would continue to exist if foreign countries did not take the concerns and experiences of the Myanmar people into consideration.

"The majority [of Myanmar people] don't believe that an independent international investigation would be fair and independent. They don't think it is necessary," he said.

Over 650,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled to neighboring Bangladesh since Aug. 25 last year after the Myanmar military cracked down on insurgents in Rakhine State. The Myanmar government has rejected the UN's label of the military's activities as ethnic cleansing.

Myanmar's main problem is not the Rohingya issue, but democratic transition, ethnic affairs analyst U Maung Maung Soe said.

"Of 330 townships in Myanmar, this problem is happening in just two townships. An excessive focus on this problem will affect the democratic transition of the country. It is important for us to explain to the international community what is really important for the country," he said.

It would be difficult, he added, for any government to accept an international investigation, but the Myanmar government should allow access to information as much as possible.

Former Thai foreign minister Surakiart Sathirathai, who was appointed by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to chair the Advisory Board of the Committee for the Implementation of the Recommendations on Rakhine State, told The Bangkok Post that the civilian government and Myanmar Army had some differences over implementation of the recommendations submitted by the Annan commission.

The EU parliamentary delegation noted that over 650,000 people would not flee without reason, and demanded that EU representatives be allowed to visit the disputed area, adding that the case had upset the relations between Myanmar and the member states of the European group.

The UN's Lee has said that the Rakine issue is unlikely to reach an international court as Myanmar is not a member of the International Criminal Court and the UN Security Council is unlikely to declare the Tatmadaw's treatment of the Rohingya as ethnic cleansing because China, as a permanent member in UN Security Council, could veto such a declaration.

Surakiart suggested that the UN refugee agency, the International Red Cross Society and Asean countries should take part in the early stages of repatriating and resettling refugees from Bangladesh.

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Rakhine Gov’t Blames Misunderstanding for Complaints Over Waterside Project

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 05:02 AM PST

Sittwe—Following complaints from people who bought land at a new waterfront city project west of Rakhine State's capital Sittwe, the state government said that its project partner, BXT Co, had sold the plots without its permission because it did not understand the procedures.

"The company doesn't understand the procedures. So, it has sold land plots to the public without the permission of the government. In fact, it is not authorized to sell land," State Agriculture Minister U Kyaw Lwin told The Irrawaddy.

The project is a joint venture between Rakhine State government and Korea-based BXT to reclaim land on the western bank of the town and establish a new waterfront city.

After the land reclamation work was completed, and Rakhine State Transportation Minister U Aung Kyaw Zan and BXT officials held a press conference to publicize the project in Yangon on Dec. 28, the company started selling land plots on Jan. 6.

BXT sold the land at a price of 500,000 to 600,000 kyats per square feet of land with buyers also being asked to put down a deposit of one million kyats. The company handed over only receipts for payment but no other documents, said the buyers.

More than one month passed with no construction work being done on the site. Then on Feb. 13, the company informed the buyers they were required to pay 30 percent of the price of the plots in cash, which raised their suspicions.

"I bought the land because the government is involved in the project. [The company] said we will get a grant [for the land] and will build this and that. So, I bought it. But so far, they have done nothing," said physician U Maung Maung Than of Sittwe People's Hospital.

"The company showed us the design of the project and sold us land plots. And they asked us to pay 30 percent of the price while nothing has been done. So, we reported it to the chief minister and he said that the government didn't know about the sale of the land," said U Hla Maung Thein who also bought a land plot.

On Feb. 14, the government instructed BXT to stop selling land plots.

The project was launched in March 2016 on 90 acres of land as a 30-70 joint venture between the state government and BXT.

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How Prepared Is Myanmar To Counter Terror Attacks? 

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 04:39 AM PST

Concern is growing about possible terrorist attacks in Myanmar, and questions are being asked about the government's ability to counter such threats. We are not talking about the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) terrorists who provoked retaliatory operations from the military by staging attacks against security forces, innocent civilians, ethnic tribespeople and Hindus in northern Rakhine State.

We are talking about foreign terrorists who will surely try to exploit the situation by launching spectacular attacks in coordination with radical elements inside the country.

Myanmar is indeed vulnerable to such attacks.

Two weeks ago, Southeast Asian defense ministers issued a joint statement on the need for improved cooperation on and combating of Islamist militants and foreign fighters.

"We, the defense ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), note with grave concern the rise of terrorism in our region, perpetrated by individuals and groups with increasingly sophisticated and deadly tactics and weapons," they said at the conclusion of their two-day meeting in Singapore.

"The scale and complexity of the terrorist threat faced by our region continues to grow with the influx of returning foreign terrorist fighters and cross border movement of terrorists."

Indeed, the concern over a resurgence in radicalism in the region is real, with hundreds of Islamic State sympathizers known to be based in Indonesia, home to the world's largest Muslim population.

In Yangon, foreign embassies have beefed up security and Myanmar authorities and immigration officials have stepped up surveillance and increased scrutiny of visa applications.

People from Middle Eastern and majority-Muslim countries are likely to face more scrutiny and possible denial of entry visas. Some security analysts believe it's only a matter of time before the country experiences a terror attack. Despite this, there has been no preparation for coping with the aftermath of such an attack. Who would step in to calm the public and prevent a bloodbath?

According to some analysts, the most vulnerable targets would be Myanmar's embassies around the region.

In 2014 an Indonesian court jailed an Islamic extremist bombmaker for seven-and-a-half years for his role in a plot to attack the Myanmar Embassy in Jakarta. The suspect was reportedly seeking to avenge the killing of Rohingya (known as Bengalis in Myanmar).

In November 2016, police in Indonesia's capital, Jakarta, arrested two men over another alleged plot to bomb the Myanmar Embassy, again in protest at the country's treatment of Bengalis or Muslims living in northern Rakhine.

Indonesian police show items recently seized, including weapons and bomb-making materials, that they say were intended for use in attacks on government buildings and the Myanmar Embassy, at police headquarters in Jakarta on Nov. 25, 2016. (Photo: Reuters)

And in September 2017, a petrol bomb was thrown at the embassy in Jakarta as anger flared anew over violence against the Rohingya.

In January 2017, Malaysian authorities detained a suspected IS follower who was allegedly planning to head to Myanmar to carry out attacks. An Indonesian national, he was planning to perform jihad against the Myanmar government, according to counter-terrorism official Ayob Khan Mydin Pitchay.

These incidents show that the effects of sectarian unrest within Myanmar have spread outside the country. If left unchecked, they could further encourage extremists.

Helping hand from Jakarta 

Myanmar officials have sought assistance from Jakarta. A few weeks ago Indonesia's Coordinating Minister for Security, Law and Political Affairs Wiranto said Jakarta will help Myanmar in coping with the possible emergence of terrorism in the country. "We want to help by sharing knowledge and experience to prevent terrorists from establishing new bases in the region," the minister said.

As IS is getting weaker and losing ground in the Philippines, it is highly possible that it will look to set up bases elsewhere in the region, he warned.  "It is impossible for one country alone to overcome terrorism; countries have to cooperate, as terrorism has no borders and is not bound by regulations," he said.

Myanmar has voiced concern over the threat of IS-linked militants slipping into the country alongside Rohingya refugees returning from Bangladesh, Wiranto said.

But if foreign terrorists want to launch spectacular attacks on Yangon or historic sites, they will need local partners to set up an infrastructure of extremists inside the country.

Some analysts familiar with terrorist organizations in the region said an al Qaeda-linked unit was more likely to strike than a pro-IS group.

Worryingly, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) has made several strong statements in favor of jihad in defense of oppressed Muslims in Myanmar. The question is how high Myanmar is on AQAP and IS's list of priorities. It is assumed they have more pressing targets.

Last June, the Institution for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC), which focuses on conflicts in Indonesia and the Philippines, released a report saying pro-IS groups in Southeast Asia are trying to recruit Bengali (Rohingya) migrants in Malaysia to join Islamic militants fighting Philippine security forces.

In the report, "How Southeast Asia and Bangladeshi Extremism Intersect," published in May, IPAC states that developments in Syria, Bangladesh, and Myanmar put the relationship between South and Southeast Asian extremists "on a much more dangerous footing."

Rohan Gunaratna, a security expert at Singapore's Rajaratnam School of International Studies, said IS operatives in the region were "determined to mount attacks both inside Myanmar and against Myanmar targets overseas".

"The highest threat to Myanmar emanates from Islamic State networks," Rohan said.

"The Rohingya conflict is emerging as one of the rallying issues for IS. At a strategic level, Myanmar should resolve the Rohingya conflict to prevent IS influence and expansion."

Rohingya refugees walk through water after crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border at a port in Teknaf, Bangladesh, on Oct. 25, 2017. (Photo: Reuters)

But caution and greater analysis are needed.

Last year, the Brussels-based International Crisis Group said in a report that the coordinated attacks on Myanmar police in Rakhine State were carried out by a group called Harakah al-Yakin. While the group had links to Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, it would be wrong to "over-interpret the significance of the international links", ICG said.

ARSA link to foreign terrorists

There is no doubt that ARSA has connections with foreign extremist groups, despite its blanket denials. For instance, Abdus Qadoos Burmi, a Pakistani of Rohingya descent, the group's mentor based in Karachi, has called for "jihad" in Myanmar and has well-documented links to Lashkar-e-Taiba (the Army of the Righteous), one of South Asia's largest Islamic terrorist organizations, whose operations are based mainly in Pakistan. Lashkar-e-Taiba was founded in Afghanistan in 1987 with funding from now deceased al Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden. Abdus Qadoos has even appeared at meetings with Lashkar-e-Taiba supremo Hafiz Mohammed Syed.

ARSA is the real cause of concern and partly responsible for the flight of hundreds of thousands of refugees and migrants. It has received foreign donations and training from broader Islamist terror networks in East Asia and militants in Bangladesh. In the camps, ARSA leaders have threatened refugees not to go back to Rakhine State and killed several camp leaders who wanted to take part in repatriation. ARSA members and local Bengalis who have coordinated with ARSA also committed several brutal killings against ethnic tribes in Rakhine State prior to the attacks in August. They are not freedom fighters; they are terrorists.

Authorities in Bangladesh are concerned about possible contacts between Bangladeshi extremists and ARSA. New Delhi has some concrete information on ARSA's connection to extremist groups in East Asia, particularly in Pakistan.

JI members from Indonesia are rumored to have visited Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh and met with ARSA members. Analysts in Jakarta believe that Indonesian salafi preachers (they are non-violent) successfully traveled to Rohingya camps around Cox's Bazar. If they can get in without government clearance, presumably worse characters can as well.

Since 2014, foreign terrorists have staged attacks against Myanmar embassies around the region. Now the warning is of possible terrorist attacks inside Myanmar. Still, the government and military are unprepared. Analysts are also worried that homegrown terrorists who are familiar with the landscape should be on security officials' radar. Also on the watch list should be those sympathizers who are not necessarily local Myanmar or Burmese, but who live in the country.

If attacks happen in Myanmar, how long will it take for national leaders to appear on TV screens to address the country in order to prevent a bloodbath? Of course, there is also the danger of the light being turned off on Myanmar's fragile political transition. The government must ensure that human rights and the rule of law will not be impacted in the event of terrorist attacks. Even in northern Rakhine, we have seen reporters who went to cover stories unjustly arrested, charged and intimidated.

As always in Myanmar action is belated and coordination is messy. Public relations is appalling but the people in Myanmar deserve to know how prepared their government, security forces and national security experts are to prevent attacks and foil plots. The public should be aware of the possible scenarios and make preparations in case attacks take place. At the same time, the government must safeguard press freedoms, basic human rights and the rule of law.

The fact is, Myanmar is a basket case and cannot afford public mobilization exercises of the kind seen in Singapore (believed to be very much on foreign terrorists' radar) a few weeks ago. However, the public should be warned not to be complacent and know what to do in case of attack.

Cooperation with Jakarta is on the right track but much more needs to be done. It is time for Myanmar to start preparing for any possibility. The threat is real and a counterterrorism strategy is needed. Myanmar's luck in this area won't last forever.

The post How Prepared Is Myanmar To Counter Terror Attacks?  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Girl’s Rape, Murder Sparks Protest for Suspect’s Execution in Mandalay

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 12:36 AM PST

MANDALAY — About 1,500 residents of Mandalay Region’s Maddaya Township took to the streets on Sunday to demand the death penalty for the suspect in the Feb. 13 rape and murder of a two-year-old girl.

Ko Phyo Htet Aung, 23, a neighbor of the girl, Ma Sanyadi Myint, was arrested the day she was attacked.

"We want the culprit, and anyone who rapes and murders minors, to receive the death sentence and be executed in front of the public," said the girl’s grandmother, Daw San San Maw.

The girl’s parents left her at the grandmother’s house on Feb. 13 while they went out to collect firewood but found her missing when they returned. The girl was found later that day unconscious in a banana plantation on the outskirts of the village after she had been raped.

"We found the culprit had just run away, so I ran after him and punched him and he was arrested with the help of the other villagers. Then we handed him over to the police," U Hlaing Zin Myo, the girl’s father, told The Irrawaddy.

The parents rushed their daughter to the general hospital in Maddaya, where she died.

"We want him to be executed in front of us,” the father said. “I want to kill him with my own hands and I want him to suffer the way my daughter did.

"We do not want other families to suffer like us…. We want rapists who admit to this kind of violence to be seriously punished."

Police say Ko Phyo Htet Aung has been charged with rape and murder and that he was being detained at the main prison in the state capital Mandalay.

Authorities in Mandalay recorded two other rapes of children under 5 this month.

According the figures released by the Ministry of Home Affairs last week, 200 more rape cases of children under 16 were recorded across the country in 2017 than the year before.

During Sunday’s protest in Maddaya, some 1,200 people signed a petition they intend to submit to the union Parliament calling for the death sentence for rapists.

Daw Kin Saw Wai, a Lower House lawmaker from Rakhine State, made the same proposal during a session of Parliament earlier this month.

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Ties Forged in ‘Brotherhood’

Posted: 19 Feb 2018 12:27 AM PST

During a three-day visit to Thailand, Myanmar military chief Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing spoke to reporters Wassana Nanuam and Kornchanok Raksaseri on the occasion of his receiving a second royal decoration from Thailand, the Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of the Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant. The reporters also asked him about the state of bilateral military relations, democratization, border issues and the crisis in Rakhine state.

How do you feel to have received the royal decoration?

I have received the royal decoration because [Myanmar] is a good neighboring country and the borders are 2,000 km long. We also have similar culture and religion.

The relationship between the two armed forces is quite good. This is why I have received the royal decoration, and I am proud of it.

The military leaders of both countries have been quite close for some years now.

I have had a close relationship with Thai generals starting with [chief of Defense Forces] Gen. Tanasak Patimapragorn’s predecessor, Gen. Songkitti [Jaggabatara].

The one I was closest to is Gen. Tanasak [who served in the post between 2011-2014] but I am also close to the others. His successors are Gen. Worapong [Sanganetra] and Gen. Sommai [Kaotira], then Gen. Surapong [Suwana-adth] and the current chief, Gen. Thanchaiyan [Srisuwan].

The close relationship led to trust and a better relationship between your military and mine.

The relationship between the two countries constantly develops.

The exchange of visits of leaders of the armed forces occurs often, especially Gen. Tanasak visiting Myanmar, and I also come to Thailand often.

Would you consider the relationship in the manner of friends or brothers?

We are like brothers.

Every time we meet, we exchange experiences.

Thailand is experienced in democracy and has passed so many things.

When we are close like brothers, we open up and share the experience.

The good things in this era contributed to the changes in Myanmar’s democracy.

The democratic process in Myanmar took place at the same time as the exchanges of experience.

The closer [the military leaders became], the more open the discussion between us.

Thailand is also in the process of going back to democracy at the moment. What can we learn from Myanmar? What is your advice?

Each country’s democracy has a different background. Myanmar’s background of democracy is one thing. Thailand’s democracy is different. We can only make use of good things we can apply, but we cannot say whose lessons should be applied to whom. In fact, a democracy or political system needs to be stable and not shaken. If it’s stable, the people will have confidence and live happily.

How will the countries cooperate in the future?

In many ways; so many.

Will there be joint training?

It depends on limitations and readiness. I cannot say right now. But I can assure there will be more cooperation.

How is the cooperation going on along the border?

We currently cooperate to fight drug problems. But drugs are not just an issue for Thailand and Myanmar but also a regional problem. It must be cooperation among every country in the region. In fact, we have to collaborate to prevent our children from being slaves of drugs. We have to prevent the problem from growing too. Every country must make drug eradication its first priority, as drug producers never think of society but only their own interests.

Recently you have reached a national ceasefire agreement. What is the latest situation of peace along the border?

My sincere intention is permanent peace along the Thai-Myanmar border. We will promote peace within Myanmar. While we were creating peace in Myanmar, Thailand also cooperated.

Did Thailand help during the peace talks?

No, just cooperation, not assistance, but that’s part of the promotion of peace in Myanmar.

How do you feel to be an adopted son of Privy Council President Gen. Prem Tinsulanonda?

During the time when Gen. Tanasak was the defense chief, he gave me a chance to pay respects to Gen. Prem, who is the same generation as my father. When we met, we had an exchange of experiences, of being leaders. He [Gen. Prem] gave me advice. Being like father and son is very good and makes things better in many ways.

Do you have anything to say about the international community’s criticism of Myanmar over the problems in Rakhine State?

I would rather not talk about it. But I will only say that I will do my best to take care of the problem. Furthermore, in Myanmar there is no ethnic group called Rohingya. They are Bengalis who came from somewhere else. We will follow the laws. Now we are closely in touch with the Bangladeshi government.

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Saturday, February 17, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

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Transnational Terrorism and ARSA’s Fight for a ‘Just Cause’

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 09:29 PM PST

Sitting in their dilapidated ground floor apartment near the Indian city of Ghaziabad, Khalimullah and Faizal were discussing the fate of more than 700,000 Rohingya living in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps in Bangladesh when they were distracted by the television. There was news of a Jan. 5 ambush by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Myanmar security forces in Rakhine State.

Khalimullah and Faizal are Rohingya who made their way a year ago to India, where they have been watching the developments in Rakhine from afar. Their lives, if not ideal, are much better than of those living in the refugee camps in Cox's Bazar. They want to return to their homes in northern Rakhine and for the Myanmar government to fulfill the demands that have been spelled out by those living in the camps. But unlike the many Rohingya refugees who seem to support ARSA, they feel differently.

A few days after the Jan. 5 attack, Khalimullah approached a journalist friend of mine in Delhi and told him that ARSA’s involvement in the conflict has worsened the plight of the Rohingya. "The more ARSA — which has been declared a terrorist group by Myanmar — tries to project itself as the savior of the Rohingya cause, the more it will mess up the entire situation," he said. One is forced to agree with Khalimullah, for no matter how small an ARSA-led assault may be, it is bound to provoke a major response from the military and have a huge political impact as well. The same concerns have been expressed by knowledgeable political analysts such as Yangon-based Richard Horsey in his recent interview with the New York Times.

The Myanmar military has of late cut a sorry figure many times as it continues to deny the brutal atrocities it has unleashed on Rohingya civilians in retaliation for the ARSA attack of Aug. 25. The recent discovery of a mass graves could also prove true the UN’s concerns of a genocide targeting the Rohingya population. However, while we call for an independent investigation into the allegations — and there can perhaps be no substitute — there is an equally urgent need to go after ARSA and prevent it from adding fuel to the fire. It is debatable what ARSA represents today. But when leading international media call the outfit a "resistance” or even a “rebel” group, it does sound a bit ridiculous to say the least.

It is indeed a matter of great curiosity that a resistance group should have links to, and get support for its "secret trainings" from, well-known terrorist outfits such as Jamaat-Ud Daawah, another name for the Pakistan-based Laskhar-e-Taiba. Indian intelligence agencies have more than once sounded this out in the media. Actually these trainings are not much of a secret anymore as ARSA cadre have been openly telling the media about them and issuing press handouts to support its claims.

That the outfit started out as a faith movement in Pakistan in the shadow of Laskhar and Jaish-e-Mohammed only to later change its name to ARSA, and the fact that it has been openly issuing statements threatening to launch more attacks perhaps also lend credence to the view that the outfit has no intention of working toward a solution for the millions of displaced Rohingya.

Even Khalimullah, who once supported rebellion, does not see ARSA as even close to representing one. He is perhaps better informed than many by the Indian media, which has taken pains to trace ARSA’s links to US-designated and banned Islamic terrorist groups such as Jaish and Laskhar.

Over the past few years, the Indian media have regularly highlighted that ARSA leader Ata-Ullah was born in Karachi and formed the terror outfit Harakah al-Yaqin. Dossiers of his links to Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad and other Pakistan-based groups, and records with Indian intelligence services of his recent telephone conversations with some Rohingya men in India have led the Indian establishment to take a firm stand in favour of deporting Rohingya refugees from India.

Much has already been written and said in Indian and international media about ARSA, including incriminating evidence of its involvement with various terrorist groups. For example: Aqa Mul Mujahideen is well connected to the “faith movement" formed by Ata-Ullah after the 2012 riots between Rohingya Muslims and Buddhists; Harakat ul Jihad al-Islami-Arakan, led by a Rohingya who goes by the name Abdus Qadoos Burmi, is said to have been instrumental in fostering international support for ARSA; Al-Qaeda offshoot Answar Gazawat-ul-Hind, in Kashmir, has been actively campaigning for the Rohingya in India.

So it is not without reason that the Indian government and most of Indian civil society are worried about the terror aspects of the Rohingya debacle. Their alarm is only natural and has absolutely nothing to do with any kind of Islamophobia, as some may claim for the mere sake of argument.

Therefore, when international media — as in the case of Al Jazeera in its report "Myanmar's ARSA: Freedom fighters or ‘terrorists’?” — describe India as backing Myanmar’s "clearance operations" against the Rohingya, they reflect a very misplaced and myopic view that refuses to see the problem in its entirety. India, or China for that matter, is not by any measure helping Myanmar with its crackdown on the Rohingya.

Recently, professor Brahma Chellaney of the Center for Policy Research, a New Delhi-based think-tank, said that "external forces fomenting insurgent attacks in Rakhine bear considerable responsibility for the Rohingya’s current plight." I would argue that he has hit the bulls eye in many ways, for there are too many coincidences linking ARSA to external forces that preach hate and use terror as a weapon to realise their goals.

But even going with the milder "resistance group" tag for the sake of pacifying the international media, would it be wrong to say that the presence of ARSA has done more harm than good?

Without ARSA to worry about, it would certainly have been easier for Aung San Suu Kyi and her government to grab the opportunity to address the more serious allegations of ethnic cleansing. That opportunity vanished with the ARSA-led attack two days after the report was submitted. Continuing ARSA attacks and the military's response to them also limit the opportunity for a more democratic and transparent process of repatriation and for the protection of the returning Rohingya.

The pressure on the Myanmar government and Aung San Suu Kyi to allow an independent investigation and access to northern Rakhine for humanitarian agencies and media must continue. But what must also start sooner than later is a push for international pressure to rein in ARSA and its violent ways.

There are contradictions galore in ARSA's claim of fighting for the cause of its people. The proliferation of arms in the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar via ARSA, with possible help from broader Islamist terror networks and militants in Bangladesh, raises questions about ARSA's real agenda. These arms have been used to silence the voices of the more than half-dozen Rohingya camp leaders killed for promoting repatriation.

Khalimullah summed it up well when he said, "Of all the different narratives that are coming to the fore, the role of ARSA in fomenting the trouble and leaving innocent men, women and children to die and suffer in their camps cannot be ignored." Surely this gory tale, a vital component of the crisis in Rakhine, cannot and should not be overlooked if a comprehensive solution is to be worked out, one that not only deals with repatriation but provides justice for all, especially for the thousands of people killed by the security forces and Rakhine Buddhists.

The author is a former senior journalist who has worked for national and international news media in India and elsewhere. Currently he is a contributing editor for The Irrawaddy.

Nilesh Kumar, a journalist based in New Delhi, contributed reporting to this article.

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Is Capital Punishment for Rapists the Answer?

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 08:09 PM PST

YANGON — If you are a teenage girl in Myanmar, your mother, grandmothers and aunts worry about you. You are told to dress modestly, never to go out alone and not to leave the house after sunset. You are forbidden to play with teenage boys when you start menstruating. All the while you are warned of the dangers of being raped.

Almost every girl goes through her teens with that fear, a fear that gets passed on quietly from one generation to the next. Mothers worry for their girls and restrict their every move. But the rape of women and young girls is not declining. According to official figures from the Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA), the rape of young children and women has increased for the past two years. Sexual violence against women has continued, perpetrated either by civilians or soldiers, and especially in conflict areas, where seven decades of civil war grind on.

Severe punishment for the rapists, even when caught, is rare.

But in the 21st century, women no longer shut their mouths. They provide peer support for victims and help report cases. And more rape cases are being reported, mostly in towns. In many cases of child rape, the culprit is a member of the extended family or a brother, sometimes even the victim’s father. Some of the victims are only two years old.

"We are become aware of more of these cases as the female victims or their guardians speak out. In the past these cases were just hearsay because cases were not brought to the police as women were too shy to do so," said U Min Zaw Oo, founder and executive director of the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security, a think tank.

For the past few years, women’s rights advocates have been calling for legislation that better protects vulnerable women from rape.

There has been a public outcry for harsher punishment for rapists, even the death penalty.

Perspectives on Capital Punishment

Some activists say rapists should be put to death because they won't bring any good to society.

"These perpetrators should be punished with a death sentence because the current punishment is not enough," goes a common refrain. Some even say suspected rapists should be killed without a trial because the legal process takes too long.

Others would prefer a lengthy prison sentence of perhaps 20 years.

"What worries us about punishing a rapist with a death sentence is the victims' families or guardians won't speak up if the rapist is a close relative," said Daw Kyi Pyar, a Yangon Region lawmaker.

"I don't support the death penalty because sometimes we forget that those rapists were acting because of their childhood experiences and that those actions have been transmitted," said Daw Yin Myo Su, founder of Inle Heritage and the first private community school in Nyaungshwe, in southern Shan State.

If a rapist is sentenced to death, "it is not an answer to the case and it won't bring the victim immediate justice because the victim will have to live with the trauma for the rest of her life," said Daw Thet Thet Aung, a former political prisoner who now works for labor rights with the Future Ray of Light.

Stronger Law Enforcement Needed

Everyone agrees on the importance of the rule of law in preventing rape cases.

"The rapists must receive harsh punishment in prison, but they don't have to be entitled to a pardon. Sadly, there have been presidential pardons in the past that have set those criminals free." Daw Thet Thet Aung said.

U Min Zaw Oo said Myanmar’s judicial system should allow victims to file their own complaints, as in some other countries, as rapes usually have no witnesses.

"The police do not have specific procedures for sexual violence cases. We need people who listen to their problems. We don't have such procedures. We need that kind of training and information sharing so that the victims can raise their voices," he added.

Victims need psychological support services to help them rehabilitate their lives. When the victims are teenage girls, they can’t return to their schools because they feel scared and ashamed. In some cases the families even move to try to leave the experience behind.

There have been many awareness campaigns on the rape of both minors and women. Legislation aiming to protect women from sexual violence is now at the attorney general’s office; advocates expect it to become law soon.

"The [number of rape] cases can only fall when the legislative, judicial and law enforcement sectors and civil society groups work together," said Daw Kyi Pyar.

Campaigns Need Male Support

Most participants in awareness campaigns are women, who mostly pass on their message to other women. More men need to join them.

"Men need to be educated that they can only have sexual intercourse with women of a certain age," said U Min Zaw Oo. "There needs to be more public awareness about the law regarding rape and the age for intercourse. The problem is that many men do not know about them."

Advocates say they also know of unreported cases of sexual violence against young boys. In Myanmar culture, for a young boy to become a man he must live up to certain expectations; no one wants to be seen as weak.

"They may feel twice as shy because culturally boys and men are not encouraged to talk about such issues openly and they try to avoid that public perception," said Daw Yin Myo Su.

Social Norms

In addition to strengthening legal protections and raising awareness, preventing rape also requires changing mindsets, cultural barriers and social norms.

"We cannot neglect the social norms," said Cheery Zahau, a human rights advocate and 2017 N-Peace Award winner. She said there was no protection for minors because of social “norms and traditions that the men can do anything they want; such thinking and action needs to dissolve.”

"Can we truly admit to ourselves why such rapes happen?" asked Daw Yin Myo Su. “It is because of our culture, a culture of not talking about sexuality openly. We have been told since our teenage years that talking about sex is not polite and that we should not speak out…. The mother won't talk to her daughter, and neither will the school. We were not taught in our teens about sexuality and reproductive health or how to deal with those feelings."

In Myanmar society, our elders and law enforcement authorities say it is the girls and women who must take responsibility for preventing rape. But making only girls and women aware of the dangers and check their actions is not the answer.

Legislation and awareness campaigns are important. But it is just as vital that everyone respects women and girls as fellow human beings.

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Friday, February 16, 2018

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Construction Plan for New Police Regimental Base Causes Rohingya to Flee

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 07:33 AM PST

YANGON – The border police force in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung township is preparing to build a new regimental base on nearly 600 acres of farmland that belonged to Rohingya residents of Ale Chaung village, sources confirmed to The Irrawaddy on Friday.

At least two police majors verified the controversial project. One is based in Maungdaw district, while the other, who is now stationed in Yangon, had served in the border police force for many years. The officers declined to provide specific information about the project as it is being overseen by high-ranking officials.

A Muslim civil servant from Buthidaung, U Tun Thar (name changed to protect his identity), explained that Ale Chaung village is a 15-minute drive from downtown Buthidaung and located near the under-construction Buthidaung-Nyaung Chaung Highway.

The village, consisting of about 700 homes, was spared from arson attacks during the clashes between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and government security forces in late 2017 – which ultimately resulted in 650,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh— although nearly half of the families in the village have since joined the mass exodus, U Tun Thar said.

The Irrawaddy couldn't independently confirm whether the border police had legally acquired the farmland for the new regimental base.

Another displaced person, Abdul Wahid from Rathedaung township, who is currently sheltering with his relatives in Buthidaung Township, said the authorities had planted flags designating the area as the site of new compound a few days ago and issued verbal warnings to villagers not to trespass or let their cattle graze on the land.

Some paddy fields have not been harvested as they lie within the area that has been seized.

The site of the new police base and Ale Chaung village are flanked by the Buthidaung-Nyaung Chaung Highway. Some bulldozers and dump trucks have already arrived at the site and are parked near a newly constructed warehouse. Several hundred Ale Chaung residents have left their homes as they are concerned about being detained by the police in coming weeks.

"Homes were not set alight by police here but villagers are frightened of them and that's the main reason why they fled the village," U Tun Thar said.

Between Jan. 5 to Feb. 15, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued 24 updates on the number of Rohingya who have encamped near the Gawdu Thara shore of southern Maungdaw. However, the police reports were primarily focused on the number of new arrivals and identified the home towns of the fleeing villagers only four times — on Jan 5 and 29, and Feb 4 and 12.

According to a Home Affairs Ministry update on Jan 5, 504 Rohingya from 12 villages in Buthidaung and others from two villages in Rathedaung Township had arrived at Gawdu Thara. Most of these villages neighbor Ale Chaung.

On Jan. 29, the police reported that 853 people from 12 villages in Buthidaung had arrived at the Gawadu Thara seaside. Ale Chaung was among the list of villages but the police report did not provide further deails.

On Feb 4, 788 Muslims from 16 villages in Buthidaung reached Gawdu Thara although again the police statement did not elaborate further. On Feb 12, 868 residents from 16 villages of the Buthidaung arrived in Gawdu Thara and Ale Chaung villagers were among them although their number was not made specified in the police report.

Rathedaung Muslim sources confirmed to The Irrawaddy that most of the hamlets mentioned in the police reports are neighboring villages of Ale Chaung.

In a bid to get more information about the plan to establish a new police regiment in the strife-torn region, The Irrawaddy phoned Rakhine State Chief Police Col. Aung Myat Moe and Border Affairs Minister Col. Phone Tint several times on Friday but failed to reach them.

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Ministry Rebuked for Blaming Rape on How Women Dress

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 05:27 AM PST

YANGON — With the latest government figures showing a significant increase in the number of reported rape cases, the Ministry of Home Affairs on Thursday asked parents, elders and media to encourage women and girls to choose modest attire.

The suggestion, included in the ministry’s report on rape statistics for 2016 and 2017, went viral and quickly drew criticism. Many Facebook users called its decision to blame rape cases on the way women and girls dress "ridiculous."

Ma Shwe Yinn Mar Oo said the ministry was ignoring its own shortcomings by placing blame where it did not belong.

"It is just victim blaming," she said. "They shouldn't just say what they think. They need to do proper research. Were the victims drunk? Were they revealing? Did they use drugs? But if we take a look at the cases, they did not. Even insane people and children 4 or 5 years old are raped.”

According to the ministry’s report, in 2017 there were nearly 900 rape cases involving children under the age of 16. There were 1,405 cases overall, up 28 percent year on year.

In the same report, the ministry said there were many reasons for rape, including cruelty, a lack of knowledge, alcohol and drug use, and the physical weakness of children.

To help prevent rape, it recommended that mothers and guardians watch over their children closely, not let them out of the house by themselves and not leave them alone with relatives, neighbors or strangers.

"Police alone can't prevent the causes. Collaboration is needed with civil society, parents and teachers. Teachers, parents, elders and also media should guide women and girls on the way they dress," the report said.

It also listed female drunkenness as a leading cause for the rape of females over the age of 16, along with easy access to aphrodisiacs and pornography on the internet.

Lower House lawmaker Ma Zin Mar Aung said there was no reason to accept such excuses for rape.

"As long as there is a victim-blaming culture — saying there is rape because parents aren’t vigilant, because women and girls go out at night, or blaming the way women dress — the number of rape cases won't be reduced even with harsher punishment and sentencing," she said.

Ma Zin Mar Aung said Parliament debated increasing the punishment for rapists in 2016 and as a result approved 20-year jail terms when the victims are minors.

"I think we need to consider the increasing number of rape cases carefully. How will society respond to those cases? We need to send a clear message that the rapist is the only one who should be ashamed and rejected, and show that all men and women don't accept such acts in society," the lawmaker said.

She added that much more advocacy work was needed to change social stereotypes and to stop state institutions from blaming the victims.

Nang Nyi, who lives in Yangon — which, as the most populated city in the country, also sees the most rape cases —  agreed that police needed much more training and education to stop the victim blaming.

"Instead of doing their jobs properly, they are blaming the girls — it is ridiculous," she said.

She said she also feared that the Home Affairs Ministry’s comments might make rape survivors hesitate to report their cases, citing the recent example of several girls who reported well-known astrologer Aung Chit Po for sexual assault. One of the girls told The Irrawaddy that police called her “stupid” and “naive.”

The police initially refused to accept their complaint, claiming a lack of evidence, but relented after a public outcry.

"Even as a state institution with a duty to protect citizens, it is doing the victim blaming,” Nang Nyi said. “Who will dare to report to them in the future? In a way it is also abetting the crimes."

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Reporters in Handcuffs: An Emblem for Our Times

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 04:06 AM PST

It's a pathetic sight: a journalist being led away in handcuffs for doing his or her job. It's also a source of shame for a democracy to have journalists going to jail for gathering information. That's the reality Myanmar is facing today with two local reporters—Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo—having spent more than two months behind bars and facing trial for alleged possession of security-related confidential documents.

According to Reuters, for whom they work, the two reporters had been working on an investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslims who were buried in a mass grave in northern Rakhine.

Myanmar's UN Ambassador Hau Do Suan said the journalists were not arrested for reporting a story, but for their alleged illegal possession of confidential government documents.

At their first hearing, the detained journalists told relatives and colleagues that they had acted in accordance with journalistic ethics, regardless of the accusations against them. "We haven't committed any crime," Kyaw Soe Oo said.

We firmly believe they are innocent. If they are guilty of anything, it is of doing their jobs as journalists — gathering information to inform people about what is really happening in conflict-torn northern Rakhine State.

For doing their jobs, they have been charged under the Official Secrets Act, with the official approval of the President's Office, of offenses that could earn them 14 years' imprisonment.

The approval of the charge was signed by Vice President U Myint Swe, as President Htin Kyaw was on a trip to Japan on the night of the pair's arrest on Dec. 12.

Coincidentally, the person who signed the approval for their prosecution for possession of army- and police-related documents under the Officials Secrets Act is himself a former lieutenant-general.

Following the process mandated under the Constitution, the 67-year-old was appointed vice president by military lawmakers in 2016. Before that he was the chief minister of Yangon. As a military man, U Myint Swe was reportedly involved in the 2002 arrest of family members of the former dictator Ne Win, the arrest of Khin Nyunt and his associates in 2004, and the crushing of the Saffron Revolution in Yangon in 2007.

An ethnic Mon, he graduated from the 15th intake of the Defense Services Academy (DSA) in 1971 and rose steadily through the ranks to become the commanding officer of Light Infantry Division No. 11, overseeing security in the former capital. He was later transferred to the War Office, where he worked directly under Senior-General Than Shwe and his deputy, Gen. Maung Aye. He reportedly has close relations with the former dictator Than Shwe's family.

It will also be interesting to see how the country's judiciary handles the case, given the contradictory testimony from police involved in the case.

At the latest hearing on Wednesday, a second police lieutenant who was part of the team that arrested the reporters gave a location for the arrest that was contrary to a map of the arrest site previously produced by police and entered in the court file.

And at an earlier hearing last week, a police officer who was part of the arrest team told the court that he had burned the notes he made at the time. He did not say why.

So far, media freedom in Myanmar has been tarnished under the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led democratic government. Last year, reporters from The Irrawaddy and Democratic Voice of Burma were arrested and charged by the military with unlawful association while reporting in northern Shan State. Now comes the Reuters journalists' case. Their plight highlights the heavy restrictions on media access to the conflict zone in Rakhine State. It's no wonder their case has attracted international attention and prompted calls for freedom of information in the country.

The government's loud pronouncements that "Myanmar recognizes freedom of the press" cannot obscure the fact that with the arrest of these journalists, the canary in Myanmar's democracy coal mine has died, and it is obvious for all to see.

The post Reporters in Handcuffs: An Emblem for Our Times appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Behind the Mon, UNFC, and UWSA

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 02:42 AM PST

Nai Htaw Mon, the chairman of the New Mon State Party (NMSP), ordered his soldiers to dry rice, a sign on ongoing conflict, when he made the decision not to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015.

He was disappointed with his central committee members, who garnered the majority of votes in favor of signing. But the chairman used his veto power, and the NMSP, along with other United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) members didn't sign the NCA.

Eight ethnic armed groups signed the NCA in October 2015, but the Mon did not, in large part because of their alliance with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) and other members of the UNFC.

Nai Htaw Mon, and Nai Hong Sar, the vice chairman of the NMSP, were against the signing, so the majority vote did not stand.

At that time, Nai Htaw Mon criticized the Karen National Union (KNU) and other members who decided to leave the UNFC, asking if the groups had read about the country's history. The NMSP felt secure in its decision to stand with the KIA in the UNFC.

For years, the NMSP was synonymous with the UNFC. When asked about its political stance it referred to the bloc's stance – including inclusive participation in the NCA and peace process.

However, the NMSP recently abandoned this stance and signed the NCA without the remaining ethnic alliance members.

There are several reasons for this decision. Some in the NMSP leadership believe that this action will give them a political advantage. If not, they say they can always fight back once again.

Another reason is that much of the NMSP leadership is older. After a longstanding ceasefire, they have settled their families and own property in Mon State. They do not want to return to fighting.

The group also does not have enough soldiers to fight the Myanmar Army, according to leadership. There are some 1,500 men who serve full-time for the party, but many other members stay with their families and not with the army.

The NMSP actively participated in the nationwide peace process with the UNFC, even after groups started leaving the bloc. But when the KIA and SSPP left, the NMSP lost hope and was convinced by senior members to sign the NCA early.

Behind the UNFC and UWSA

The United Wa State Army (UWSA) is happy to see the collapse of UNFC. The UNFC was the only ethnic alliance recognized by the government, Myanmar Army and international community in regards to the peace process.

But, the UWSA wanted the international community and the Myanmar government to recognize its Northern Alliance. Without the UNFC, the Northern Alliance will be the only ethnic bloc involved in the peace process and it will receive peace aid.

Early actions of the UWSA in forming an alliance involved attracting the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, Arakan Army and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army to join its bloc. Meetings were held concurrently with UNFC meetings at times, and these three groups eventually resigned from the UNFC after the Myanmar Army would not recognize their participation in the peace process.

The UWSA had also pressured the KIA and SSPP to resign from the UNFC and join the Northern Alliance.

The international community has recognized that some UWSA leaders were drug lords, with warrants out for their arrest. But the UWSA wants to be recognized for its role in the peace process and included in future peace talks.

Some ethnic Kachin and Shan were unhappy about the alliance with the UWSA, in part due to China's influence on the Wa. But leaders from both groups have explained why they decided to stand with the UWSA, the largest ethnic armed group in Myanmar. While they dislike the communist influence, they are willing to stand together to fight against the Myanmar Army.

The post Behind the Mon, UNFC, and UWSA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

UN Rights Envoy Says Suu Kyi Complicit in Persecuting Rohingya

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 02:18 AM PST

The UN Special Envoy on Human Rights in Myanmar has claimed that State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could be complicit in the systematic persecution of Rohingya Muslims.

In an interview with Channel 4 News posted to the British broadcaster's website on Wednesday, Yanghee Lee said there were grounds for bringing Myanmar's de facto leader before an international tribunal for failing to intervene in the military's "clearance operation" in Rahkine state following attacks by ARSA militants in August that killed 11 security personnel.

She also said she had personally been told that more mass graves were likely to be discovered in the country, though she did not offer details.

Lee said the military's clearance operation, which has seen upwards of 650,000 Rohingya flee to neighboring Bangladesh, bears "all the hallmarks" of genocide.

Asked about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's role, Lee said, "I think that she's either denying [what's happening], or she's really far removed." She added that the State Counselor "can't be not accountable," adding that she believed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was guilty of "complicity or neglecting to do anything to halt this….I'm afraid so."

She added that the chances of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi actually appearing before some sort of tribunal were "very small". Myanmar is not a party to the International Criminal Court, and China's status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council meant it was unlikely that the body would declare the Myanmar military's actions against the Rohingya as genocide, Lee said.

In December, the government of Myanmar informed Lee that she had been barred from returning to the country and that cooperation would be withdrawn for the duration of her tenure. The government and military had complained that Lee's reporting on the situation in Myanmar had been biased for about six months leading up to the ban.

Lee also told Channel 4 she'd received many death threats and was even warned of a planned assassination attempt.
Asked about the ongoing detention of two Reuters journalist under the Official Secrets act, Lee said the pair were "getting too close" to the truth in their coverage of issues in Rakhine, adding that the military had effectively implemented a "national gag order," saying "people are just afraid to speak out anymore."

She added that she had personally received more indications that more mass graves would be found in Myanmar, though she did not offer further details in the interview.

In December, U Zaw Htay, director of the Myanmar President's Office, said in a text message to the Irrawaddy that Lee was neither impartial nor objective in her work.

"There is no trust on her. Therefore, we informed through Myanmar Permanent Mission in NY and Geneva UNSG Office in NY and OHCHR in Geneva," U Zaw Htay wrote in his text message.

The special rapporteur's mandate requires two visits to Myanmar a year, in order to report to the Human Rights Council and the UN General Assembly. Since taking up the mandate in June 2014, Ms. Lee has visited Myanmar six times.

The government has repeatedly denied human rights violations are occurring throughout Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine State.

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Analysis: Why Are the Rohingya Still Fleeing from Rakhine?

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 02:14 AM PST

YANGON – Although there have been no fresh clashes in northern Rakhine State, at least 2,560 people have fled to Bangladesh from the strife-torn area since the start of the year. Meanwhile, a further 818 are currently encamped near Gawdu Tha Ra village, the main launching point in southern Maungdaw for the final cross-border boat trip to Myanmar's western neighbor.

The ongoing flight from Maungdaw seems at odds with the refugee repatriation process that Myanmar and Bangladesh authorities had agreed would begin on Jan. 23. As of Feb. 15, not a single refugee has been returned to their Myanmar homes.

According to recently updated Ministry of Home Affairs statistics seen by The Irrawaddy, security forces and local authorities determined about 500 Muslims initially left rural areas in Buthidaung and Rathedaung around Jan. 5.

The statistical report shows 1,000 people crossed the border by boat in January, with a further 1,360 Rohingya leaving the country in the first 15 days of February. In addition there are now 818 Muslim villagers waiting at the Gawdu Thara shore.

According to the government statistics, an average of 75 Rohingya had fled their villages each day between Jan. 1 and Feb. 15. The villagers are mostly from Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships, which are situated on the western and eastern sides of the Mayu mountain range. Some of these areas were spared during the military's clearance operations in late 2017.

The Cause of the Exodus

According to the Home Affairs reports, Muslim residents are fleeing their villages after suffering food shortages and financial hardship since fighting broke out between government security forces and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), formally known as Harakat Al-Yaqeen (faith movement), in Maungdaw region last August.

In total, the government army's months-long offensive has forced more than 650,000 Rohingya to flee to the Bangladesh border, with almost two-thirds of Rohingya villages reduced to ashes. The UN described the devastation as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing."

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) head Filippo Grandi reported during a UN Security Council gathering on Tuesday that since the start of the year Bangladesh authorities had registered 1,500 new refugees who had come from the Maungdaw side.

A Muslim civil servant from Buthidaung, U Tun Thar (name changed for his safety), explained that the Rohingya had abandoned their villages as they have been living for seven months without being able to harvest crops, and they don't dare enter the nearby forest to search for edible plants or try to catch fish in nearby waterways.

"Villagers are scared of entering the forest or harvesting paddy as they are worried about being arrested by security officials. Border police check every person wherever they go and residents hesitate to go outside of their villages or to the Buthidaung market."

U Tun Thar said that although the Myanmar authorities are claiming that the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development (UEHRD) is providing humanitarian assistance to Muslims in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung Townships, in practice, not much food is being delivered.

"Many Rohingya, including my relatives and friends have sought refuge in Bangladesh. At least on the Bangladesh side, they don't have to worry about starvation and being detained," he said.

Tough Journey

This Irrawaddy reporter went to southern Maungdaw for several days in December in order to observe the situation in Inn Din where a mass grave containing the remains of 10 murdered Muslims was found, and noted how all of the Muslim villages along the side of the Ah Ngu Maw-Maungdaw highway had been burned to the ground.

In some places, even years-old raintree, mango and coconut trees had been cut down and their roots dug up. Occasionally, Arakanese villagers and plain-clothes armed soldiers were seen patrolling the burned-out sites where signs warning "Forbidden Area" were nailed to trees.

U Tun Thar said that Ale Than Kyaw and Inn Din villages no longer had any Muslim inhabitants. The area had been nearly 80 percent Muslim before the 2017 August violence but most of the Rohingya displaced from Rathedaung and Buthidaung had since made the six-hour-long trek across the Mayu mountain range to reach Ale Than Kyaw and Inn Din villages before getting a boat to Bangladesh.

Now, Gawdu Thara is an essential gateway for refugees. A displaced Rohingya, Abdul Wahid (not his real name), who had been sheltering for six months in a neighboring village in Buthidaung Township explained that border police often blocked the route, preventing Muslims from crossing Mayu mountain. However, on paying a bribe they are allowed to take the path, which leads directly to the Gawdu Thara seaside of southern Maungdaw.

"They charge 1,000 kyat for each person who wants to cross the mountain," he said.

Rohingya refugees who arrived from Myanmar last night by boat, get into other boats to go to the main land, in Teknaf, Bangladesh, October 7, 2017. /REUTERS

After arriving at the Gawdu Thara shore, refugees can make contact with Bangladeshi boatman. Each passenger is charged around 60,000 kyats (US$45) for the three-hour trip to Bangladesh, although children are allowed to travel for free.

Why Does the Government Allow the Border Crossing?

Normally, crossing the border without an official permit is illegal in Myanmar but an exception has apparently been made in strife-torn Maungdaw. Local authorities and border police visited the refugees at Gawdu Thara and made an updated headcount but took no other action to stem the flow of humans leaving the country.

Commenting on the recent exodus, President Office's spokesman U Zaw Htay explained that authorities could stop the border crossings but such conduct would likely attract a lot of international criticism. Local authorities had sought to reassure the Muslim refugees about their personal security and had offered them food but failed to convince them to stay in Myanmar.

He noted that Muslim residents were still receiving death threats from ARSA, while relatives in Bangladesh IDP camps were urging them to seek refugee status in a third country. He echoed the presentation of Myanmar envoy Hau Do San to the UN Security Council on Tuesday, who noted that the death of two camp leaders in Bangladesh had scared Rohingya from returning.

U Zaw Htay said the killings were the work of ARSA militants – who mingle among the occupants of the Muslim camps as ordinary residents —in order to undermine the repatriation process.

As the number of those still fleeing climbed, UK Secretary of Foreign Affairs Boris Johnson made a one-day visit to Maungdaw Township in a military chopper over the weekend. He was joined on the trip by Social Welfare Minister Dr. Win Myat Aye, Rakhine State Chief Minister U Nyi Pu as well as British Ambassador Andrew Patrick.

The Rohingya Horror

The group met with residents of Pan Taw Pyin on the outskirts of Maungdaw, which was one of the villages that had been spared arson attacks during the military's sweep through the area, although the majority of villagers have already fled to Bangladesh, and Taung Pyo Let Wei in the northern part of the state, where temporary camps have been established for the refugee repatriation.

Mr. Johnson asked the villagers, "Do you feel safe here?"

The Muslim residents answered in the affirmative and the delegation also noted the perspectives of Pantaw Pyin villagers on refugee repatriation and the rehabilitation process. Johnson uploaded a video of the visit to his official Facebook page on Feb. 11, which was taken near a border post in Maungdaw.

In the clip he says, "There has never been an exodus like it in our memory. Our hope is, they would be allowed a safe, voluntary and a dignified return."

British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson talks to Rohingya refugees at a UNHCR center at the  Kutapalong camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh in early February. (Photo Reuters)

Johnson also met with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the government issued a short note about their discussion. Johnson expressed sympathy for the tough position of Myanmar's de facto leader and urged her to show some leadership by working together with the international community and UN agencies to show the Rohingya that Myanmar welcomed them back and regarded the villages in the troubled area as their homes.

Mr. Johnson told the reporters, "The difficulty is, to be honest, I am not sure she really understands the full (Rohingya) horror."

Zaw Htay disputed Johnson's statement. "Making a conclusion on Myanmar by reading international news outlets' coverage could be misleading. It could result in a mismatch with the situation on the ground. Myanmar citizens know the country's situation better," he said.

On Thursday morning, Home Affairs Minister Lt. Col Kyaw Swe and 11 fellow officials from relevant departments travelled to Bangladesh to discuss border security and collaboration on counter-terrorism operations, while also providing a list of 1,300 alleged Muslim terrorists to their Bangladeshi counterparts, Zaw Htay said.

He reiterated that Myanmar had already delivered a verified list to Bangladesh of 500 Hindus and 600 Muslims that it had identified as former residents of Rakhine State but none had been handed over as of Feb. 14.

"We (Myanmar) are ready to take them back but it is not happening because of one side," Zaw Htay said.

Meanwhile, Bangladesh authorities repeated their appeal for the UN to become involved in the repatriation process. Instead the issue seems likely to become a deadlock between the two nations. Based on Zaw Htay's comments, Myanmar will not allow UNHCR aid workers to resume their relief efforts in Maungdaw until a time deemed suitable by the government.

The post Analysis: Why Are the Rohingya Still Fleeing from Rakhine? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Natural Gas Plants Will Help Meet Rising Electricity Demands

Posted: 16 Feb 2018 12:03 AM PST

NAYPYITAW — The Ministry of Electricity and Energy will establish four liquefied natural gas (LNG) power plants within the next three years, capable of generating 3,111 megawatts of electricity in total per year.

"A survey has yet to be done regarding piping natural gas," deputy permanent secretary U Soe Myint of the ministry told The Irrawaddy.

The four LNG power plants will be the first of their kind in Myanmar including Kan Pauk project in Tanintharyi Region, Mee Laung Kyaing project in Irrawaddy Region, Ahlone project in Yangon Region, and Kyaukphyu project in Rakhine State, according to the ministry.

Kan Pauk project will be able to produce 1,230 megawatts, Mee Laung Kyaing project, 1,390 megawatts, Ahlone project, 356 megawatts, and Kyaukphyu project, 135 megawatts.

Total & Siemens A.G, Zhefu & Supreme Co, TTCL Public Co, and Sinophydro & Supreme Co have won the contract to implement the projects.

"Those four companies made these proposals long ago. We cannot opt for hydropower projects if we want to meet urgent demand," said U Soe Myint.

"Factories can do nothing without electricity. Electricity is produced in upper Myanmar but used by lower Myanmar. So, it would be the best if production is high where consumption is high," said U Aye Thaung, chairman of Shwe Lin Pan Industrial Zone.

U Aye Thaung suggested that the government should increase its electricity production every year since electricity consumption has also increased year to year.

Myanmar currently produces more than 3,000 megawatts of electricity yearly from 27 hydropower plants, 22 gas-fired power plants, and one coal-fired power plant, and only 37.85 percent of households have access to electricity. The four proposed LNG power plants will therefore double the electricity production of the country.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Natural Gas Plants Will Help Meet Rising Electricity Demands appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Enjoy a Good Coffee With Traditional Myanmar Desserts

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 11:14 PM PST

Myanmar has developed a thriving café culture in recent years, and many good coffee shops have sprouted around town.

And with the competition heating up, a lot of coffee shops are coming up with themes to differentiate themselves.

Among the many trendy coffee shops that have opened up recently, I found a hidden gem, Café Salween, which was named Café of the Year as part of myanmore.com's Dining and Nightlife awards.

The shop is a modern café with a wide choice of traditional desserts. The atmosphere is relaxed. Its cool, modern vibe makes it a lovely spot to sit in.

Seated under the Plumeria tree in the center of the café, surrounded by flowers, it's easy to drift off and think you're relaxing in your own garden.

Guests sip coffee and surf the Net at Café Salween.
(Photo: Lwin Mar Htun)

When I was there, it was around 11am and a few foreign guests were seated here and there. I opted for a table for two located near the entrance.

The staff is attentive; a waiter appeared beside me in no time with a paper menu, and was happy to explain any items I had questions about. But in the end, I stuck with my all-time fave: a cappuccino.

Café Salween stocks a range of international coffees, but for aficionados they offer a "special choice" — a hand-brewed single-origin coffee from Ethiopia. The coffee is brewed using a variety of methods including Syphon, Chemax, Pour Over, Drip Pot and so on.

The entrance to Cafe Salween
(Photo: Lwin Mar Htun)

A selection of hot teas, smoothies, yogurts and juices are also available. Coffee ranges in price from 2,500 kyats to 5,000 kyats.

One fun feature is that all coffee sizes are named after birds: a small is a robin, a medium is a flamingo, and a large is, of course, an ostrich.

Service is prompt — you won't need to wait for more than five minutes.

As for the cappuccino, a drink many cafes serve with a creamy taste, the Salween's version leans toward the bitter — which I absolutely loved.

In a telltale sign of a truly quality cafe, the Salween's coffees have a bitterness that lingers on your tongue. So I believe the Salween fully deserves the Café of the Year award.


The interior of Café Salween
(Photo: Cafe Salween)

This is a modern coffee shop, but don't come here expecting the usual cake, bread or toast. They only serve traditional Myanmar desserts such as poppy seed cake (Bane Mont), semolina (Shwe Kyi Hsa Noon Ma Kin), sweet potato cake (Ka Soon U Hsa Noon Ma Kin), banana cake (Ngat Pyaw Thee Hsa Noon Ma Kin), pumpkin cake (Pha Yone Thee Hsa Noon Ma Kin), potato cake (Arr Loo Hsa Noon Ma Kin), lotus seeds soup (Mont Kyar Si) and sago soup (Thar Gu Pyote).

They also have tea leaf salad (La Phat Thoke), ginger salad (Gyinn Thoke), Myanmar crepe (Yay Mont and Lan Tha Yal Mont), steamed glutinous rice (Kauk Nyinn Poun) and other traditional foods.

Food dishes start at 2,000 kyats, which is a bit pricey for a Myanmar cake, but remember this: You're sitting in a nice, modern coffee shop. So it's worth a little extra.

The Wi-Fi is reliable and there is a small selection of local and English-language books for those who like to while away the time sipping coffee and reading.

Tea Leaf Salad
(Photo: Cafe Salween)

On my first visit, I immediately fell in love with this little garden. It's a great place to chill on your own with your phone or laptop, and perfect for a business meeting or just squeezing in a little chitchat with your mates.

I recommend avoiding the lunchtime rush; a lot of company employees working nearby arrive with their lunch boxes and it gets noisy.

This little shop is located in the Asia Business Centre, on Mahabandula Road between 47th and 48th streets. (The road beside YKKO 47 Street).

The post Enjoy a Good Coffee With Traditional Myanmar Desserts appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

How Walkable is Your City? Tool Aims to Make Pedestrians Safer and Happier

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 09:34 PM PST

KUALA LUMPUR — On the congested streets of Kuala Lumpur, pedestrians usually find themselves at the bottom of the pecking order.

Not uncommon in Southeast Asia’s cities, the emphasis is on cars and keeping traffic moving, despite nascent efforts to make the Malaysian capital more friendly for those on two legs.

“It is important that walkability isn’t a luxury [but] an essential component of equity and sustainability, particularly in the rapidly growing cities of the global south,” said Joe Chestnut of the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP), a global think tank.

Urban planners are looking into measures to cut road deaths and injuries but also at ways to ease traffic and encourage people to walk — all pressing issues as some two-thirds of the world’s population will live in cities by 2050, the United Nations says.

To help city officials tackle these challenges, Chestnut and his team designed a toolkit with 11 indicators for measuring how pedestrian-friendly a neighborhood is.

They include the number of pedestrian crossings, the size of blocks, the amount of shade and the density of driveways for cars.

“Walkability is not just a sidewalk — it’s a whole system of design and infrastructure,” Chestnut told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on the sidelines of the World Urban Forum in the Malaysian capital this month.

On a busy street in downtown Kuala Lumpur, Chestnut pointed to pedestrian overpasses as infrastructure that appears to be designed for those who walk but more often inconveniences them while allowing cars to speed on through.

Pedestrians are among the most vulnerable road users, accounting for 22 percent of 1.25 million global road deaths per year, the number-one killer of people aged between 15 and 29, according to the World Health Organization.

Some 90 percent of road deaths occur in low- and middle-income countries, according to the UN agency.

But some cities are making progress in creating a more pedestrian-friendly environment, the ITDP found. One key indicator it uses to measure this is the density of blocks.

Smaller blocks reduce walking distances and the need to make a dangerous mid-block crossing, as well as slowing down cars.

Among 22 cities the ITDP has already analyzed, Manila performed best on block density, at 37 per square kilometer. Nairobi had the lowest score, with 5 blocks per square kilometer, while Kuala Lumpur had 17.7 blocks per square kilometer.

“Kuala Lumpur is like any other big city,” said Neil Khor of Think City, a local government-backed urban regeneration agency. “It has a long way to go.”

Think City works with Malaysian cities to build pedestrian-friendly infrastructure, but Khor said the car still dominates.

“That is the mindset we are hoping to address,” he said.

Examples of urban redevelopment that have improved walkability include Mexico City’s Reforma 222 shopping center, which offers easy access on foot from offices and homes, the ITDP said.

Another is Central Saint Giles in London, a high-end retail destination with parking reserved solely for disabled people, encouraging pedestrian access, according to the institute.

The post How Walkable is Your City? Tool Aims to Make Pedestrians Safer and Happier appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From Refugee to Royalty: Sierra Leone Designer Champions Ethical Fashion

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 09:03 PM PST

LONDON — Two decades after fleeing Sierra Leone to escape a brutal civil war, former child refugee Euphemia-Ann Sydney-Davies is preparing to meet British royalty at London Fashion Week.

The fashion designer will present one of her creations – a three-piece suit made of Ghanaian cloth – next week at an event hosted by Kate, Duchess of Cambridge, at Buckingham Palace.

The Commonwealth Fashion Exchange, spearheaded by Livia Firth who co-founded sustainability brand consultancy Eco-Age, connects designers and artisans from Britain and many of its former colonies to showcase and champion sustainable fashion.

The scheme pairs up-and-coming designers like Sydney-Davies with fashion giants – from Britain’s Stella McCartney to New Zealand’s Karen Walker, and big global brands such as Burberry.

Major fashion brands and leading designers should take note, and strive to be ethical and sustainable, Sydney-Davies said.

“We’re the ones producing the clothes,” the 31-year-old said from the living room of her home in Surrey, southern England.

“We should control where they come from and how they’re made,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation as she pulled a purple organza dress from a rack of brightly colored clothes.

The advent of fast fashion, with consumers constantly buying and discarding clothing, has fuelled the risk of worker abuses such as forced labor in global supply chains, campaigners say.

The conditions of garment workers hit headlines and sparked global outrage after the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster in Bangladesh, when the collapse of a factory complex killed about 1,100 workers – many employed by suppliers to Western retailers.

Yet many fashion brands have been criticized for failing to improve conditions for workers – from poor safety standards and long working hours to low pay and bans on forming trade unions.

“In a world where fashion is fast and brands try to hide the real impact of their endless production cycles – actions speak louder than words,” said Firth of Eco-Age.

“Rather than launching yet another report on the fashion system, we wanted to create a powerful example of how fashion can be at its best,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Consumer Power

After living as refugees in Gambia and Kenya during the 1990s, Sydney-Davies and her mother moved to Britain in 2000.

Obsessed with style as a child, she decided to start her own clothing brand after graduating with a degree in fashion. But she realized she could not afford to make clothes in Britain.

“I thought rather than go to China or India, where I know nothing about the working conditions, why not make clothes in Sierra Leone?” she said, fiddling with her colorful braids.

Sydney-Davies set up a shack in the capital, Freetown, and spent a month teaching seven men and women how to make clothes.

Knowing her employees personally and ensuring they are paid a decent wage is a source of pride for Sydney-Davies.

“There is no system in (Sierra Leone) to guarantee workers’ rights or monitor supply chains – so ensuring working conditions were adequate was very important for me,” the designer said.

Sydney-Davies, whose latest collection “Gold Rush” includes dresses made of recycled plastic, said she wanted her designs to make the wearer feel like a “king or queen”.

Her ambition is to inspire more entrepreneurs to start businesses in the West African nation of Sierra Leone, and build a huge factory there, which would be open to other designers.

As for the global fashion industry, Sydney-Davies said consumers have a responsibility to hold big brands to account.

“Without the consumer, the fashion industry is nothing,” Sydney-Davies said. “If consumers’ attitudes and behaviors change, it will force businesses to rethink how they operate.”

The post From Refugee to Royalty: Sierra Leone Designer Champions Ethical Fashion appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Chinese Superstars Steal New Year Show With First Duet in 20 Years

Posted: 15 Feb 2018 08:53 PM PST

BEIJING — Two of China’s most famous and well-loved pop stars stole the show at state television’s annual glitzy, often much mocked marathon show welcoming in the Lunar New Year on Thursday, singing their first public duet in two decades.

Traditionally, hundreds of millions gather around their televisions to watch the “CCTV Spring Festival Gala,” a more than four-hour showcase of skits, music and dance that has been a TV staple since the first edition was broadcast in 1983.

But it was superstars Faye Wong and Na Ying many people tuned in to see this holiday, singing an old school-style ballad called 'Years," with some online polls rating their appearance the most eagerly anticipated part of the show.

While neither spoke to the audience after their performance, fans quickly took to Chinese social media in an outpouring of praise, though some said their appearance was too fleeting.

“Did you see? This is my mother. Isn’t she awesome?” Wong’s singer daughter Leah Dou wrote on the Twitter-like Weibo site, attaching a picture of herself as a baby pointing at a photo of her mother, an image that soon attracted more than 500,000 likes.

Beijing-born Wong’s icy demeanor and eclectic music tastes ranging from syrupy love songs to off-kilter trip-hop and Buddhist-infused folktronica have made her one of the biggest stars in the Chinese speaking world of the last three decades.

Na, who sung at the closing ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics, shot to fame in the 1990s with her hit “Conquering” and has more recently become a staple of Chinese television singing talent shows.

While this year’s show had other crowd-pleasers, including wholesome Chinese teenyboppers TFBoys for the third year running, China’s ruling Communist Party was always going to be present.

Several songs praised the “New Era”, a reference to President Xi Jinping’s political theory about making China even stronger through socialism, cemented since late last year in the party’s constitution.

Another skit celebrated China’s relationship with Africa, a key part of Xi’s Belt and Road initiative, complete with an African actress speaking in Chinese and quoting Xi.

The lunar new year of the dog, which officially starts on Friday, is the only holiday of the year for many Chinese, and is normally marked by riotous bursts of fireworks and firecrackers.

But many large cities, including Beijing, have heavily restricted their use again this year to help prevent smog.

It won’t be a happy holiday for all.

Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post said Xi’s corruption crackdown means Beijing’s main jail for top level prisoners is too full to allow family members to come and have a traditional new year meal with inmates.

The post Chinese Superstars Steal New Year Show With First Duet in 20 Years appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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