Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the recent talk of the town, potholed roads, two chief ministers and General Aung San statues. Ko Khine Win, a director with the Sandhi Governance Institute and lawmaker Ko Nay Phone Latt of the Yangon Region Parliament, join me to discuss this. I'm The Irrawaddy editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.
There were media reports and criticism on social media about Yangon Region chief minister U Phyo Min Thein regarding the condition of the roads in Yangon. As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi went from Yangon to (her constituency) Kawhmu Township recently, she made a remark that roads in Yangon are in very bad condition and not even as good as those in (suburban) Kawhmu. The Yangon Region chief minister then immediately summoned a meeting to improve the roads. People are criticizing that the chief minister only took action after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi complained. What do you have to say about this?
Nay Phone Latt: Usually, roads are in very bad condition in the rainy season. Conditions are worse this year. [The chief minister] should have known it even if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not mention it. And our regional Parliament has continuously complained about [poor] road conditions in Yangon, as well as that it causes difficulties with the drainage system. It is unacceptable that he has only summoned a meeting to address this after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi complained. The regional Parliament discussed this long before that. Proposals regarding this were submitted to the regional Parliament, and some were approved.
If a proposal is approved by the legislature, the things mentioned in that proposal should become the policy [of the government]. A meeting should be held once a proposal is approved by Parliament and not only after it is complained about by a [state] leader. A proposal approved by Parliament represents the wishes of the people. So, a meeting must be held [by the government] once a proposal is approved by Parliament. And the meeting must find ways to implement it. This is the way it should happen. But in reality, [the chief minister] did it only after the State Counselor complained. And this is not the first time. There are previous examples. It is not good for us. It seems that we have to invite Aunty [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] to Yangon frequently.
And I think there is a need to organize talks between Aunty and residents in Yangon like previous [peace] talks between her and local residents in places where she made ministers respond to locals' questions. Personally, I want to see such talks. Only then will leaders understand the real situation in Yangon. I think [the government] should pay heed to discussions in Parliament and not just instructions from leaders.
KZM: Regarding good governance, a good government should listen to the voices of the people and fulfill their needs. In the case of the fire at Htein Pin dump site, [the Yangon government] responded hastily only after the State Counselor's Office gave instructions. It held a meeting overnight. Why are some chief ministers, I don't mean all, just some of them, not able to take initiative? What are their weaknesses in responding to the voices of the people? Is it because of a capacity problem or something else? What is your view, Ko Nay Phone Latt?
NPL: In my opinion, the [Yangon] chief minister is only thinking of macro-level solutions. In his efforts to reduce traffic woes and improve road conditions, he only thinks of big solutions at the macro-level such as building elevated expressways, establishing new towns and broadening roads. He is only trying to do such things, but very weak in cooperating with people wherever possible at the micro-level. So, some criticize him as a big mouth, saying that he can only talk the talk. He could improve the traffic control system and make sure people follow traffic rules, for example in crossing roads. He could also instruct the [Yangon] mayor to repair the roads on a regular basis, if it is not possible to upgrade those roads. The mayor should inspect the roads, especially in the rainy season.
KZM: He should have done that before [rainy season].
NPL: Yes, he should. I understand that the problem of urban flooding can't be solved overnight. [The government] has borrowed loans, I think, from the World Bank to improve the city's drainage system. But it seems that he doesn't consider micro-level solutions that do not cost much and only looks at costly solutions.
KZM: That's the point. He talked about doing big projects but potholes in downtown roads have yet to be filled. He once said that he would turn Yangon into a green and pleasant city. It has been nearly three years since he said that. Lawmakers play a critical role in making the people's voices heard [by the government]. Ko Nay Phone Latt, what are the frictions between the Yangon regional government and Parliament? We've noticed there have been frequent tensions between the two that go beyond the limits of checks and balances. So, what are the problems?
NPL: Mainly, the two branches need to understand the responsibilities of each other. And they should respect those responsibilities. Only we lawmakers listen to the voices of people, live among people, and talk at Parliament about their needs either in the form of questions or proposals. [The government] should treat those questions and proposals as the wishes of the people. We are not talking about our personal thoughts. So, they should treat what we say as the voice of the people. As I've mentioned earlier, implementation does not follow the approval of proposals. Most of the ministers who come and answer questions at Parliament – I don't mean all – lack the energy to get things done. [When lawmakers ask a question or submit a proposal], the ministers ask their staff to do a report, and come and read that report at Parliament. There is no implementation. Some even said that it is easier "asked than implemented." This is their attitude toward lawmakers and I think it is wrong. It is difficult to get things done with such an attitude. We ask questions and proposals with the goodwill to facilitate the functions of the administrative branch and assist the branch in fulfilling the needs of the people, and make it get closer to the people. The government should adjust its attitude toward Parliament, I think.
KZM: Ko Khine Win, your institute has been conducting training on good governance. Good governance incorporates clean government with responsibility, accountability, transparency and such. Recently, the chief minister of Yangon came under fire for accepting donations of 20 million kyats from a Malaysian Chinese gambler who is blacklisted in Malaysia, China and Singapore. It was an absurd thing to do. Is it concerned with his accountability or capacity?
Khine Win: I saw this on Facebook. People said that the chief minister accepted the donations without conducting a background check. It seems that the chief minister always wants to meet businessmen. Apparently, there are many things that he wants to do for Yangon and he met and accepted this donation perhaps with the hope that it might be somewhat beneficial for the city. But he posted the photo of himself accepting the donation on his Facebook page. He is transparent. But considering other things, people pointed out that he is weak in terms of accountability and transparency in his communication with Parliament. People say that [ministers'] answers and proposals to Parliament are factually incomplete and [ministers] have disregard for Parliament as Ko Nay Phone has complained. It is good if a government can perform well. But besides its performance, we also want to establish democratic governance. We want that consultation be made with all the stakeholders in the process democratically. [The Yangon chief minister] is weak in that regard.
KZM: There is no end in talking about this issue. But speaking of Karenni State, its chief minister said that he would call in troops to quell disturbances related to a plan to erect a General Aung San statue in the state's capital. On Monday, the Tatmadaw [Myanmar Army] released a statement that the chief minister might have misinterpreted the [2008] Constitution to say that, and that he has no authority to do so, as it can be only asked by the National Defense and Security Council. What is your assessment of this? There is another problem connected with a chief minister regarding the erection of a bronze statue of Gen Aung San. Ko Khine Win, it is fair to say you are the grandson of Gen Aung San. There are many people in Myanmar who love Gen Aung San. But the erection of his statues, is it a problem as there is opposition against it? What is your take on it?
KW: There is a need to take ethnic regions and peace into consideration regarding the erection of statues. Yes, it is true that many love Gen Aung San. Ethnicities also love him. So, the [government] may think that it can do [put up Gen Aung San statues] anywhere in the country. In other words, it may think that it has legitimacy, thinking that the majority love and support Gen Aung San and the number of people who oppose him is small. Chaungzon Bridge in Mon State is another example of this. While the present time is important for peace, [the government] shouldn't exert the legitimacy, I think.
KZM: By legitimacy, you mean the legitimacy of the NLD, and what else?
KW: The legitimacy of NLD, the legitimacy of the government, and the legitimacy of people's love for Gen Aung San. Because of this legitimacy, the government thinks that an elephant can make its way through wherever it goes. In my view, loving Gen Aung San from the heart and following in his footsteps is more important than erecting his statues. This is also important for peace. Supporters of the statue in ethnic regions should reconsider, I think.
KZM: The NLD said that it is not its policy [to erect Gen Aung San statues]. The plan was initiated by supporters of Gen Aung San and the NLD, including NLD members and outsiders. They are trying to put up the statue. But then they met resistance. In the case of the bridge in Chaungzon, as it was named after Gen Aung San, it created intense controversy. Though the NLD leadership does not instruct people to do so, I think they have the responsibility to intervene if resistance stiffens. What do you think, Ko Nay Phone Latt?
NPL: It is civil society organizations as well as NLD chapters of concerned townships that are erecting the statues. I'm sure the [NLD] central executive committee has no policy regarding the erection of the statues. But then, when resistance arises as you've said, [NLD leadership] should say something. Now, statues are being erected against the will of local people. And some statues look disgraceful, I think. Some Gen Aung San statues were cast awkwardly, and this only creates disrespect. We have seen such statues on the social media. They do exist in the real world. This is not loving or honoring the general. Sometimes it [erecting a Gen Aung San statue] just serves against the wishes of the general. So, I think [the NLD leadership] should exert control to a certain extent. As Ko Khine Win said, it is more important to follow Gen Aung San's steps than erect his statues. Another thing is what he cherishes. What is certain is that he greatly valued democracy and a federal Union that guarantees equality and non-discrimination for the ethnicities. These are the two things he greatly valued. We should value these two things. We should not destroy what Gen Aung San valued for a statue. But it seems that it is being destroyed. I also feel the same regarding Chaungzon. It is like destroying a federal Union and national reconciliation to give the name [after Gen Aung San].
KZM: The essence of federalism and national reconciliation….
NPL: Yes, it [erecting a Gen Aung San statue against the will of locals] destroys the values and essence the general cherished. I think Gen Aung San would not accept it if he were still alive. I support erecting Gen Aung San statues. But there is a need to reconsider if they should be put up without the consent of locals and local ethnic people.
KZM: I think it is more important to love him from the heart and accept his policies than erect his statues. The [NLD] leadership should intervene. Otherwise,….. we have heard that somebody defaced the Gen Aung San statue in Myitkyina [in Kachin] with paint. We don't know who painted it. But anyway, we had never heard of such a case before. There is such a response because they don't like it.
KW: Rather than erect statues, a detailed and correct biography of him should be written. His elder brother has written his biography. In fact, the government or people who love the general should make careful research and compile a detailed biography. It will be more valuable than erecting statues.
KZM: It is much cheaper. A bronze statue reportedly costs around 80 million kyats.
KW: It would be of more value to conduct in-depth research into his life and his principles and gather separate facts together so that everyone including students could read the detailed biography.
KZM: Some of our people by nature tend to be dogmatic with their opinions. Thank you for your frank comments.
YANGON— Myanmar's coffee market is growing robustly, with the country's beans attracting increasing interest in international markets as well as locally, industry sources said.
U Min Hlaing, secretary of the Myanmar Coffee Association, said demand for Myanmar coffee has surged in the past few years and it is now being exported to more than a dozen Asian and Western countries.
"Coffee exports are set to double from last year," he said.
In 2017, over 100 tonnes of the country's coffee beans were shipped to foreign markets while this year the figure is expected to exceed 200 tonnes, to about 15 foreign countries including the new emerging markets of Canada, Belgium and New Zealand, U Min Hlaing said, citing official data, which doesn't include border trade.
In August 2016, Myanmar exported two shipments of coffee beans to the United States, the first commercial-scale imports in nearly two decades, after Washington lifted its remaining economic sanctions on the country.
Since then, the United States has become the largest foreign market for Myanmar coffee. Domestically, coffee consumption has also increased. As the tourism sector has boomed, the country has seen a wave of cafés open in past four years.
Yet, production and exports of the previously neglected crop remain small compared to the levels of major coffee-producing countries in the neighborhood such as Vietnam, Laos and Indonesia, U Min Hlaing said.
"We need to boost coffee production," he said.
Arabica and Robusta, the main coffee varieties, are grown in many locations throughout the country, although primarily in highland areas in Shan, Kachin, Kayah and Chin states as well as in Mandalay Division.
The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation hopes to increase coffee acreage to 200, 000 and export 60, 000 tonnes by 2030, state media has reported.
Currently, there are about 50, 000 acres of coffee plantations producing more than 7, 000 tonnes a year.
U Ye Myint, the chairman of the Myanmar Coffee Association, said land conflicts in the regions as well as increasing land prices are the main difficulties for coffee growers seeking to expand their plantations.
He said the growing agro-business needed support from the government in the form of loans and better technology as well as measures to boost quality control and demand to support sustainable growth.
"We hope for assistance from the government not only moral support," he said.
YWARLUT, Bilu Island, Mon State – Handmade cloth bags featuring ethnic-inspired patterns are becoming popular with local women who love the traditional fabrics. One of the few women to have started a successful home business out of a love for making the bags is Ma Hnin Phyu. Her small business also provides jobs for local women in her community, who have skills but for a number of reasons could not leave their homes in Ywarlut Village, Chaung Zon Township on Bilu Island in Mon State.
This emerging woman entrepreneur's story began with her love for the bags in their many different styles as well as a love of designing them. "I want other people to enjoy them as much as I do, so I started the business," she said.
With the help of her mother and friends she began the home business, which now provides local women with jobs, while also supporting female weavers of traditional clothing in Mon and Karen states.
"When I first started, people loved my bag designs, so I kept doing it and the business got bigger," Ma Hnin Phyu, 28, told The Irrawaddy.
Travel bag made with traditional Mon longyi fabric.
Ma Hnin Phyu first learnt how to make bags with a teacher from the office of the Mon Women's Organization eight years ago. But she did not venture into making bags commercially until a year ago, after she had trained with a professional bag-tailor in Yangon to hone her skills. It was then that she felt ready to create her own designs using the traditional patterns.
She markets her products under the "Mis Bloy" brand, which means "the pearl", and proudly labels them "Made in Ywarlut" under an image of a smoking pipe. Ywarlut is famous for its pipe-making on Bilu Island, a popular tourist attraction in Mon State.
Shoulder bag made from cotton.
"She has the potential to be successful as her ambition is high and she wants to expand the business," said Daw Cherry Shein, the Yangon trainer who coached Ma Hnin Phyu in bag-making with traditional cloth.
"The cloth bags made with traditional Chin, Mon, Kachin and Karen fabrics are getting more and more popular these days," said Daw Cherry Shein, who has been creating cloth bags for more than two decades.
She added that it is not only foreigners who love the bags but also local women, who are starting to match the traditional cloth bags with their dresses. Daw Cherry Shein provides training on both a paid and voluntary basis. She said Ma Hnin Phyu was one of only a few of her students who had the potential to make something more than a hobby out of a love for the bags.
Handbag made with Mon traditional (women's) longyi fabrics.
Mis Bloy cloth bags are handmade in a small workshop that is filled with traditional Mon fabrics – usually used for longyis (sarongs) for both men and women — and customers can order by choosing the colors, patterns and design, or they can simply buy finished products at a shop in Ywarlut or by ordering them through the company's Facebook page.
Schoolbag made with traditional Mon cloth (men's longyi).
Mis Bloy also takes orders to make bags based on other ethnic designs such as Karen, Kachin or Chin for other brands as well.
In the beginning, Ma Hnin Phyu took individual orders from each customer. It took time to create the unique designs and she was not able to produce many bags. It was also an expensive way to do business. "Then I decided to make many bags available with several designs so that the customers could choose from them," she said.
Mis Bloy products are distributed to shops in Moulmein, Thanphyuzayet and Ye townships in Mon State, as well as to Paan, the capital of Karen State, and to stores in Yangon.
Mandalay – The former chief minister of Mandalay said on Thursday that there was no need for development funds that the current regional government has claimed were used in an "unclear" manner to be returned.
U Ye Myint, the former chief minister, told a press conference in Mandalay that the development funds were donated voluntarily by tycoons and local businessmen and therefore did not need to be returned.
"That money absolutely does not belong to the regional government or to the central government. It is not from the state's budget, so there is no need to hand it over to the government," U Ye Myint said.
The former chief minister said the funds were transferred to the Yadanapon Foundation, which was formed in September 2017 under the patronage of former general U Hla Myint Swe. The foundation is still working on regional development projects under the guidance of U Hla Myint Swe.
He added that most of the funds had been audited and the audit statement handed over to the government.
"There's nothing left to return. As the chief minister asked for an explanation of some of the expenditures, we did that and an audit statement was submitted," U Ye Myint said.
He said that he had already sent an explanation about the use of the funds to President U Win Myint in May before the regional government held its press conference. However, he had received no reply from the President's Office, he said.
"I also sent a letter to Chief Minister Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, yesterday (July 25), to clarify the discrepancies found in the audit," U Ye Myint said.
"Because, the final audit of all the uses of the funds was already done, I don't understand why there are discrepancies. Why don't they check the responsible governmental office about it?" he added. "My conscience is very clear that I did nothing wrong."
At the June press conference, which focused on the work done by the regional government in 2016 to 2017, the chief minister stated there were discrepancies relating to over 3 billion kyats from the regional development fund during the 2012 to 2016 budget years, during the term of U Ye Myint and his regional government team.
The chief minister told the journalists that there were differences and unclear statements regarding funds that were used in development sectors such as education, rural development, telecommunications and general rehabilitation.
The secretary of that foundation told The Irrawaddy on July 17 that it would return the funds after receiving notification from the regional government under the instruction of the President's Office.
According to the most recent census, Myanmar's population reached 50.28 million in 2014, of which 14.9 million, or around 30 percent of the country's people, lived in towns and cities. The annual growth rate of this urban population has been 1.72 percent over the last 30 years compared to 1.12 percent for the country as a whole. If the population continues to grow at the same pace, it will reach around 78 million by the middle of this century with an urban population that has doubled in size to almost 30 million (Fig.1).
Fig. 1 National and urban population forecasts based on current trends
Fig. 2 Population forecast for Yangon with three scenarios
In Yangon, due to in-migration from other areas, the pace of growth has been higher than the national urbanization rate. Based on the current trends, Yangon's population will reach between 13 million and 16 million by the middle of this century (Fig.2). This expected 2- or 3-fold increase in the size of Yangon's population over the coming four decades is based on the assumption that the city will grow at the rate of the past, without any interventions, such as “the new city” in or around Yangon as the authorities are planning.
As revealed by the authorities, “The New Yangon City” should provide employment for 2 million people, implying a population of around 8 million. In the urban planning field, the word “gravitation effect” is used to refer to the additional population needed to provide necessary services to the workforce and their families; and this can be as much as another 50 percent, or even more in the context of developing economies. Combining this 12 million increase due to the new city (if it were completed by the middle of the century) and Yangon's expected population of 14 million (based on the middle scenario), Yangon is on track to become a gigantic agglomeration area with a population of around 26 million by 2050. This would make it bigger than even Shanghai, presently the most populous city in the world with 24 million people, and Karachi, which presently has 23.5 million, and Beijing with around 21 million. At the same time, it needs to be highlighted that Yangon’s infrastructure and transportation networks have numerous shortcomings (only 30 percent of Yangon’s households receive water supplied by the Yangon City and Development Committee, or YCDC, only 60 percent of households have electric meter boxes, in peak hours, it takes about 3 hours to drive from Hlaing Thayar, the western suburb of the city, to Sule Pagoda, etc.) From an urbanization perspective, such an extraordinary population increase implies this one city would absorb all the expected urban population increase of the country in the coming four decades, which is around 15 million. It also means that all the out-migration from rural areas would come to Yangon and all other urban settlements of the Union would not have further population increases.
Yangon authorities envisage that the required investment for the infrastructure of the new city would be around US$1.5 billion, which is around 17 percent of the national debt (based on our national debt of US$8.9 billion in 2016). The question is whether this investment is justified given that Yangon's population already has the best in the Union in terms of healthcare, employment and education facilities, electricity usage, Internet quality and availability, etc.
These disparities and the inequalities are seen when various socio-economic data between the states and regions are compared. To highlight only a few of these, Yangon Division’s 7 million people, who account for 14 percent of the Union, create 22 percent of total GDP, while the per capita GDP of Yangon Region is more than double than that of the Union’s average and around six times more than the least developed regions such as Chin State and Tanintharyi Region. In the healthcare sector, Yangon Division has about three times more hospital beds per head of population than Rakhine, Mon and Irrawaddy Regions, and these healthcare services are reflected in the “life expectancy” rates — these figures show around 10 years' difference between regions with the highest life expectancy and those with the lowest (Fig. 6 & 7). From the aspect of national reconciliation, the question should be raised: What are the ramifications of this disparity and inequality between regions for national unity and the Union's long-term future?
Presently, Yangon with over 5 million people is around four times larger than the Union’s second largest city, Mandalay, while all other state and division capitals have populations ranging from 250 000 to 25,000. Excluding Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyitaw, there were only 14 towns with populations exceeding 100,000 in 2014. These towns have development potential because they are on the main communication lines. Meanwhile, the regional capitals of Magwe, Dawai, Hpa-An, Loikaw and Hakha are home to fewer than 100,000 people. From the aspects of national unity, it would be desirable to improve urban services such as hospitals, electricity, Internet, etc. in all the regional capitals and additionally identify the development regions and improve the transportation networks between these regions. It is clear then that the whole issue of national urbanization and Yangon planning should be an integral part of the country’s national development plan.
Fig. 3 Capitals of states and divisions, and towns with populations over 100,000 in 2014′
Fig. 4 GDP of states and divisions in 2010-11 (Source: Publications from the Ministry of Planning and Finance
Fig. 5. Per capita GDP of states and divisions. Yangon Division’s per capita GDP is around six times higher than that of Kayin, Chin and Kachin states. Based on data from the Ministry of Planning and Finance (2012).
Fig. 6. Hospital bed and population ratios. Chin State, although in second place, has no hospitals operated by the private sector. Source: Processed from the Statistical Yearbook, 2017
Fig. 7. Comparison of life expectancy at birth between states and regions. Source: Tables 17, Census 2014, Main Report (Union)
Fig. 8. 22 percent of electricity is produced in Yangon Division
Dr. Kyaw Lat is an architect and urban planner who has worked with the Department of Human Settlements and Housing Development, Ministry of Construction and the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat). He was also a professor at Yangon and Mandalay Technological universities, professor at Cologne University of Applied Sciences, Germany, and finally before his retirement an advisor to the Yangon City and Development Committee from 2011 until 2016.
YANGON — Ending armed conflict is crucial to Myanmar's efforts to save the tiger populations in its wildlife reserves, said a wildlife conservation NGO on Thursday, warning that the country's tiger population continues to dwindle.
The tiger population of Myanmar's wildlife sanctuaries is now less than 100, compared to around 150 in 2003, according to the Myanmar chapter of the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS). Globally, the number of tigers has dropped to less than 4,000 from about 100,000 a century ago.
Myanmar hosts the world's largest tiger reserve in the Hukawng Valley Wildlife Sanctuary, an area covering over 17,373 square kilometers. However, conservationists and researchers have been hampered in their efforts by armed conflict in the valley between the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) and the Kachin Independence Organization/Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA).
WCS Myanmar, World Wildlife Fund and Flora and Fauna International (FFI) are collaborating with the Forestry Department under the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation to preserve wildlife through research projects in the Hukawng Valley, Htamanthi and Tannitharyi Range wildlife sanctuaries.
U Than Myint, the country directory of WCS Myanmar, told reporters on Thursday, "If the fighting eased, we could strengthen our preservation efforts."
The fighting in the Hukawng Valley has forced villagers to flee for their lives and therefore "They have not been able to devote themselves to preserving wildlife."
"We hope for a decent peace in the region, so that they can stay in their homes and participate in preservation projects, as the villagers play a vital role in wildlife conservation," U Than Myint said.
He was speaking at a press conference arranged by WCS Myanmar in Yangon on Thursday, two days ahead of International Tiger Day on July 29. The organization aims to share information about its research activities in the upper Chindwin River region, in northwestern Myanmar's Sagaing Region, and to promote awareness among the public of the importance of tiger conservation.
WCS Myanmar conducts research there using camera traps to document the tiger population and those of the species it preys on. It has placed more than 100 camera traps in 225 places to research tigers and their prey in the upper Chindwin area over the past three years.
Based on its research, the organization says, "There is hope for success for tiger conservation in Myanmar." The group has documented the presence of numerous tiger cubs during its three years of research from December 2014 to December 2017, said U Hla Naing, who is in charge of research on the country's northern forests for WCS Myanmar.
However, he said, challenges remain as Myanmar still faces problems with poaching, illegal wildlife trade, and illegal logging and mining in the protected areas.
"Protecting tigers and other species means protecting our forests, wildlife and environment," he said. WCS Myanmar said concerns remain as the illegal wildlife trade continues to be fueled by demand in neighboring China. Thus, public awareness needs to be raised, he said.
WCS Myanmar has been providing awareness training to local residents of affected areas. Over 130 trainees have joined the program since 2016.
"We provide the community with guardian training, so as to allow community participation, which is the key," added Ko Pyae Phyo Aung, deputy tiger researcher at WCS Myanmar.
YANGON — A military appointed lawmaker swore at and threatened to assault journalists who were taking photographs and videotaping in the Parliament building in Naypyitaw on Wednesday, drawing condemnation from the media and demands for an explanation from the military.
Before the Union Parliament session began, Major-General Tin Swe Win threatened a photojournalist from the European Press Agency in front of the Parliament building, telling him not to take his photo or post anything about him online, adding that if the reporter did so the officer would punch him.
On the same day, after the session, he swore at a journalist from Mizzima Media, using obscene language. Video evidence of his outburst appeared in the media, along with reports on the military's budget requests to the Union Parliament for the coming fiscal year.
Maj-Gen. Tin Swe Win has a master's degree in defense studies from the Defense Services Academy in Pyin Oo Lwin. He served on the auxiliary force in the Naypyitaw Command before taking an appointed seat in the Parliament, according to the Parliament's official record.
"He has to be sensible. He should not talk that way in the Parliament," said U Sein Win,
training director at the Myanmar Journalism Institute.
U Sein Win told The Irrawaddy, "This is not the front line [of the battlefield]. This is the Parliament. He must behave himself."
Under the National League for Democracy-led government, restrictions have been placed on the way media covers Parliament. However, the journalists threatened by the officer were acting within those rules, covering the Union Parliament session from within in the designated areas.
"The media are doing their job. We aren't breaking any rules. Media organizations should send a complaint letter to the military," said U Sein Win.
"His manner shows he doesn't respect our job. It is unacceptable," he added.
In 2016, the Union Parliament Office released an 18-point set of guidelines for the media, restricting each organization to a maximum of five journalists to cover parliamentary affairs and interview lawmakers in the designated spaces. It prohibits filming and photography in certain buildings and areas without permission.
Under the previous government, journalists were also banned from an observation booth above the Union Parliament chamber and sessions of both the Upper and Lower houses. Parliament reporters were forced to watch the sessions on a TV screen in a corridor. Media members said that the restrictions came after journalists took photos and videos of lawmakers sleeping during sessions, and in one case of a military lawmaker voting on behalf of his absent neighbor.
Members of the press said the military lawmaker's manner shows how hard it will be for the Tatmadaw to salvage its reputation among a press corps with which it already has deep-rooted tensions due to past incidents, despite military commander-in-chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing's order to military personnel to have good relations with the media.
The military has treated the media in the same way for many years, communicating with journalists only when they need to get a point across, said U Nyan Hlaing Lynn, chief editor at Hintha Media.
A journalist at Mizzima, Ko Min Min, said he feels it was unacceptable that the military lawmaker could launch a verbal assault unprovoked, and said he was considering sending a letter to military lawmakers and the parliamentary rights committee.
There was speculation in the media yesterday that Wednesday's incident involving Maj-Gen. Tin Swe Win and reporters would lead to the reimposition of old restrictions. Most media members demanded an explanation from the military regarding his manner.
"In his position, it is not suitable to mistreat others in the Parliament, not even the media. Military officials should investigate the case and explain why it happened," said U Myint Kyaw, a member of the Press Council.
U Myint Kyaw said, "We have to wait and see how the Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military] will respond."
Irrawaddy reporters Zue Zue and Htet Naing Zaw contributed to this report.
MANDALAY — Villagers in Mandalay Region say they were blocked by police from reaching the regional capital on Tuesday to protest the construction of a cement factory in their community and later informed that five of them were being sued.
Locals say the factory will be powered by coal and fear the damage it might do to the local environment and their livelihoods. They say the project has already blocked off some communal grazing land and that most locals want it stopped.
The Alpha cement factory, owned by China’s Myint Investment Company, is under construction in Aung Thabyay village, Pyigyidagun Township, about 37 km north of Mandalay City.
Locals say the company conducted soil testing at the site in 2014 and bought the 242 hectares from residents after securing permission to build the factory and mine a nearby hill for raw material.
"We sent several complaints to the government back then, and the project was halted. However, it resumed in 2015 despite our objections," said Ko Moe Lay, an Aung Thabyay resident.
According to locals, the company planned to extend a village road to lead to the factory two months ago, but villagers objected to that, too, for fear of losing land they owned along the route.
On Sunday, a 64-year-old farmer who refused orders from local authorities to stop fencing off her land, Daw Mya Mya, was arrested and detained at the township police station. Villagers soon gathered around the station to demand her release but failed to secure it.
The protesters submitted a request later the same day to stage another protest in Mandalay City on Monday. Though authorities approved the request, they were blocked on the way to Mandalay by police and turned back.
On Tuesday, police notified five villagers that they were being sued under Article 19 of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law and for disrupting road work. They showed reporters the notices.
"We have no idea why we have been sued under those laws. We already had permission to stage the protest. But the police blocked us and we had a dispute," said Ma Yin Yin Aung, one of the sued villagers.
"The mountain that the factory took is where our cattle used to go to graze. Since construction of the factory began, the natural streams have been blocked, too," she said
"And we heard the factory will use coal power, which could affect the environment, too. And there are no big trees around our village anymore. The area will become like a desert soon if the factory is allowed to operate and dig up the mountains," she added.
Locals say they have sent more complaints to regional and national government offices in recent months.
"We've sent several complaints, but the government still doesn’t listen to us. Instead, the police showed up and threatened us with the law. We just want mother Suu to know and hope she can stop this factory," said Ko Moe Lay, referring to State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Police could not be reached for comment. The regional governor and company representatives declined to speak with a reporter.
YANGON — The Novotel Yangon Max Hotel relaunched its Royal Pavilion restaurant on Tuesday with a new concept and menu.
Located near the hotel’s reception desk, the restaurant used to serve traditional Chinese cuisine with predominantly Cantonese flavors and will now serve Hong Kong barbecue, dim sum and seafood.
Roast duck hangs in the kitchen of the Royal Pavilion. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy
The relaunch party was for invited guests only, who got to sample signature dishes from the new menu.
Guests sampled from four dim sum dishes: steamed lobster dumplings with squid ink; steamed fish rolls with Thai sauce, deep fried spring sticks with seafood; and deep fried seafood rolls with cheese. Each was delicious and delightful.
Steamed lobster dumplings with squid ink and steamed fish rolls with Thai sauce. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy
The lobster was very soft and I cold tell how soft it was with the first bite; the dumplings were wrapped in a thin layer of cooked flour mixed with squid ink and topped with salmon roe. The steamed fish rolls were also great and did not have a fishy smell; the Thai sauce was a bit sweet, but it perfectly matched the fish. I highly recommend both.
Another of the new signature dishes is the deep fried tempura prawn, another of my favorites. They clean the whole prawn, dip it in powder and deep fry it. The result is a crispy golden shell topped with chili and coriander and a sweet prawn taste inside.
Hong Kong style roast duck.
But the dish I liked most was the Hong Kong roast duck. Taking a bite, the skin was very crispy, but the meat was nice and soft. It came with a sweet Hoisin sauce and paired with the duck perfectly.
Deep-fried sea bass with Sichuan sauce. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy
The last dish was the deep fried sea bass topped with Sichuan sauce. The fish was deboned, cut into bite-sized pieces and deep fried with tempura powder. The Sichuan sauce was on the milder side. The ingredients were fresh, but the dish was not so much crunchy as a bit hard. This one was not my favorite.
The dining room of the Royal Pavilion. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy
The staff was friendly and helpful and dressed in a bright red Chinese-themed uniforms. The decor was both modern and Chinese but not overdone, complimenting the quiet and clean room and its comfortable seating.
Prices range from $10 to $50 per dish à la carte. There is also an all-you-can-eat dim sum buffet for lunch and dinner on weekends for $25 per person.
The restaurant is open daily from 11:30 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. for lunch and from 6 p.m. to 10:30 p.m. for dinner.
YANGON — A local court in Yangon has barred the press from taking pictures and video recordings of a military officer's wife who is facing trial for allegedly torturing her maid to death.
According to the Yangon South District Court in Thanlyin Township, the military officer, whose identity is not yet known by the press, requested that the Myanmar Press Council restrict the media from taking pictures and videos of his wife Theingi Su inside the court compound.
The court banned reporters from taking pictures and videos of Theingi Su in its precinct at her fifth trial on Wednesday, although it had not issued these restrictions in the previous four trials.
U Moe Wai, an information officer of the court, told the press not to use photos of the defendant taken at previous trials as well.
"The [request] letter dated July 4 was sent to us [by the military officer] by mail. It was not given to us in person," he told reporters.
U Moe Wai said that the ban has nothing to do with the military officer's request, but declined to explain further.
He told reporters not to publish photos of her appearing at the court, including getting into or out of the prisoner transport vehicle.
Khin Thandar Oo, also known as Kayin Ma, 38, a mother of four children, was working at the quarters of a military officer of the Inn Daing armored battalion in Yangon's Hlegu Township.
She died within an hour of being sent home to Oh Po village in Twante Township by Theingi Su on May 19, citing her ill health.
According to the post-mortem examination, the woman died of injuries to her intestines, and her death could have been averted if she had been hospitalized in time.
The press council does not have authority to ban reporters from taking pictures or videos, secretary of the council U Thiha Saw told The Irrawaddy.
"The council doesn't have the authority to instruct journalists on what to do or not do," he said.
"Civilian defendants dare not complain about photos. But the officer has complained, so he must have some backing," prosecution lawyer Daw San San Myint told The Irrawaddy.
The defense lawyer declined to answer The Irrawaddy's question about the request. Theingu Su has covered her head as she came to and left the court in all of the previous trials.
According to the news media law, journalists have the right to freely criticize, point out or recommend operating procedures of the legislative, the executive and judiciary in conformity with the 2008 Constitution as well as investigate, publish, and broadcast information and related opinions to which every citizen is entitled in accordance with rules and regulations.
When it comes to paintings of rural life, typically, ox-driven carts, paddy fields, and damsels who fetch water from a creek in the evening come to mind.
But in the paintings of rural landscapes by Thurein at his sixth solo exhibition "BOBA Village," viewers only see the rough brushwork of black lines and dazzling colors.
"I've reduced the form of a village. I didn't even sketch tree shade in my paintings. I didn't clearly depict the landscapes so that viewers could enjoy and imagine, as they like. My works were based on texture, color and line," said Thurein, the photographer-cum-painter.
The exhibition is the second of his rural village series; the first one was showcased in 2008. The scenes he depicts exist in the real world.
They are from the village of his grandparents in Yangon's Kyauktan Township, where he has visited frequently since he was young.
The paintings feature his childhood memories of the village as well as recent developments. He used various colors in his paintings, and viewers can enjoy the artistry in his brushwork and use of texture.
"The village has changed a lot; it has not thrived but is on the decline," said Thurein, whose artistry is largely influenced by American modernists Franz Kline, Mark Rothko, and Barnett Newman.
Thurein has held his exhibitions at home and abroad including Singapore, Thailand, Korea, Vietnam and the United States.
Twenty paintings are on display at the BOBA Village (II) exhibition, and his works are available for $800 each. The exhibition will be held through Sunday at Nawaday Tharlar Art Gallery.
"I curated this exhibition because I like his paintings. His feelings about the village attracted me more than his expression of it. His works depend more on his feelings, I think," said Ko Pyae Wai, the owner of Nawaday Tharlar Art Gallery.
HPA-AN TOWNSHIP, Karen State — More than 16,000 people have been displaced by floods in Karen State as of Wednesday, according to the state’s disaster management department.
The Thanlwin, or Salween, River has been rising since Sunday, flooding Hpa-an, Hlinebwe, Kawkareik and Myawady townships.
Hpa-an, the state capital, has been hit hardest, with more than 10,000 residents displaced. Ten relief camps have been opened in Hpa-an as of Wednesday to shelter victims.
The number of displaced residents in Hlinebwe has meanwhile risen to over 3,000. There are 12 relief camps in the township to shelter them.
"The river rose overnight on Sunday and flooded wards on Monday. We've been sheltering at the camp for three days," said Daw San San Cho, a resident of Hpa-an’s Ward 1.
"The water reached around 13 feet high from the ground," she said.
The state’s disaster management department has supplied the camps with seven days worth of rations of rice, oil, eggs, canned sardines and instant noodles, said the department’s deputy director general, U Then Htut Swe.
Among those taking shelter at the Karen State Stadium in Hpa-an are 21 pregnant women, 81 children under 5 years old and 177 students.
In Myawady, the number of flood victims taking shelter at relief camps has declined from more than 2,000 to about 600 this week as the Moei River subsided.
Sixteen townships in four regions and states including Mon State and Tanintharyi and Bago regions are experiencing floods. The water levels of the Thanlwin, Sittaung and Shwegyin rivers in Karen, Mon and Bago are likely to remain above danger levels, according to the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology.
BEIJING — Chinese police have caught 82 suspects in a crackdown on an online pyramid scheme involving 10.2 billion yuan ($1.51 billion) and more than 220,000 investors, the official Xinhua news agency said on Wednesday.
Investors were drawn in from Hong Kong, Taiwan and Southeast Asia as well as the mainland, it said, adding that prosecutors had taken charge of 52 suspects accused of organizing and leading the pyramid scheme.
Police in Meishan City in the southwestern province of Sichuan said the suspects set up hundreds of shell companies and 28 fake industrial chains and lured investors with promises of high returns, it added.
Beijing periodically clamp down on what it deems to be illegal fundraising schemes, including online peer-to-peer lending platforms and pyramid schemes.
In January, a Chinese court sentenced two people to life in prison for fraud in a 15.6 billion yuan ($2.3 billion) pyramid scheme.
Pyramid schemes in China typically prey on vulnerable or poorly educated victims by luring them with the promise of well-paid jobs. Victims are told, often under duress, to recruit family and friends or borrow money from them.
DHAKA/KUTUPALONG REFUGEE CAMP, Bangladesh — Heavy monsoon rains triggered landslides and flooding in southeastern Bangladesh on Wednesday, killing five children and forcing a thousand people to relocate, including in the Rohingya refugee camps.
The children were killed in landslides near Cox’s Bazar and Ramu, said Kazi Abdur Rahman, a senior Bangladesh government official in the area. Three more people were injured and taken to hospital and a thousand were evacuated.
It was not immediately clear how many Rohingya refugees were relocated. Aid agencies have warned that the monsoon, which typically peaks in July, could threaten many thousands of people.
“A number of families were moved due to flooding and minor landslides,” said Abul Kalam, the Bangladesh government official in charge of the refugees. “The rain shows no sign of stopping, but there has been no major catastrophe inside the camps,” he said.
The UNHCR and IOM were also unable to immediately provide figures.
Nearly 700,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled across the border from Myanmar since August, when the Myanmar military launched a violent crackdown in northern Rakhine State. The Rohingya say thousands were killed or raped and their homes were burned down. Myanmar denies this and says its security forces were conducting legitimate counter-insurgency operations.
In the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh, the market near the Modhuchara bamboo bridge began flooding in the early hours of the morning, said a refugee who lives there.
“We were awake when the flooding started,” said Abul Hakim. “We could not sleep well because of the fear of flooding.”
“I want to move from here. There is a high risk of flooding and drowning and a high risk of landslides,” he said as his one-and-a-half-year-old grandson played in the water.
He said there were about 15 Rohingya families living in the area near the market and that it was the second time it had flooded. Floodwaters near Hakim’s bamboo and plastic shelter were shin deep.
At least three refugees have been killed in the monsoon since early May.
As of July 18, about 21,000 refugees had been relocated because their shelters were threatened by landslides, the UNHCR said.
BEIJING — Suspects held under a controversial new detention measure introduced nationwide by China’s anti-graft super ministry this year must be well treated, the corruption watchdog said on Thursday.
China’s rubber-stamp parliament, the National People’s Congress, finalized in March the establishment of a National Supervision Commission with the power to investigate all state employees, expanding the power of the existing regulator that had previously focused on Communist Party members.
The powerful new body has been criticized by some legal scholars for failing to protect the rights of suspects during investigations, in part because it will use a controversial “liuzhi," or detention, system that operates outside existing criminal procedure law.
President Xi Jinping launched a sweeping campaign against deep-seated corruption more than five years ago. There have been several high-profile cases of graft suspects being mistreated or tortured, which the government has vowed to root out.
The graft-fighting Central Commission for Discipline Inspection outlined new rules it said made clear that the new detention method was not to be abused and acknowledged public concern.
“‘Liuzhi’ is an important investigation method granted by law to the supervision organs, and is a focus of high attention from various sectors of society,” it said in a statement on its website.
“On this, the rules are clear, that the ‘liuzhi’ method should be cautiously used under legal stipulations and the process strictly grasped,” the watchdog said.
There must also be no covert use of “liuzhi," it said.
People who are investigated using this method must have their access to food and drink, rest and medical treatment guaranteed, the statement said.
The new rules also cover the questioning of witnesses.
Witnesses must be shown a document that outlines their rights and obligations when first being questioned, confidentiality must be kept and protection provided if they are at risk of “revenge attacks”, it said.
Xi announced the new detention system in October to replace the previous “shuanggui” system, in which party members submitted to questioning at a location and time chosen by investigators.
Rights groups have said the old secretive extra-legal measures that made use of off-grid locations with little oversight allowed torture, abuse and forced confessions.
Some rights activists and legal scholars have expressed concern the new detention system will merely entrench and extend previous practices under a veneer of legality. The government has denied this.
YANGON – For decades, ethnic armed groups (EAOs) in Myanmar have raised money by extorting "protection" payments from smugglers, engaging in illicit logging and jade mining projects, and trafficking drugs in order to buy tactical weapons and pay their troops.
Hope are high that this will soon change, especially among those groups that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), now that the government's Peace Commission has begun implementing its "Business for Peace" (B4P) platform.
The B4P paradigm was officially adopted late in 2013 in line with the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC) framework, the brainchild of former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan introduced in 2005. The global compact promotes responsible businesses in high-risk, conflict-affected and post-conflict regions around the world.
To engage with the UNGC, Prof. Aung Tun Thet established a local network, the UNGC Network Myanmar, in 2012. He is also the vice chairman of the National Economic and Social Advisory Council of Myanmar and a member of the Peace Commission (NRPC) established by the government of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
The Myanmar B4P project aims to earn a "peace dividend" for NCA signatories by helping them to establishing public companies through official channels. The companies would serve as business arms of the EAOs. In 2017, UNGC Network Myanmar was applauded by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the country's de facto leader, as Prof. Aung Tun Thet's team signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI).
At the recommendation of Prof. Aung Tun Thet, the Myanmar Ethnic Entrepreneurs Association (MEEA) was established in March 2018. It comprises 27 members of eight major ethnic groups and has the ambitious goal of boosting socio-economic development in ethnic regions.
B4P targets infrastructure development in post-conflict regions, while also assisting the Peace Commission in its work and alleviating poverty. The MEEA was officially launched at the UMFCCI building in Yangon last Friday. The event was joined by representatives of NCA signatories and ethnic affairs ministers from across the country.
A meeting participant told The Irrawaddy that Prof. Aung Tun Thet gathered seven signatories — the Pa-O National Liberation Army (PNLO), Chin National Front (CNF), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Karen National Union/ KNLA (PC), and the New Mon State Party (MNSP) — at the NRPC's office and explained its new business model to the representatives.
EAOs give nod to B4P
PNLO spokesman Khun Myint Tun said during his keynote speech that his group attended the conference to learn how ethnic businessmen could jointly operate businesses in post-conflict regions. He said that multiple stakeholders in the country currently share the cause of establishing a democratic federal union. To reach that ultimate goal, three key conditions — peace, political transition and economic reform — are needed, he said.
Lieutenant-Colonel Khun Aung Mann of the PNLO, who joined both the MEEA launch ceremony and a meeting with Prof. Aung Tun Thet on Friday, said the discussions centered around the establishment by EAOs of public companies through the Directorate, Investment and Company Administration (DICA) as a source of steady income. The professor urged newly established MEEA members and the UMFCCI to offer technical support to EAOs. The PNLO officer acknowledged that six signatories agreed in principle with the public company strategy.
"It was like a workshop; we did not make a commitment to proceed with [forming] a company," said Lt-Col. Khun Aung Mann.
He said that while the six NCA signatories have not all attended face-to-face meetings on the public company approach, his organization had held internal consultations on its potential risks and advantages. Some EAO representatives sought clarification on whether they need to be members of the MEEA in order to participate. Some said they had only learned of the formation of the MEEA last week.
While the PNLO officer pointed to a lack of information or a clear strategic plan, Union Ethnic Affairs Minister Nai Thet Lwin said his ministry will present relevant ministries with possible projects in post-conflict ethnic regions, referring to the areas the NCA signatories control.
During a B4P workshop in Chiang Mai, Thailand on May 19, Prof. Aung Tun Thet said, "Foreign investors are worried about safety in the ceasefire areas. I have talked with many companies from Thailand and Singapore. There are opportunities in those regions if we can persuade them to invest."
Will B4P work out?
Since peace negotiations began under then-president U Thein Sein's administration in 2011, fighting between the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) and EAOs in northern Shan State has displaced more than 150,000 people. The Karen National Union (KNU), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and six other groups inked the NCA with the previous government.
The European Union has poured a pile of money into assisting Myanmar's peace process since the country's transition from military rule to a quasi-civilian government under U Thein Sein began. Its total aid is due to reach some 103 million euros by 2020. It remains unclear how much of this the previous government spent. When the National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government took office in 2016, its leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took control of the peace process. The New Mon State Party (MNSP) and Lahu Democratic Union signed the NCA earlier this year.
Although seven NCA signatories appeared at the MEEA opening ceremony last week, and six groups have basically accepted the idea of establishing public companies, some of the strongest ethnic armed signatories like the KNU and RCSS did not show up. However, Prof. Aung Tun Thet is confident that the remaining groups will join the plan later.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity, an inside source at the MEEA said the new business model was not much of an incentive for the stronger armed groups, as they have been operating proxy businesses in the remote areas under their control, and elsewhere. He pointed out that some regions like Karen and Shan states had seen recent skirmishes between EAOs and the Tatmadaw.
He said, "None of them has engaged in corporate business in the past, and sometimes [signatories] have even clashed with each other. And now, B4P seeks to mobilize signatory groups to establish public companies. There are a bunch of challenges to this; how can they be realistically solved?"
A source at MEEA said that many questions remain to be answered regarding such issues as the shareholder structure and profit-sharing arrangements for each group, as well as administrative roles within the public companies, and the sustainability of the entities. Moreover, the risk of asset forfeiture is a big concern for any public company, and they would certainly need legal or other official protection, the source said.
"What if one of the signatories stumbles into a clash with the Army? Will the government seize its public company's assets and properties?" the source said.
The PNLO's Lt-Col. Khun Aung Mann echoed these concerns, saying, "We assume that the implementation process will be very difficult in terms of each group's profit-sharing and investment, and organizational structure."
'Do No Harm' Policy
Prof. Aung Tun Thet agreed there would be challenges, but as an economic expert he said he wished to focus on the opportunities rather than the challenges.
"Well, I do think in a positive way on those issues. Let bygones be bygones, and if we do seek to have new institutions, we need to think how to start them."
Prof. Aung Tun Thet explained that the Businesses for Peace philosophy has four fundamental components; protecting human rights, upholding labor standards, preserving the environment and fighting corruption. Especially, he is keen to promote a "do no harm" policy among companies in post-conflict regions. He said this could maintain stability and keep the situations on the ground from deteriorating.
He believes that setting up companies and creating opportunities for NCA signatories can address the EAOs' financial hardships through official channels, as well as helping to halt logging in conflict zones. To oversee technical matters, UMFCCI-affiliated associations in each state and division could help EAOs set up public companies, he said.
"Six [armed] groups are interested in founding public companies… I have urged them to register as soon as possible," he said.
After the EAOs' public companies are registered by DICA, ethnic affairs ministers will seek business opportunities on the ground including infrastructure projects. Business organizations and the UN Global Compact Network Myanmar will also seek to drum up foreign investment in post-conflict region.
Start 'Tomorrow'
Yangon-based ethnic armed affairs expert U Maung Maung Soe was skeptical of the plan, saying that having EAOs set up public companies would not be an effective long-term solution. He compared it to the previous government's offer of car permits for peace signatories.
He suggested that instead of promoting such a complex business scheme, the government should distribute a "peace dividend" to EAOs in the form of a share of its annual revenue depending on the size of the region under each group's control. He said this could be done by amending a few sections of 2008 Constitution.
The Constitution's Section 37(a) stipulates that the ultimate owner of all lands and all natural resources both above and below ground and bodies of water is the Union, while Section 37(b) states that the government can enact the necessary laws to supervise the extraction and utilization of state-owned resources.
U Maung Maung Soe recommended that the ruling NLD government amend the law, as it has majorities in the Union and local parliaments, rather than waiting for the Union Accord to be completed as part of the 21st-Century Panglong Union Peace Conference.
"To my understanding, forming a public company to generate a steady income for EAOs is just a short-term solution. [It doesn't address] the root cause of armed conflict in Myanmar," U Maung Maung Soe said.
Prof. Aung Tun Thet defended his approach, saying it is based on economic, rather than constitutional, resource-sharing mechanisms. He said his business initiative effort is based on a macro-economic approach. He insisted that the B4P approach would build trust between armed groups and the military.
He expected the EAO-established companies to complete the registration process within the next three months.
Asked by The Irrawaddy when the scheme could be up and running, Prof. Aung Tun Thet said, "We have to start it without delay. If you ask me when, then I will say I want it to start tomorrow. We are keen to do so; it will surely happen, whatever the timeline."
YANGON — The Ministry of Defense has requested a budget of 3.26 trillion kyats for fiscal 2018-19, which starts in October.
The request is equivalent to 13.07 percent of the annual budget, estimated at nearly 25 trillion kyats.
On Wednesday, representatives of 22 ministries, and those of 11 Union-level departments, offices and other entities under the National League for Democracy-led government, began presenting to the Union Parliament their initial budget requests for October 2018 through September 2019. This will be the first fiscal year since the switch to an Oct. 1-Sept. 30 calendar; the country is currently operating on a provisional six-month budget (March-August 2018).
Budget requests were presented Wednesday by six of the 11 Union-level bodies (the Union Government Office, Attorney General’s Office, Constitutional Court, Auditor General’s Office, Union Election Commission, and parliamentary offices) and 11 ministries (Defense; Home Affairs; Border Affairs; Foreign Affairs; the State Counselor’s Office; Information; Religion and Culture; Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation; Transport and Communications; Natural Resources and Environmental Preservation; and the President’s Office). Government representatives will continue their presentations on Thursday.
Major-General Myint Nwe, the deputy minister of defense, told the Parliament on Wednesday that this year’s defense budget request represents an increase of 57.114 billion kyats from last year's actual budget of 3.19 trillion kyats.
Explaining the increase, Maj-Gen. Myint New said the requested budget is necessary to implement the Myanmar Military (or Tatmadaw)'s long-term plan to transform itself into a "standard Army, Navy and Air Force."
He said the budget covers the cost of salaries and support for military personnel, weaponry, building construction, military operations and other expenses. He did not reveal precise figures of military personnel or details of the equipment the Tatmadaw plans to purchase.
The military budget has accounted for approximately 13 to above 14 percent of the national budget since fiscal 2012-13. Sai Thiha Kyaw, a Lower House lawmaker from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, told The Irrawaddy, "I realize the military budget is around 13-14 percent, although the annual overall budget increases every year. However, [the Tatmadaw’s] use of weapons and warfare equipment machinery are of high standard."
The defense budget accounted for 13.9 percent of the total budget in 2017-18, 14.3 percent in 2016-17, more than 13.6 percent in 2015-16, 12.7 percent in 2014-15, nearly 13.3 percent in 2013-14, just over 14 percent in 2012-13 and more than 14.6 percent in 2011-12, and is projected to account for 13 percent of spending next year (2018-19).
According to the lawmaker, the largest shares of next year’s total budget are requested by the ministries of Finance and Planning (22.9 percent); Electricity and Energy (22.2 percent); Defense (13.07 percent); Education (8.7 percent); Transport and Communications (5.3 percent); and Health and Sport (4.6 percent).
The Ministry of Finance and Planning also tops the list of projected proportional income, accounting for 42.6 percent of the estimated government total, followed by the ministries of Electricity and Energy (25.7 percent) and Transport and Communications (8 percent).
The state budget includes estimated expenditure of 24.954 trillion kyats, against estimated income 20.051 trillion kyats, including foreign loans. This leaves a budget deficit of 4.9 trillion kyats. The coming year’s budget is higher than the April 2017-March 2018 fiscal year budget, which included total expenditure of 20.59 trillion kyats and a budget deficit of 4.38 percent.
The increase is partly due to an increase in foreign debt to over USD10 billion, from around USD9 billion last year, Sai Thiha Kyaw said.
He said the Union budget estimate excludes state and regional budgets estimates. However, the Union will support the total 1.794 trillion-kyat deficits of the state and regional budgets via the Union Fund. State/regional budget expenses amount to an estimated 2.859 trillion kyats, while their incomes amount to 1.065 trillion kyats, he said.
The Union Parliament’s 20 joint assessment teams will assess the budget requests and submit them to the Public Accounts Committee over the next two months. That committee will decide whether to approve the budgets before October, said Sai Thiha Kyaw, who is a member of the committee.
Mon State — A 43-year-old woman was killed after stepping on a landmine while picking mushrooms in northern Shan State’s Kutkai Township on Tuesday, setting off an explosion that also injured two others, according to a local NGO.
Lashi Kaw Nan died from her injuries as she was being carried away from the site of the blast while U La Doi, her husband, and Lahtaw Seng Mai were taken to a public hospital in Lashio Township, said Tawm Mai, who works with the NeT Organization to raise landmine awareness.
She said the three victims were in a group of five foraging for mushrooms in a part of the forest near Tarmoenye Town where there had been fighting in 2011 and that Lashi Kaw Nan was walking in the lead when she stepped on the mine, which tore through both of her legs.
Lashi Kaw Nan and U La Doi had 4 children and collected mushrooms to supplement their income, Tawm Mai added. She said she visited U La Doi in the hospital and that he was worried his eldest daughter, who is in the 10th grade, would now have to leave school.
She said U La Doi and Lahtaw Seng Mai were both injured in their legs and would have to undergo surgery to have mine fragments removed.
There were 119 landmine explosions in Myanmar last year, killing 52 people and injuring 124, according to Halo Trust, a UK-based non-governmental organization (NGO) that clears mines.
Of the 119 explosions, 45 occurred in Shan State, killing 22 people and injuring 54.
This year, from January through May, there have already been 127 landmine explosions, which have killed 23 people and injured 136. Forty-nine of the explosions were in Shan, killing nine and injuring 49.
lway Ai Aww, a Halo Trust manager based in Lashio, said most of the incidents in Shan occur in the north of the state.
Also from January through May, there were 65 landmine explosions in Kachin State, which killed eight people and injured 76.
Both states see frequent fighting between the many ethnic armed groups based in the area and the Myanmar military, and sometimes between the ethnic armed groups themselves. All sides are accused of using landmines against their adversaries, though many get planted where locals forage for food.
Local NGOs like NeT say they face many challenges raising landmine awareness in the area, from the intermittent fighting to the busy schedules of the civilians they are trying to educate. They say they are sometimes stopped and questioned by the armed groups when travelling to affected areas.
YANGON—Amid declining tourists numbers during the first half of the year, the government on Tuesday announced a plan to ease visa requirements for Japanese, South Korean and Chinese citizens effective Oct. 1.
According to the Hotel and Tourism Ministry, citizens of Japan, South Korea and China will be able to request visas on arrival at certain border crossings and/or airports, depending on which of these countries they are from. Chinese passport holders (including those from Hong Kong and Macau SAR) will be charged a visa fee of USD50, but the visas will be free for Japanese and South Korean passport holders.
However, travelers from all three countries will need to show that they are carrying USD1,000 in cash in order to cover expenses for the duration of their stay in the country.
Chinese passport holders will be able to receive visas on arrival at Yangon, Mandalay and Naypyitaw international airports. Japanese and South Korean passport holders will be able to receive them at international airports, as well as at the Tachileik, Myawaddy, Kawthaung and Htee Khee crossings on the Thai border.
The tourist visas apply to independent travelers and members of package tours. They permit holders to stay in Myanmar for 28 days, the ministry said.
Tourists from most countries need to apply in advance for an e-visa, pay a USD50 visa fee and wait at least three working days to obtain visa approval. The duration of the visa is usually 28 days with no extension allowed.
"Tourist numbers have declined compared with last year, especially from Western countries. But Japanese and Korean tourists are always interested in visiting our country among Asian destinations. So, we expect more tourists from those countries," said U Myint Htwe, deputy director of the ministry.
U Myint Htwe said the government plans to focus more on attracting tourists from Japan and South Korea, two countries with which Myanmar has good diplomatic relations.
In 2017, Thailand topped the list in terms of tourist arrivals to Myanmar, followed by China, Japan and South Korea. About 40 percent of travelers arrived with a pre-arranged tourist visa, according to the Hotel and Tourism Ministry.
The tourism industry's income has fallen since the humanitarian crisis erupted in northern Rakhine State in August last year. The situation has tarnished the country's image in the eyes of many Western travelers.
From January to June, roughly 1.8 million visitors entered Myanmar, a drop of roughly 38,000 compared with last year. Overall visitor numbers from the U.S., Canada, the Middle East and Europe have declined significantly in 2018. However, tourism officials still target 7 million annual tourist arrivals by 2020.
"We need more tourists from our region when European and [other] Western tourists can't come," U Myint Htwe said.
NAYPYITAW — The Education Ministry has suspended its project to construct about 6,000 educational facilities including basic education schools across the country due to budget constraints.
The government had already granted a budget for the project but since new President U Win Myint increased the pay for civil servants in April, the Education Ministry no longer has the budget to pay the additional amount to its some 400,000 staff and has to use funds that were designated for the construction project, said deputy education minister U Win Maw Tun.
The deputy minister explained the suspension of building schools on Tuesday at the Lower House of Myanmar's Parliament as some lawmakers talked about the requirements of schools in their constituencies.
"We have a deficit of 100 billion kyats to pay the ministry staff. And we are not allowed to ask for extra funds because it is the six-month interim budget," the deputy minister told The Irrawaddy.
"So, we have to postpone the project," he added.
The new government has set a new timeframe for the country's fiscal year starting on October 1 and ending on September 30, replacing the April 1- March 31 timeframe.
It then set the interim budget for the transitional period of six months from April 1 to September 30, which was approved by the Parliament in March before the President announced the pay increase on April 17 that saw the salary of staff increase by 20 percent and that of officials by 10 percent.
The Education Ministry however has proposed to resume the project in the 2018-19 fiscal year, he said.
"We've had to reduce the budget for some construction works because of constraints. And some of the construction works have not even started yet. But we'll ask for funds for all of the projected schools in the 2018-19 fiscal year," he said.
Businessmen who won the tender for construction of schools are not happy with the suspension, said lawmaker U Aung Hlaing Win of Mingalardon Township in the Lower House.
"Tender winners are waiting to get money. It usually costs a businessmen around one million kyats to win a tender for a school building. Some tender winners have already started building," said U Aung Hlaing Win, who saw the construction of four schools suspended in his constituency.
According to U Aung Min, chairman of the Lower House Bill Committee, there are one million civil servants in Myanmar and the Education Ministry alone has over 450,000 staff.
YANGON — On July 19, Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi opened the door of her lakeside villa in Yangon to a group of interfaith leaders, who were invited to pray for her late father, General Aung San.
The annual ritual was initiated by her late mother, Daw Khin Kyi, and has been held at Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence since her release from house arrest in 2010.
On Thursday, more than a dozen representatives of the Hindu, Muslim, Jewish, Baha'i and Christian faiths gathered at her home to pray for her father, who was assassinated 71 years ago along with eight colleagues. Known in Myanmar as Martyrs' Day, it is a national day of mourning. In the morning on the same day, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as a Buddhist, made offerings to monks on behalf of the martyrs. Even 30 years after her mother's death, it is interesting that she keeps Daw Khin Kyi's interfaith ritual alive.
State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi joins an interfaith prayer service for her father, the late General Aung San, at her residence in Yangon on July 19. / State Counselor's Office / Facebook
Al Haj U Aye Lwin, Chief Convener for the Islamic Center of Myanmar, who joined the service as a Muslim leader, quoted the State Counselor as saying, "As a national leader, my dad never discriminated based on race or religion. Please pray for the betterment of our country, without racial or religious bias."
It's likely that she was referring to Gen Aung San's message to the Karen Conference in 1945, in which he said: "Everyone has freedom of religion, and the state has to be neutral on the issue. No one may be discriminated against based on their gender, race or religion when it comes to seeking work."
Sadly, more than seven decades after his death, his vision still seems a long way from being realized, as the nation experiences a wave of Buddhist nationalism and anti-Muslim sentiment.
As the State Counselor, his daughter is aware of the situation, of course. As a believer in the notion that diversity is a strength, she encourages people of different faiths to develop mutual understanding. Amid the rise in Buddhist nationalism across the country, she understands the fact that harmony and peace among followers of different religions is needed more than ever if the country is to move forward. That's why Myanmar saw its first ever mass interfaith rallies across the country last year. The events drew thousands of people from the country's major religions—Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism, and Christianity—with religious leaders appealing to people to stop blaming others for conflict and to help restore peace.
It is heartening to see that the country's interfaith movement for peace and harmony has received the state's blessing. And it's a source of relief for followers of minority religions, who have been alarmed by the rise in Buddhist nationalism, to see the interfaith prayer service being held at Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's home. The knowledge that the nation's de facto leader is, unlike her predecessors, religiously tolerant, offers them some feeling of security at least.
For all her tolerance, the State Counselor's administration has been tightening its grip on the nationalists since coming to power. This much-welcomed effort has seen more restrictions than ever placed on Buddhist nationalism, which saw its heyday under former President U Thein Sein's Union Solidarity and Development Party-led government.
On the other hand, it seems that the government has been taking calculated measures to punish the nationalists in order to avoid public discontent or division among the Buddhist clergy.
Over the past three years, any time they have faced government restrictions, the nationalists have threatened action, usually without following through. Their small, unpopular and failed sit-ins in Yangon and Mandalay last year showed that rather than attracting public support, such actions earn it public condemnation for inflaming nationalism and anti-Muslim sentiment, and are seen as attempts to derail the government's national reform process. At the same time, the public revulsion against the nationalists has earned praise from the government.
So, in the best interests of the country, the NLD-led government should no longer hesitate to wipe these groups out, as they are giving Buddhism a bad name and inflaming instability in the country. On the other hand, the government should embark on more interfaith engagements to build trust among followers of the various faiths. Only mutual respect and understanding can cure the phobia some people feel toward other religions. Most importantly, to make Myanmar religiously harmonious, there can be no room for faith-based nationalism.
MANDALAY — A court in Mandalay's Chanmyathazi Township sentenced the plaintiff in a Myanmar Now lawsuit to a year and a half in prison on Wednesday for taking part in anti-government protests in Mandalay in 2017.
U Kyaw Myo Shwe was detained on Aug. 7, 2017, and charged with incitement for participating in anti-government protests along with nationalist monks and laypersons.
He was sent to Obo prison immediately after being charged.
Six nationalist monks were also arrested when local authorities raided a protest camp on Aug. 6, 2017. Demonstrators were urging the government to step down for failing to protect national interests.
U Kyaw Myo Shwe was arrested the following day when he appeared at court in Maha Aung Myay Township as the plaintiff in a lawsuit against an esteemed Myanmar Now journalist.
All of the arrested nationalists were charged with incitement under Article 505 (b) of the Penal Code. The six nationalist monks were sentenced in December 2017 to 18 months imprisonment with hard labor.
Since U Kyaw Myo Shwe was suffering severe back pain, he reportedly submitted several appeals to the court to allow bail. However, the court refused, as Article 505 (b) is a non-bailable offense. The process of submitting appeals for bail extended the duration of his trial.
Since U Kyaw Myo Shwe has already spent almost a year behind bars, which will count as time served, he will only have about seven months remaining on his sentence.
U Kyaw Myo Shwe filed a lawsuit against Myanmar Now chief editor Ko Swe Win under article 66 (d) of Myanmar's Telecommunications Law in March 2017, accusing the editor of insulting ultranationalist monk U Wirathu in a Facebook post.
COX’S BAZAR, Bangladesh — Bangladesh’s Department of Immigration and Passports (DIP) says there are 1,118,578 Rohingya living in Cox’s Bazar after completing its first official count of the population, which has mushroomed since a crackdown by the Myanmar military in Rakhine State in August that drove hundreds of thousands across the border.
Bangladesh is now working with the UN to register the refugees by household.
"We have so far completed joint verification of over 11,649 Rohingya from 2,538 families and are continuing our work. It's complicated and time consuming because of [the need for] proper documentation," a senior government official in Cox's Bazar told The Irrawaddy on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media.
Muhammad Habibul Kabir Chowdhury, chief of refugee affairs at the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief, told The Irrawaddy last week that the government and UN were aiming to complete the joint registration by November.
He said they were hopeful that repatriation could begin very soon and would give Naypyitaw a list of 15,000 “forcedly displaced Myanmar nationals” ready and willing to return by the end of the month.
In February, Bangladesh gave Myanmar a list of 8,032 Rohingya refugees prepared to repatriate. Myanmar has since cleared about 2,500 of them for return.
None of them has as yet made the trip back to Myanmar, however. Bangladesh will send a delegation to Naypyitaw next month to follow up.
In a statement on June 26, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said it was working with Bangladesh to verify the identities and documents of the Rohingya refugees who have fled Myanmar. The refugee agency had recently signed deals with both countries to help with the repatriation process.
"The verification exercise, which is expected to take approximately five to six months to complete, will help to consolidate a unified database for the purposes of identity management, documentation, protection, provision of assistance, population statistics and solutions," the UNHCR said.
All refugees over the age of 12 will be issued plastic identification cards with anti-fraud features including their photographs and biometric data collected from iris scans and fingerprints.
The cards will be issued jointly by Bangladesh and the UNHCR and help the refugees access assistance services in Bangladesh.
"This exercise is a major step forward to establish the legal identity of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar,” said Kevin Allen, the UNHCR’s head of operations in Cox's Bazar.
A senior government official in Cox’s Bazar, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue, told The Irrawaddy that the data already collected by the DIP were of no help with repatriation because the department registered the refugees only as individuals.
“The data collected by the DIP will not help us in the repatriation process because we need household-based data of the Rohingyas. It was a hurried decision and the existing data are now worthless,” the official said.
The DIP’s director general, Major-General Masud Rezwan, declined to comment.
The Bangladesh army and board guard began registering the refugees on Sept. 11, soon after the exodus from Myanmar began in late August.
Maj-Gen Rezwan and Home Affairs Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal both claimed last year that the UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration were assisting with the process.
The UNHCR estimates that 721,732 people crossed into Bangladesh from Myanmar since Aug. 25 and that the total number of Rohingya, including those who had come earlier, now stood at 887,661 from 204,354 families.
It says about 67 percent of the Rohingya are from Rakhine State’s Maungdaw Township and that 80 percent of the Rohingya refugees arrived between August and December.
The last Rohingyas, a group of 28, arrived on May 10.
Nur Khan Liton, an independent rights campaigner, said he was disappointed by the DIP’s registration drive and blamed its shortcomings on inexperience.
Now, he said, "We expect the government and UN bodies to complete a flawless registration."
The DIP had previously told The Irrawaddy that its registration drive would prevent the refugees from obtaining Bangladesh passports and national identification cards.
On July 6, however, five Rohingya refugees were caught at an immigration checkpoint near the Indian border with newly issued Bangladesh passports and visas for India.
'We thought their documents were suspicious because one of them could not give us details of the place he claimed to be coming from. And we started checking the passports of two others, and two more arrived at the queue at the same time,' said Sub-Inspector Abdul Alim, who was running the checkpoint at the time.
He said police launched an investigation to find out how they obtained the passports and learned that four were issued in Cumilla District in May and that the other was issued in Feni District on Feb. 20. Both districts are in Chittagong Division, which borders Myanmar.
“I became suspicious once I checked his passport and saw he used an address in Darshana but his passport was issued in Cumilla,” which lies more than 300 km away, the sub-inspector said.
The five refugees were sent to a local police station.
Emdad Hossain, the station inspector, told The Irrawaddy that they had all arrived from Myanmar earlier this year and lived in a refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar.
“They are all in our custody and we are discussing what action should be taken against them,” he said.
Cox's Bazar police authorities say they have foiled the attempts of more than 54,761 Rohingya refugees to flee the camps since September, and that 3,348 refugees who tried to evade registration have been sent back to Cox's Bazar from across the country.
“We rescued them and sent them to camps where they have to live under our supervision,” said Afruzul Hoque Tutul, an assistant police superintendent for Cox's Bazar.
He said police were also holding regular meetings with passenger bus owners to prevent Rohingya from leaving the camps.
Since September, Bangladeshi authorities have set up several checkpoints in Cox's Bazar to monitor and control the movement of the Rohingya, but many have still managed to leave.
At a press conference on July 17, Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, the home affairs minister, said many Rohingya refugees were obtaining and using false identification numbers but added that “as soon as we are informed we are cancelling them.”
YANGON — Ethnic Karenni youth activists, who are against the Karenni State government's plan to erect a statue of late independence hero General Aung San in the state capital Loikaw, said on Tuesday that they would halt their protests considering the possible divide between locals over the statue.
Those in opposition to the statue held a press conference on Tuesday at The Orchid Hotel in Yangon, saying they decided to halt their protests because the Karenni State chief minister had disbanded the government committee and asked community-based organizations to take the lead role in proceeding with the plan to erect the statue.
Karenni State Chief Minister L Phaung Sho said at a press conference at the state government office on Monday that a new statue committee would be established by community-based organizations, with the state government playing an assistance role.
"We view it as sowing discord between supporters and opponents of the statue. He [L Phaung Sho] is mainly responsible for this. He shifted the responsibility when problems arose, which might provoke confrontation between local residents," said Naw Phaw Wah, one of the opponents of the statue.
"We'll continue our protest if they proceed with the statue. But, we will avoid confrontation with the people. Meanwhile, we will cease our activities. And those who are sued will just focus on facing trial," she added.
The government has sued 23 ethnic Karenni youth activists in connection with their protests against the statue and for distributing pamphlets that explained the history of Karenni State.
Twelve were sued under Article 505 (b) and (c) of the Penal Code for defaming the government and the rest under Articles 19 and 20 of the Peaceful Assembly Law for organizing the protest.
The state chief minister announced on June 12 the plan to put up a bronze statue of Gen Aung San, which would cost some 80 million kyats and be built with funds from the state government. The state government had planned to unveil the statue on July 19 to mark Martyrs' Day, which commemorates the anniversary of the assassination of Gen Aung San and his cabinet members.
About 1,000 local Karenni people marched against the project in Loikaw on July 3. The demonstration turned violent after police blocked the marchers' path to the park where the statue is to be erected.
The state government met opponents of the statue on July 7 and said that the timetable for erecting the statue of Gen Aung San would be postponed to allow time to gauge public opinion.
The chief minister met officials of local political parties, the ethnic culture and literature committee, and civil society organizations on July 16 and warned that he would call in troops to quell demonstrations.
But on Monday evening, the military released a statement saying that under the country's Constitution, chief ministers of states and regions have no authority to order military intervention in case of emergency.
While ethnicities are still being denied equality and self-determination, the government's plan to erect a Gen Aung San statue in Loikaw despite the objection of local Karenni people is a blatant attempt to wield racial influence over ethnicities, said Naw Paw Wah.
Ko Oattra Aung, a central committee member of the Union of Karenni State Youth, also questioned if the community-based organizations to be tasked with commissioning the statue will really represent local ethnic people who have lived in the state for generations.
"The problem with the Gen Aung San statue is that it is very dangerous for ethnic politics," he said, adding that it is the state chief minister and the statue that are destabilizing Karenni State.
Karenni youth launched a petition campaign against the statue and collected around 40,000 signatures from July 12 to July 19.
PHNOM PENH — Cambodia’s armed forces put on a show of power on Wednesday, displaying anti-riot gear and assault rifles at a sports stadium in the capital Phnom Penh ahead of a general election this weekend which some have criticized as a sham.
Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has ruled the Southeast Asian nation for more than 30 years, is expected to win easily on Sunday after the main opposition party was dissolved last year and following a crackdown on dissent, including civil society and independent media.
A total of 4,625 police officers wearing flak jackets and armed with automatic rifles gathered at the Olympic Stadium in Phnom Penh on Wednesday in a display meant to discourage any street protests during the election.
Phnom Penh’s Police Chief Chuon Sovann said that the forces will be deployed across the city to maintain security on Sunday.
“All of these forces have a duty to prevent, stop and crackdown on every case that leads to the obstruction of the election,” Chuon Sovann told the gathering forces.
Chuon Sovann said that police will stop any protests or those who urge others not to vote.
Authorities have said calls to boycott the vote are illegal, but rights groups argue the calls are not against the law.
Sunday’s election has been criticized by the United Nations and Western countries as fundamentally flawed after the Supreme Court last year dissolved the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and its leader, Kem Sokha, was imprisoned for treason.
Kem Sokha’s supporters say his jailing was politically motivated. He is currently in pre-trial detention near Cambodia’s border with Vietnam.
Kem Monovithya, Kem Sokha’s daughter, said that the display of force showed that the vote will be conducted under pressure.
“This is evidence that the election is not only being conducted without a viable opposition, it is also conducted under threat, forcing people to go to vote in a fake election,” Kem Monovithya told Reuters.
YANGON — A Reuters reporter on trial in Myanmar had his head covered with a black hood, was deprived of sleep and forced to kneel for hours at a secret police interrogation site after he was arrested with a colleague last year, he told a court on Tuesday.
Kyaw Soe Oo, one of two Reuters journalists accused of obtaining state secrets, said the interrogators focused on a story the reporters had been working on about the murder by soldiers of 10 Rohingya Muslims, showing no interest in the documents they are accused of obtaining.
During two weeks of questioning by officers from military intelligence and police special branch, the reporters were denied access to their families and lawyers, Kyaw Soe Oo told Judge Ye Lwin, overseeing proceedings at the court in Yangon.
The 28-year-old reporter and his colleague Wa Lone, 32, face charges brought under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act, in a case seen as a test of press freedom in Myanmar. Both have pleaded not guilty. If convicted, they could be sentenced to up to 14 years in prison.
The reporters say the documents were planted on them by a police officer during a meeting at a restaurant on the outskirts of Yangon on Dec. 12. Defense lawyers have said the evidence put forward by the prosecution shows the police entrapped the journalists to interfere with their reporting.
In his testimony, Kyaw Soe Oo said they were arrested immediately after leaving the restaurant and taken to a nearby police station, before being driven to a special police interrogation site in northern Yangon called Aung Tha Pyay.
“They put black hoods on us outside the Htaunt Kyant police station and we stayed hooded until we arrived at Aung Tha Pyay,” said Kyaw Soe Oo.
“There were around 10 interrogation officers who took turns interrogating me. They didn’t let us rest and asked questions for three days straight while I was in handcuffs.”
Speaking to reporters after the hearing, defense lawyer Than Zaw Aung likened such treatment to how Myanmar’s former military rulers used to interrogate political opponents.
“Asking questions repeatedly for three days without letting them sleep made them mentally weak. This kind of mental and physical torture is a human rights’ violation,” said Than Zaw Aung.
Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay said the government has “asked the police force whether they have illegal torture or not – the police said they guaranteed that they don’t do any illegal torture."
Zaw Htay also said Myanmar’s courts were independent and the case would be conducted according to the law.
Prosecutor Kyaw Min Aung declined to comment at the end of the day’s proceedings. Police spokesman Colonel Myo Thu Soe did not answer calls seeking comment.
Captain Myint Lwin, the officer in charge of the Htaunt Kyant police station, denied that the reporters were deprived of sleep or made to kneel when he testified to the court in June, saying officers were not allowed to “do such a thing."
Kyaw Soe Oo testified throughout the day, before Judge Ye Lwin adjourned the proceedings. The trial will resume on Monday.
Ordered to Kneel
At the time of their arrest, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo had been working on an investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslim men and boys in the village of Inn Din in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State.
The killings took place during a military crackdown that United Nations officials have said constituted ethnic cleansing. More than 700,000 Rohingya fled to neighboring Bangladesh since August last year, according to UN agencies. Myanmar rejects almost all accusations of wrongdoing and says its armed forces launched a legitimate counter-insurgency operation after coming under attack by Rohingya militants.
Kyaw Soe Oo, who comes from the violence-torn Rakhine region and is a member of the Rakhine ethnic group, said the non-stop questioning ceased only after the police found photographs of the 10 men from Inn Din on the journalists’ phones.
Then, one of the interrogators burst into Kyaw Soe Oo’s cell and asked angrily: “Why haven’t you told us about this?” referring to the picture of the 10 kneeling men tied together, taken shortly before they were killed last September.
At one point, a military intelligence officer brought printouts of the Inn Din photographs and asked Kyaw Soe Oo whether he had “sent the photos from my phone to human rights organizations from foreign countries”.
Kyaw Soe Oo denied sending the photographs to anyone and told the officer: “I’m a reporter and I follow journalistic ethics.”
BANGKOK — Rescuers searched in difficult conditions on Wednesday for dozens of people feared dead and hundreds missing after a dam collapsed in a remote part of landlocked Laos, one of Asia’s poorest countries, a government official said.
State media showed pictures of villagers, some with young children, stranded on the roofs of submerged houses. Others showed villagers trying to board wooden boats to safety in Attapeu Province, the southernmost part of the country.
A senior Lao government official, who declined to be identified because he was not authorized to speak to the media, said dozens of people were feared dead and hundreds remain unaccounted for after the hydropower dam that was under construction collapsed on Monday.
“We will continue with rescue efforts today, but it’s very difficult. The conditions are very difficult. Dozens of people are dead. It could be higher,” the Vientiane-based official told Reuters by telephone.
The once-isolated Southeast Asian country, one of the world’s few remaining communist states, has an ambitious dam-building scheme in order to become the “battery of Asia.”
Its government depends almost entirely on outside developers to build its planned portfolio of dams under commercial concessions that agree to export electricity to its more developed neighbors, including power-hungry Thailand.
Environment rights groups have repeatedly warned about the human and environmental costs of the rapid pace of dam construction, including damage to the already-fragile ecosystem of the region’s rivers.
Attapeu is a largely agricultural province that borders Vietnam to the east and Cambodia to the south.
The dam that collapsed is part of the hydroelectric Xe-Pian Xe-Namnoy power project, which involves Laotian, Thai and South Korean firms. The subsidiary dam, known as “Saddle Dam D,” was part of a network of two main dams and five subsidiary dams.
South Korea’s SK Engineering & Construction said part of a small supply dam was washed away and the company was cooperating with the Laos government to help rescue villagers near the site.
An official at the firm said fractures were first discovered on the dam on Sunday and that the company had ordered the evacuation of 12 villages as soon as it became clear the dam could collapse.
Brian Eyler, director of the Stimson Center’s Southeast Asia program, said a breach of a saddle dam could be “worse in terms of devastation” than that of a main dam.
“With a saddle dam breaking, it’s flushing water into an area that’s not used to having water inside it and it will continue to breach until the water can be diverted again, which is one option, or until the reservoir is drawn down to a level below the breach,” Eyler told Reuters.
“This is yet another major shock to Laos’ plan to become the battery of Southeast Asia,” he said.
Tholakhong, a Lao language news site, said on Tuesday water levels at the gauge in one of the affected villages showed a decrease of 79 cm.
