Tuesday, September 25, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Eight Arakanese Re-Arrested after Completing Sentence for Mrauk-U Protest

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 08:22 AM PDT

YANGON—Eight Arakanese freed by a Sittwe court on Monday after spending months in detention for participating in a protest in Mrauk-U in were abruptly re-arrested on the orders of the Ministry of Home Affairs on the same day on a separate charge and sent to the No. 1 Sittwe Police Station.

The eight were freed after the Sittwe court ruled their detention period counted toward their initial sentence. Family members had gathered to await their release, but their joy turned to sadness within an hour when they learned of the ministry's order.

The suspects spent about eight months in prison after the state police sued them for involvement in an unauthorized protest in Mrauk-U, the ancient Arakanese capital, earlier this year. The spontaneous rally began when Arakanese took to the streets to protest authorities' banning of an event to mark the 233rd anniversary of the fall of the Arakan Kingdom to the Burmese Kong Baung dynasty in the 18th century.

When hundreds of protesters rallied in front of the government offices in Mrauk-U, police fired into the crowd, killing seven civilians and severely wounding nearly a dozen. No officials faced any kind of disciplinary action over the killing of the protesters. The eight detained Arakanese—who were charged under Article 6 (1) for destroying public assets—were among the wounded.

Defense lawyer Daw Aye Nu Sein, who also serves as a vice chairwoman of the Arakan National Party (ANP), told The Irrawaddy over the phone on Tuesday that the judge sentenced the convicts to eight-month jail terms at about 1 p.m. on Monday. Taking their detention periods into account, the judge ordered their release. However, instead of freeing them, the police took the detainees to a jail in Sittwe, citing the need for more paperwork to be done.

In the evening, Police Captain Thein Naing, who was also a plaintiff in the previous case against the eight, asked the judge to remand them in custody as he planned to charge the detainees under Article 16 of the Union Flag Law. He transported the detainees to No. 1 Sittwe police station about 8 p.m. Sittwe residents who witnessed the events unfolding live-streamed scenes of the family members crying outside the court and following the eight to the police station.

The chief officer at the police station said the arrests were made by made by Mrauk-U police and declined to answer further questions on Tuesday.

A regional lawmaker representing the ANP in the Rakhine Parliament, U Tun Thar Sein, who witnessed the gathering at Sittwe Police Station, said the surprise move by police drew public intention and several hundred Sittwe locals gathered right in front of the police station at 9 p.m. Top leaders from the ANP urged the public not to react aggressively to the police. The lawmaker said the situation between the police and the public was quite intense and had the potential to turn into a riot.

"I really doubt the case as it appears to be a deliberate attempt to create a [conflict] situation in the state," said MP U Tun Thar Sein.

An Arakanese commentator, Ko Tun Tun Naing, who contributes articles to local publications, said releasing someone in the morning and re-arresting them in the afternoon was an inappropriate act by police. He said the surprise arrest indicated that civilians are badly suffering from a lack of legal protections, and sent a direct message that anyone can be unconditionally arrested.

“As a consequence we civilians feel unsafe and there will be more distrust in the government,” said Tun Tun Naing.

The ANP’s vice chairwoman Daw Aye Nu Sein elaborated that the prosecutor should have filed all the charges against the protestors as part of the same case. She said a law enacted in 1973, the Interpretation of Expressions Law, stipulates that a case against a suspect shall not be opened in separate stages. It's unclear whether the judge granted the police's remand request in line with the law or not.

Lawmaker U Tun Thar Sein said opening a new case after a conviction without filing the case during the detention period raised serious questions about the judicial system in the country.

“It seems they want to keep them [the accused] behind bars forever,” Daw Aye Nu Sein said.

The post Eight Arakanese Re-Arrested after Completing Sentence for Mrauk-U Protest appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Caves Are More than Sites for Buddhist Shrines: Expert 

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 07:40 AM PDT

YANGON—While caves themselves have not generally been the subject of environmental conservation efforts in Myanmar, the widespread custom among the country's Buddhist majority of placing Buddha images or building stupas and shrines on mountains and hills, as well as inside caves, has helped to protect them from total destruction.

Buddhist religious sites are considered places of worship for adult pilgrims and a wonderland in which to play for children. One of the few people who turned this childhood wonder into an adult effort to preserve such sites is climber and cave researcher Ko Nyi Nyi Aung. He has been a mountaineer for 14 years and participated in the Myanmar Everest Expedition in 2016, in which two of his colleagues became the first climbers from Myanmar to reach the summit of the world's highest peak.

"I became interest in hiking and mountain climbing when I was about 7, while accompanying my father on visits to pagodas—like the mountaintop Kyaiktiyo in Mon State and other famous pagodas in nearby Karen State and around the country—to meditate," Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said.

At university, he joined the Invitation of Nature climbing club in order to achieve his dream of "climbing a snow-capped mountain."

Two years ago, Ko Nyi Nyi Aung built on his climbing skills and began learning speleology—the study and exploration of caves. He is also a main coordinator of the Myanmar Cave Documentation Project (MCDP), a group of experienced speleologists founded by Joerg Dreybrodt and a few other international experts in September 2008. They provided cave documentation training to local spelunkers in collaboration with Fauna and Flora International (FFI) in June 2017.

Nineteen Myanmar cave documenters participated in a joint expedition team with international speleologists early this year in February and March. Prior to that, cave expeditions in Myanmar were mostly limited to international speleologists, as few Myanmar people have been involved in cave surveying.

Ko Nyi Nyi Aung conducts a survey in Otter Cave, a vertical cave in Kayah state, during an expedition in February-March, 2018. / Diego Sanz / supplied

"Some of the caves we found are not even easily noticeable as caves, as [their entrances] are located near villages, or in the middle of plantation fields," Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said. When they proceed inside such sites, away from the entrance, they realize they have found an unexplored cave. MCDP has surveyed and mapped more than 600 caves.

The longest caves in Myanmar are located in Shan State's Ywangan and Pinlaung townships and Kayah State's Loikaw, Hpruso and Bawlakhe townships. Surveying of these caves began in 2012 and is ongoing. Additionally, since 2009, international speleologist expeditions have conducted yearly surveys of caves in Karen, Kayah and Shan states, as well as in Mandalay and on the Myeik archipelago in Tannitharyi Region.

Among tourists, the most popular caves in Myanmar are connected to religious sites, such as the Pindaya and Htam Sam caves in Shan state; Peik Chin Myaung in Pyin Oo Lwin, Mandalay Region; Saddan, Kawgun and Yathay Pyan caves in Karen State; and U Min Thonze cave and Pho Win Daung cave Sagaing Region.

Preservation is the responsibility of the pagodas' trustees or local communities; such efforts currently lack wider support from the government's Archeological Department. The government only takes an active part in preserving a few caves considered historic landmarks such Padah-Lin cave in Ywangan, an archeological site founded in 1960.

Some caves close to mining areas are in particular danger of being destroyed, Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said. Some limestone caves are near quarry sites; the presence of armed guards at these locations hinders access to the caves by study teams.

In Myanmar, cement companies tend to have a lot of information about limestone caves, as they conduct surveys to extract limestone in specific areas.

Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said, "Many of our caves are spared from complete destruction as they are protected by Buddhist monks. We are familiar with the caves as pilgrims sites, and have had some exposure to them, but we lack deeper knowledge about these caves for various reasons."

"It is true that the ecosystems of these caves are sometimes destroyed when structures are built in them, sometimes using cement; but [at least] they are preserved as caves. So there are both advantages and drawbacks [to their religious use]," he added.

Ko Nyi Nyi Aung (left) trains local tour guides at the Elephant Whirlpool River Cave in Kyauk Nget village, Ywangan, southern Shan State, this year. / Nyi Nyi Aung / supplied

Having existed for millions of years, caves are "natural museums" allowing scientists to study various species of animals and other natural phenomena, Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said. Awareness of the need for preservation is growing among local residents, he said, thanks to FFI's workshops to educate villagers.

He said that from his experience, locals are often already aware that guano (droppings) deposited by bats inside caves makes good natural fertilizer for agricultural use, adding that many villagers are now also aware that bats play a role in pollination, and that every species is vital to the survival of its particular ecosystem.

"Locals realize that the stalactites and stalagmites in the caves take millions of years to form. If they preserve the caves, they will attract tourists and thus could increase their income. Now they have become aware of that," he said.

Acknowledging the need for further awareness raising, Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said he understands that local villagers sometimes cause unintentional damage to the natural environment in their efforts to make a living from the land.

"If they were aware, they would surely preserve these natural resources, but it will take time," said Ko Nyi Nyi Aung, adding that there is already a strong network of speleologists, local teachers and residents working to preserve the caves.

The view inside Elephant Whirlpool River Cave in Kyauk Nget village, Ywangan, southern Shan State. / Nyi Nyi Aung / supplied

FFI's preservation workshops have also encouraged locals to develop more ideas for ecotourism businesses, as well as to become more aware of good safety habits. At the Elephant Whirlpool River cave in Ywangan's Kyauk Nget village, he said, the local tea shop outside the cave reminds the tourists to use helmets for their safety, and also makes money by selling batteries and other necessities to those entering the caves.

"Also, at that cave, the locals' awareness is strong. Though they are Buddhists, they have refrained from putting up any Buddha images or stupas inside the cave," Ko Nyi Nyi Aung said. "The stairs are made from bamboo, not concrete. Sandbags are used for steps and these are regularly changed and not allowed to decay. And we don't see any writing in correction markers on the walls of the caves. They do a really good job of preserving their caves and this is an example for all of us to follow," he said.

The post Caves Are More than Sites for Buddhist Shrines: Expert  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

High Court Takes Up Corruption Case Against Yangon Attorney General, Others

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 05:34 AM PDT

YANGON — The Yangon Region High Court on Tuesday agreed to investigate the region’s attorney general and five other officials arrested earlier this month on suspicion of taking bribes to drop a murder case against the alleged killers of Facebook comedian Aung Yell Htwe.

On Sept. 13 the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) filed cases under two articles of the Anti-Corruption Law against Yangon Region Attorney General U Han Htoo, Yangon Eastern District Court Judge U Aung Kyi, Yangon Region law officer U Thein Zaw, Yangon Eastern District law officer U Ko Ko Lay, Yangon Eastern District deputy law officer Daw Thit Thit Khin, and police Lieutenant Chit Ko Ko.

They were all detained the same day and sent to Insein Prison on Tuesday. U Han Htoo was expelled from his post soon after the arrests.

The commission said it had found sufficient evidence that the six were involved in accepting more than 70 million kyats (about $46,300) from the father of one of the murder suspects to drop the case.

High Court Deputy Director and spokeswoman Daw Nwe Nwe Oo said on Tuesday that the court accepted the graft case against U Han Htoo under Article 55 of the Anti-Corruption Law and against the five others under Article 56.

If found guilty, they will face between 10 and 15 years in jail.

The court will begin questioning the suspects on Oct. 4.

The ACC claims that the accused received a total 72 million kyats in cash and other gifts, including bottles of Blue and Gold Label Scotch Whisky, as bribes. Judge U Aung Kyi allegedly received the largest sum — 33 million kyats — while the attorney general allegedly received 15 million kyats.

On Monday, the High Court annulled a lower court's decision to drop the case into Aung Yell Htwe’s fatal beating and release the three suspects. The High Court also ruled that the murder case proceed to trial.

U Kyee Myint, a veteran lawyer and co-founder of the Myanmar Lawyers Network, told The Irrawaddy last month that it would be difficult to uncover the truth about the murder if the case resumed from where it left off.

He suggested the case be re-investigated and said it would also be necessary to call additional eyewitnesses who were with Aung Yell Htwe when he was attacked.

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11 Years On, Monk Protesters Still Await an Apology for Brutal Public Beatings

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 05:07 AM PDT

MANDALAY — On Tuesday, Buddhist monks of Mandalay and their supporters who participated in the Saffron Revolution in September 2007, commemorated the 11-year anniversary of the event.

Though 11 years have passed, Buddhist monks and laypersons who participated in the uprising say they still feel there is a lack of peace, rule of law and democracy in the country.

"Although there have been many changes and developments in the political situation over 11 years, we still feel there is a lack of peace, rule of law and democracy, because the 2008 Constitution does not give full power to the [civilian] government," said U Seindita, a monk from Pakokku who participated in the protests in 2007.

"If we cannot amend the Constitution, there will be no peace or development in politics and this could affect the development of the country," he added.

In August 2007, under the military regime, a sudden increase in the price of commodities brought about by a hike in fuel prices which sparked a series of protests resulting in the arrest and imprisonment of about a dozen activists.

Prominent activists U Min Ko Naing, U Min Zeya, U Ko Ko Gyi, U Arnt Bwe Kyaw, U Mya Aye, Daw Nilar Thein, Daw Mee Mee and U Htin Kyaw were among those placed under arrest and later accused by the military government of being the leaders who fanned the unrest.

On Sept. 5 that year, in Pakokku Township, Magwe Division, Buddhists monks marched along the main streets of the city of Pakokku, chanting prayers and urging the military government to release the detained activists and to handle the spike in commodity prices.

A brutal crackdown followed in which three Buddhist monks participating in the march were tied to lamp-posts and beaten by soldiers, causing rage among Buddhist monks across the country.

The following day, when local government officials came to a monastery to urge the monks to end the protest, they were taken hostage and their vehicle burnt down.

As the situation between the monks and government officials became more hostile, the monks demanded an apology for the beating of their three counterparts, naming Sept. 17 as the deadline.

On Sept. 22, as an apology had still not been issued, hundreds of monks in Yangon took to the streets in a peaceful march. They were joined by those from Mandalay and other cities as well Buddhist nuns and laypeople.

After four days of peaceful protests, on Sept. 26 the military government launched a brutal crackdown on those gathered in Yangon with riot police and soldiers opening fire on the crowds, shooting tear gas and beating up protesters.

The crackdown continued the next day with raids of monasteries across Yangon during which dozens of Buddhist monks were reportedly arrested, de-robed and detained.

More than 200 Buddhist monks and 500 activists and protestors across the country were arrested and put behind bars in the following days.

Although all of the detained were released following the swearing in of Gen. U Thein Sein as president in 2011, most of the Buddhists monks were not allowed to return their monasteries.

"There are many monks who still cannot return to their original monasteries and are being rejected for being activists. Some have to stay at their friends' monasteries and this limits their abilities to study the Buddhist scriptures," said U Arsariya, another Buddhist monk who participated the protest.

Meanwhile, the monks who participated in the uprising 11 years ago are still waiting for the military to apologize for what was done to their fellow monks.

"We are still disappointed with the military government of that time who acted inhumanly and still fail to make an apology. We are still boycotting them by not accepting donations or offerings from them," said U Arsariya.

The post 11 Years On, Monk Protesters Still Await an Apology for Brutal Public Beatings appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Union Parliament Rejects Yangon Govt Request for VIP Vehicles

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 04:17 AM PDT

YANGON — The Union Parliament has rejected the Yangon regional government's proposed budget for the purchase of a fleet of Ford cars for use by government ministers.

The funds will be used to fulfill the needs of various townships in the city instead, regional Planning and Finance Minister U Myint Thaung told the regional Parliament on Monday as he presented the city's proposed budget for fiscal 2018-19.

During a debate in June on the regional government's proposed spending for fiscal 2018-19, regional lawmakers voiced fierce opposition to the Yangon government's plan to purchase 10 Ford vehicles at a cost of 1 billion kyats (US$700,000).

At the time, U Myint Thaung insisted the purchase would go ahead, adding that the vehicles were needed to ensure the safe transportation of regional ministers and important guests, including state and international leaders invited to attend Yangon government functions.

But after lawmakers insisted that priority be given to the needs of the general public over the purchase of official vehicles, the proposal was forwarded to the Union Parliament for a final decision.

The budget of 1.089 billion kyats earmarked for 76 vehicles including the 10 Fords will instead be used to build an overpass for the dockyard in Dawbon Township as well as pay compensation for [confiscated] lands," U Myint Thaung said.

In place of the Fords, the regional government will request vehicles from the Central Equipment Statistics and Inspection Department under the Ministry of Planning and Finance. The department keeps a pool of vehicles that have been confiscated for various reasons.

In June, the Yangon Parliament's Finance, Planning and Economic Committee also asked that a proposed 6.8-billion kyat ($5.05-million) investment in the Yangon City Bank by Yangon municipality be scrapped.

The Union Parliament, however, did not scrap the proposed budget, and the Yangon regional Parliament will debate it again.

"The Union Parliament has cut the budget for [Ford] cars, but the Union [government] will provide [the regional government with cars]. The proposed investment in Yangon City Bank was not cut [by the Union Parliament] despite our opposition. We have to debate it again," regional lawmaker for Dagon Township U Kyaw Zeya told The Irrawaddy.

The regional government has received a budget of 650.194 billion kyats for fiscal 2018-19. It spent over 336 billion kyats in fiscal 2016-17, and its proposed budget for 2017-18 fiscal was 400 billion kyats.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ethnic Armed Group Claims Govt Offered Timber Deal to Sign NCA

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 03:53 AM PDT

Mon State — A leader of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) says the government will let it transport 5,000 tons of logged timber currently stuck in the jungle on one condition — that the ethnic armed group sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).

But Khu Daniel, a member of the KNPP’s central committee, said the group has rejected the offer.

The KNPP asked the government’s National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) to transport the logs last year.

"We sent a letter asking them for permission. They replied that they could not allow it," Khu Daniel said. “But some members of the NRPC, included senior member U Aung Soe, kept trying to convince us to sign the NCA first and then they would allow it.

"They even told us whenever we met that after signing the NCA it would not be difficult to get permission,” he added.

According to Khu Daniel, the KNPP told the government it did not want to mix business with politics.

The KNPP received permission to harvest the logs in 2013 and 2014, after signing a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the quasi-civilian government of the time under U Thein Sein. But it claims that the current government has not allowed the group to move them.

U Aung Soe denied that he or the rest of the NRPC offered the KNPP a guaranteed quid pro quo. However, he said that when the NRPC met with the group in May it did say that if it signed the NCA it could enter separate negotiations with the government for a deal to move the logs, and that permission was possible.

"When we have peace negotiations, we have to deal with what we can give," said U Aung Soe.

The government has struck logging deals with armed groups it has signed peace deals with in the past, a practice some rights groups blame for much of Myanmar’s deforestation.

The government recently gave the Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF) permission to log 5,000 tons of timber in Karenni State.

The London-based Environmental Investigation Agency criticized the deal, calling it a “shadow agreement.” it said the deal undermined the government’s policy of improving forest governance in a country already suffering one of the highest rates of forest loss in the world.

At a press conference on Friday in Naypyitaw, President’s Office spokesman U Zaw Htay said the government’s agreement with the KNPLF would be its last logging deal with an armed group.

The post Ethnic Armed Group Claims Govt Offered Timber Deal to Sign NCA appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Objections Against Use of President’s and State Counselor’s Images in By-Election Campaign

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 02:27 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The National League for Democracy (NLD) said that it would continue to use the images of President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in campaigns for the November by-election, said spokesperson of the ruling party U Myo Nyunt.

"We are sure that it is not against the law, so we will continue using [their images] boldly," the spokesperson told the media in Naypyitaw on Sunday.

The party consulted with legal experts several times before making the decision to use their pictures in by-election campaigns. The then-ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) also used images of President U Thein Sein wearing presidential regalia during the 2015 general elections, he said.

"Because of this previous example, we have asked [candidates] to do it boldly. We are, however, taking extra caution and have instructed [candidates] not to use the picture of President U Win Myint in a golden sash, which is the symbol of the executive branch," he said.

USDP candidate U Myo Win Kyaw of Tamwe Township, Yangon has filed a complaint with the township election commission against his NLD rival U Toe Win who used pictures of U Win Myint and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on his campaign trail.

"The Constitution bars the president and Union ministers from engaging in their parties' activities so we have lodged a complaint. If they continue using their pictures, we will file a complaint after the by-election results are out on the grounds of unfairness," the USDP spokesperson told The Irrawaddy.

The Union Election Commission (UEC) is responsible for holding a free and fair election, and the USDP will wait and see what the commission will do in response, he said.

If pictures of the president, who is ranked at the top in the government protocol, can be used, pictures of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who ranks second, can also be used, said U Myo Nyunt.

"[The USDP] is bitterly opposing it because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has substantial influence over the public. It is not because it is against the law. They are giving excuses to avoid Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's pictures being used [in the election campaign]. She won't personally engage in [the election campaign], so don't worry too much," said U Myo Nyunt.

The USDP has not filed a complaint with the UEC, said commission member U Myint Naing. "Using pictures only doesn't violate the laws," he told The Irrawaddy.

When the USDP used a photo of former president U Thein Sein in the 2015 general election campaign, the President's Office minister explained in Parliament that it is not against the law.

The USDP has previously said that it has no trust in the UEC, claiming that it is biased toward the NLD.

Election campaigns kicked off on Sept. 3 for the November election. Four seats in the Lower House, one seat in the Upper House, eight seats in the regional parliaments, totaling 13 seats will be up for grabs in the Nov. 3 election, according to the election commission.

The NLD will contest for all 13 vacant seats, and the USDP will contest in the constituencies outside ethnic regions.

The four seats vacant in the Lower House are Chin State's Kanpetlet Township, Shan State's Laihka Township, Mandalay's Myingyan Township and Yangon's Tamwe Township. The vacant seat in the Upper House is Kachin State Constituency 2. Vacant seats in the regional parliaments are Chin State's Matupi Township, Sagaing's Tamu Township, Bago's Oktwin Township, Rakhine State's Rathedaung Township, Magwe's Minbu Township, Yangon's Seikkan Township and the ethnic Shan constituency for Mandalay's Regional Parliament.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Home Affairs Ministry Investigates Alleged Currency Manipulators

Posted: 25 Sep 2018 12:44 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Bureau of Special Investigation under the Home Affairs Ministry has interrogated as of Monday some currency and gold dealers on Yangon's Shwebontha Street who are believed to be involved in the manipulation of dollar prices.

"We are examining their dealings. I cannot say how many dealers we are investigating because it is an ongoing case. We are investigating according to the instruction of upper-level authorities," bureau director U Aung Myo told The Irrawaddy.

President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay said at a press conference in Naypyitaw on Friday that there are only a few currency dealers who make "hollow transactions of the greenback" to manipulate the market. The transactions he refers to are similar to the concept of no-interest credit—buying only verbally without paying the cash.

The government is conducting an investigation and will then take appropriate action, he said.

The exchange rate fell from more than 1,600 kyats per US dollar to around 1,590 kyats per dollar on Monday evening. However, the price of gold remains at more than 1 million kyats per tical—a drastic increase from around 930,000 kyats per tical in January.

U Aung Myo declined to comment on what actions would be taken against the currency dealers.

One currency dealer said there are fewer than 10 big currency dealers in the commercial capital and some of them also trade with Mandalay. The total value of hollow transactions of the US dollar in the market could be millions per day, he said.

"Of course, the manipulators should be interrogated. But that is not the solution. If the kyat does strengthen, it will just be temporary. The right solution is to boost exports," said Yangon-based businessman Dr. Soe Tun.

The suspension of issuing re-export licenses is also a temporary solution, he said, as the government has suspended issuing these licenses to bring down the dollar value in the past.

"The detention and investigation will let the kyat appreciate for a while, but then it will weaken again. It is just a temporary solution and will not solve the problem," he said.

Fuel prices have increased due to a weakening exchange rate and people have had to spend more on basic foods as well, Yangon resident U Ye Naing Win complained.

"What some eight currency dealers have done has affected the whole country. The manipulators will play the market and stop for a while when authorities interrogate them. Then they will play again. Heavy penalties should be imposed against them so that they dare not manipulate the market again," he said.

The Central Bank of Myanmar, the government agency primarily responsible for the monetary and financial matters of the country, has not commented on the depreciation of the kyat and has avoided media interviews.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Ten Things to Do in Yangon This Week

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 11:17 PM PDT

City Mall Anniversary

There will be games and big sales at City Mall St. John.

Sept. 26, 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. City Mall, corner of Min Ye Kyaw Swa Road and Pyay Road.

The Promise of Decentralization

The panel discussion will focus on fiscal autonomy and peace in subnational governance.

Sept. 30, 6:30 p.m. to 8:30 p.m. Parami Institute of Liberal Arts and Sciences, 3rd floor, Shwe Gone Plaza. Register here.

Cosplay and Mini Gaming

This event is for teenagers who love anime, manga and cosplay culture.

Sept. 30, 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. MICT Park. Tickets are 5,000 kyats. Tel: 09-773369962, 09-693587213.

Hip Hop & Trap Night

DJ Zaw Gyi and DJ Aung Htet will perform.

Sept. 26, 10 p.m. till late. YRITE, No. 37 Kaba Aye Pagoda Road, near Inya Lake Hotel. Tel: 09-258835885 for reservations.

Business Talk

Leading businessmen will discuss the causes of Myanmar's economic decline.

Sept. 29, 9 a.m. to 12 p.m. Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, Min Ye Kyaw Swar Street. Free admission. Register here.

European Film Festival

European films will be screened.

Sept. 22 to 30. Two shows daily, at 3:30 p.m. and 6:30 p.m. Nay Pyi Taw Cinema. Free admission.

Latin Dance Night

Latin music, dance performances and free lessons.

Sept. 28, 7:30 p.m. till late. Yangon Yangon Rooftop Bar, Sakura Tower. Tel: 01-255131 for reservations.

 

In the Land of Giants

Aung Khaing, Aung Win and Than Htay exhibit their giant creation.

Sept. 22 to 30, 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Junction City, 5th floor.

The Readers

This exhibition features works by Sandar Khaing.

Sept. 22 to 28, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. Nawaday Tharlar Gallery (room 304), 20/B Yawmingyi Road, Dagon township

Silent Poetry

Women artists showcase their works.

Sept. 21 to 30, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. Pansuriya Gallery, No. 100 Bogalay Zay Street, Botatung Township.

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H&M Accused of Failing to Ensure Fair Wages for Global Factory Workers

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 10:08 PM PDT

LONDON — Fashion giant H&M is failing to fulfill a pledge to ensure garment workers who supply its high-street stores are paid a fair “living wage," forcing many employees to work excessive hours in order to survive, civil society groups said on Monday.

Based on interviews with 62 people in six H&M supplier factories in Bulgaria, Turkey, India and Cambodia, campaigners said none of the workers earned anything near a so-called living wage that would allow them to cover their families’ basic needs.

Major brands are under growing pressure from campaigners and consumers alike to improve working conditions along their global supply chains and render them free of exploitation and slavery.

The Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC) said Sweden’s H&M—the world’s second-largest fashion retailer after Zara owner Inditex—had not met a commitment made in 2013 to ensure its suppliers would pay a living wage to some 850,000 textile workers by 2018.

“H&M needs to take action immediately to stop the scandal of poverty wages and workers’ rights violations,” said Bettina Musiolek of the CCC, an alliance of labor unions and charities.

However, H&M, which has more than 4,800 stores in 69 nations, said it had reached at least 600 factories and 930,000 garment workers with its fair living wage strategy, and did not share the CCC’s view of how to create change in the textile industry.

“There is no universally agreed level for living wages, and wage levels should be defined and set by parties on the labor market through fair negotiations between employers and workers representatives, not by Western brands,” a H&M spokeswoman said.

The CCC report found that workers in H&M supplier factories in Cambodia earned less than half the estimated living wage, dropping to about a third for those living in India and Turkey.

Many worked overtime hours that exceeded the legal limit without being properly paid, while others were only paid the minimum wage if they worked extra hours and met their quota, which the United Nations defines as forced labor, the CCC said.

“Instead of empty public relations talk, we want to see transparent changes in the real wages of workers in H&M’s supply chain,” Judy Gearhart, executive director of the US-based International Labor Rights Forum (ILRF), said in a statement.

The ILRF urged H&M to publish a roadmap with time-bound, measurable wage increase targets and outline how they will change purchasing practices to ensure workers get a living wage.

“However the issue of living wages is bigger than one brand, and too few companies have initiatives to drive up wages,” said Peter McAllister of the Ethical Trading Initiative, a group of trade unions, companies and charities of which H&M is a member.

“If we are to make sure all garment workers receive a decent wage then encouraging industry-wide action must be a priority,” the group’s chief executive told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

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Myanmar Army Chief Says ‘No Right to Interfere’ as UN Weighs Rohingya Crisis

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 09:49 PM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar’s army chief on Monday warned against foreign interference as world leaders gather at the United Nations to find ways to hold the country’s powerful generals accountable for atrocities against Rohingya Muslims last year.

In his first public comments on the subject since a report by a UN fact-finding mission this month, Min Aung Hlaing said Myanmar abided by UN pacts, but warned that “talks to meddle in internal affairs” cause “misunderstanding."

“As countries set different standards and norms, any country, organization and group has no right to interfere in and make decision(s) over sovereignty of a country,” Min Aung Hlaing said in comments reported in English on his website.

The remarks, made during a trip to Myanmar’s northeast on Sunday, were also published in a military-run newspaper on Monday.

A military spokesman could not immediately be reached for comment.

The UN mission called for Min Aung Hlaing and five other generals to be prosecuted for crimes against humanity and genocide over allegations of mass killings and gang rapes.

A military crackdown unleashed in the western state of Rakhine last year after attacks by Rohingya militants on police and army posts drove more than 700,000 of the largely stateless minority across the border with Bangladesh.

Myanmar denied entry to the UN mission’s investigators and rejected their findings, insisting that security forces conducted a legitimate operation to root out “terrorists."

In his remarks, Min Aung Hlaing referred to the Rohingya as Bengalis, suggesting they belong in Bangladesh, and said they must “accept scrutiny” under the country’s 1982 Citizenship Law.

The law limits citizenship for those, like the Rohingya, who are not members of officially decreed ethnic groups.

Elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi shares power with the military under a 2008 constitution written by the generals who ruled Myanmar for decades.

The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has begun examining the alleged forced deportation of Rohingya to Bangladesh. Myanmar has said it wants to repatriate Rohingya who fled.

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Vietnam Has First Female President, but Activists Are Unimpressed

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 09:46 PM PDT

Vietnam’s appointment of its first female president belies a deep gender imbalance in the communist country’s politics and society and will do little to improve women’s rights, advocates said on Monday.

Dang Thi Ngoc Thinh was named acting president on Sunday following the death of Tran Dai Quang, a former chief of internal security appointed to the presidency in 2016.

“I think while Ngoc Thinh’s appointment is symbolically important, its wider significance is limited to some women who are Communist Party members,” said activist and dissident Do Nguyen Mai Khoi in an email.

“We should however remember that, as an unelected leader who is not accountable to the public, this appointment is not likely to improve conditions for most women in Vietnam.”

Vietnam ranked 61 out 193 countries in a survey last year of women’s participation in parliament conducted by the Genveva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union. The Southeast Asian nation was ranked 166 for women in ministerial positions.

Vietnam’s National Assembly elected Dang Thi Ngoc Thinh as vice president in 2016. She was born in 1959 and holds a bachelor of law and a master's degree in party building, according to state media reports.

“The appointment of a woman as Vietnam’s president may be historic, but it has more to do with internal party politics than gender,” said Andrea Giorgetta, Asia director for the Paris-based International Federation for Human Rights.

“The reality is that the number of women in decision-making positions at all political levels in Vietnam remains low and reflects firmly-rooted gender stereotypes about the role women in the country’s society,” Giorgetta told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Vietnam has no paramount ruler and is officially led by four “pillars” – its president, prime minister, the chief of its Communist Party and the national assembly chair.

The president sits on the powerful decision-making politburo, but is considered to have a more ceremonial role.

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US Accuses Myanmar Military of ‘Planned and Coordinated’ Rohingya Atrocities

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 09:37 PM PDT

WASHINGTON — A US government investigation has found that Myanmar's military waged a “well-planned and coordinated” campaign of mass killings, gang rapes and other atrocities against the Southeast Asian nation's Rohingya Muslim minority.

The US State Department report, which was released on Monday, could be used to justify further US sanctions or other punitive measures against Myanmar authorities, US officials told Reuters.

But it stopped short of describing the crackdown as genocide or crimes against humanity, an issue that other US officials said was the subject of fierce internal debate that delayed the report’s rollout for nearly a month.

The report, which was first reported by Reuters, resulted from more than a thousand interviews of Rohingya men and women in refugee camps in neighboring Bangladesh, where almost 700,000 Rohingya have fled after a military campaign last year in Myanmar’s Rakhine State.

"The survey reveals that the recent violence in northern Rakhine State was extreme, large-scale, widespread, and seemingly geared toward both terrorizing the population and driving out the Rohingya residents," according to the 20-page report. "The scope and scale of the military's operations indicate they were well-planned and coordinated."

Survivors described in harrowing detail what they had witnessed, including soldiers killing infants and small children, the shooting of unarmed men, and victims buried alive or thrown into pits of mass graves. They told of widespread sexual assault by Myanmar's military of Rohingya women, often carried out in public.

One witness described four Rohingya girls who were abducted, tied up with ropes and raped for three days. They were left “half dead,” he said, according to the report.

Human rights groups and Rohingya activists have put the death toll in the thousands from the crackdown, which followed attacks by Rohingya insurgents on security forces in Rakhine State in August 2017.

UN Report Found "Genocidal Intent"

The results of the US investigation were released in low-key fashion – posted on the State Department’s website – nearly a month after UN investigators issued their own report accusing Myanmar's military of acting with “genocidal intent” and calling for the country's commander-in-chief and five generals to be prosecuted under international law.

The military in Myanmar, previously known as Burma, where Buddhism is the main religion, has denied accusations of ethnic cleansing and says its actions were part of a fight against terrorism.

US Senior State Department officials said the objective of the investigation was not to determine genocide but to “document the facts” on the atrocities to guide US policy aimed at holding the perpetrators accountable. The report, however, proposes no new steps.

One of the officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, said it would be up to US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo whether to make such a “legal” designation in the future and did not rule out the possibility.

A declaration of genocide by the US government, which has only gone as far as labeling the crackdown “ethnic cleansing,” could have legal implications of committing Washington to stronger punitive measures against Myanmar. This has made some in the Trump administration wary of issuing such an assessment.

The International Criminal Court last week said it had begun an examination of whether the alleged forced deportations of Rohingya could constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity.

Asked whether the new US findings could be used to bolster such international prosecution, the State Department official said no decision had been made on seeking “judicial accountability” over the Rohingya crisis.

The Trump administration, which has been criticized by human rights groups and some US lawmakers for a cautious response to Myanmar, could now face added pressure to take a tougher stand.

Sarah Margon, director of the Washington office of Human Right Watch, said: “What’s missing now is a clear indication of whether the US government intends to pursue meaningful accountability and help ensure justice for so many victims.”

The United States on Monday announced it was almost doubling its aid for displaced Rohingya Muslims in Bangladesh and Myanmar, with an extra $185 million.

“The stories from some refugees show a pattern of planning and pre-meditation,” the report said, citing the military’s confiscation in advance of knives and other tools that could be used as weapons.

About 80 percent of refugees surveyed said they witnessed a killing, most often by military or police, according to the report.

"Reports of mutilation included the cutting and spreading of entrails, severed limbs or hands/feet, pulling out nails or burning beards and genitals to force a confession, or being burned alive,” the report said.

Later on Monday, the Public International Law and Policy Group, a Washington-based human rights law firm contracted by the State Department to conduct the refugee interviews, issued a companion report saying it provided 15,000 pages of documentation of “atrocity crimes.”

The State Department's investigation was modeled on a US forensic examination of mass atrocities in Sudan’s Darfur region in 2004, which led to a US declaration of genocide that culminated in sanctions against the Sudanese government.

Any stiffer measures against Myanmar authorities could be tempered, though, by US concerns about complicating relations between civilian leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and the powerful military which might push Myanmar closer to China.

The US government on Aug. 17 imposed sanctions on four military and police commanders and two army units but Myanmar's military chief, Min Aung Hlaing, was spared. Further targeted sanctions have been under consideration, officials said earlier.

The Rohingya, who regard themselves as native to Rakhine State, are widely considered as interlopers by Myanmar’s Buddhist majority and are denied citizenship.

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US Almost Doubles Aid For Rohingya in Bangladesh, Myanmar

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 09:24 PM PDT

NEW YORK — The United States almost doubled its aid for displaced Rohingya Muslims in Bangladesh and Myanmar, US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley announced on Monday as Britain hosted a ministerial meeting on the crisis.

A Myanmar military crackdown unleashed in the western state of Rakhine last year after attacks by Rohingya militants on police and army posts drove more than 700,000 of the largely stateless minority across the border with Bangladesh.

UN-mandated investigators have said the military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with “genocidal intent.” Myanmar rejected the findings as “one-sided” and said it was a legitimate counterinsurgency operation.

“We continue to call on the Burmese government to do more to hold those who have engaged in ethnic cleansing accountable for their atrocities‎, end the violence and allow full humanitarian and free press access,” Haley said in a statement.

She said the United States would give an extra $185 million, of which $156 million would go to refugees and host communities in Bangladesh, taking its total humanitarian aid for the crisis to nearly $389 million in the past year.

The aid pledge comes as Haley said US President Donald Trump would “lay down a marker” on US foreign aid during his speech to the UN General Assembly on Tuesday.

“While the US is generous, we’re going to be generous to those that share our values, generous to those that want to work with us and not those that try and stop the US or say they hate America and are counterproductive,” she told reporters on Thursday.

British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt hosted a closed-door ministerial meeting on the crisis, which diplomats said would focus on accountability, on the sidelines of the annual UN gathering of world leaders in New York on Monday.

Hunt visited Myanmar last week and said the government must ensure there is “no hiding place” for those responsible for crimes. Myanmar’s army chief on Monday warned against foreign interference.

The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has begun examining the alleged forced deportation of Rohingya to Bangladesh. Myanmar has said it wants to repatriate Rohingya who fled.

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New Yangon City CEO Urges Gov’t to Act Quickly to Secure Chinese Investment

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 07:01 AM PDT

YANGON—The CEO of the New Yangon City project said he believed the controversial project on the western bank of the Yangon River will be "a success" if Myanmar is able to take advantage of trade tensions between the U.S. and China and lure more foreign investors.

"I believe we will succeed; now is the right time [to attract investors]. I'm only worried that it may be getting too late," Serge Pun said.

The New Yangon City project is currently in the initial stage of development. During a roundtable discussion on the project with local engineers on Sunday, Serge Pun said nine out of every 10 factories in China were thinking about leaving to avoid the impact of U.S tariffs, which impose a 25-percent tax on goods made in the country.

The property mogul described the situation as "an opportunity" that the government needed to take advantage of before other countries like Vietnam, Cambodia and Bangladesh did. "We have to do the same," he said.

New Yangon Development Company (NYDC) has already received the blessing of the Yangon government to proceed with the project, which the company says will generate 2 million jobs. NYDC is currently looking for international investors for the project. The recent socio-economic master plan for the development states that it will include factories producing goods including garments, processed foods and automotive parts.

"There will be zero tax on goods made in Myanmar. It will be beneficial for them [the Chinese] if they move in here," said Serge Pun, who also serves as NYDC's vice chairman.

NYDC plans to develop 20,000 acres of land in the first phase of the project. This will include five village townships, two bridges, power plants, water and wastewater treatment plants and a 10-square-kilometer industrial estate. The company says the cost of initial infrastructure work in the first phase is expected to exceed USD1.5 billion.

But the project has been under criticism due to the low-lying topography of the area, which is prone to flooding as it has a maximum elevation of just 5 meters above sea level. The company said it had kick-started a flood-risk assessment (FRA) for the New Yangon City project with Royal HaskoningDHV, a Dutch FRA consultant.

NYDC signed a framework agreement in May with Hong Kong-listed China Communications Construction Co. Ltd (CCCC) to provide infrastructure for the first phase of the development. NYDC said the agreement marked the first stage of the NYDC Challenge Model, an adaptation of the global model of the Swiss Challenge for fair competition and transparency.

Serge Pun said at the time that the framework agreement itself doesn't give CCCC the right to carry out infrastructure work. Rather, the firm agreed to submit a set of Pre-Project Documents (PPDs) including technical specifications, a financial proposal and a business model for NYDC to review, as part of the first stage of a fair competition.

As part of the NYDC Challenge, should a second party challenge with a lower bid, CCCC will be allowed to match the offer or forgo. If CCCC chooses to forgo, the second party will be awarded the contract and will have the obligation to reimburse all costs incurred in connection with the preparation and submission of the PPD. Those costs will be agreed between NYDC and CCCC prior to the initiation of the tender process.

"The commercial dealings with CCCC are ongoing," Serge Pun said on Sunday.

But he said the PPD would likely be approved in October, with the NYDC Challenge expected in November while the winner will be decided in December. After the tenders for infrastructure, those for transportation, connectivity and other features of the project will follow.

"If so, we hope to have a solution for the bridges, village towns and artery roads in Phase One by the end of 2020 or in early 2021," he said.

U Saw Htwe Zaw, the joint secretary of the Myanmar Engineer Society as well as a member of the Myanmar Earthquake Committee, urged NYDC to consider the project holistically and in a long-term context. He told The Irrawaddy that he was concerned about the cost, as the area's low-lying topography and soft soil—both of which will leave the project vulnerable to flooding and quakes—will demand a huge amount of investment to make the site fit for development.

"Even though there are solutions for those issues, it could be extremely costly. I am afraid the project will go nowhere due to the expenditure. I just want to see it turn out as a good project, free of criticism," he said.

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Villagers Fall Ill after Thousands of Dead Mussels Wash Ashore in Kyaukphyu

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 06:54 AM PDT

YANGON – Nearly 170 villagers contracted a skin disease after collecting some of the thousands of dead marine mussels that have mysteriously washed up in inlets of the Thanzit River in southern Rakhine State's Kyaukphyu Township in recent days.

Five villagers were treated at Kyaukphyu General Hospital on Sunday.

A hospital employee confirmed that five patients from Kyauk Ngu Village arrived at the hospital at 4:20 p.m. on Sunday and were tested by a doctor. Staff were unable to name the specific disease the villagers had or the medication they were given. The employee believed the patients had complained of skin irritation.

"We saw bumps on their hands and bodies. Doctors assumed it was a normal skin allergy," the employee said.

The Irrawaddy attempted to contact Kyaukphyu General Hospital superintendent Dr. Nay Lin and other doctors at the hospital on Monday but the phone calls were rejected.

One person on the medical staff said five patients came to the hospital seeking medical treatment.

Nearly 170 mussel hunters have been infected by an unknown skin disease after collecting the shellfish in an inlet of the Thanzit River in Rakhine State. /  U Tun lwin / Facebook

Ko Myo Lwin, founder of Ann Regional China Pipeline Watch (ARCPW), said the group has documented a total of 167 locals in Kyauk Ngu village who have been infected with a mysterious skin disease after returning from mussel catching sites. The group stumbled upon the first cases in July while making assessments for a separate project in five townships, including Kyaukphyu.

Kyauk Ngu villager Ko Maung Gyi told The Irrawaddy over the phone that five women were going to see a doctor at Kyaukphyu Hospital. According to him, all five patients were women. They hadn't returned to the village as of Monday evening.

"Dozens of villagers have the same type of red spots on their skin and some said it was very itchy… and we have never experienced this before. This is the very first time," Ko Maung Gyi said.

ARCPW reported the skin disease problem of Kyauk Ngu villagers to Chief Minister U Nyi Pu in the Rakhine capital, Sittwe, on Sept. 17. The group suggested examining the five infected villagers as an initial step. Ko Myo Lwin said state cabinet members told him the state authorities would try their best to get to the bottom of the peculiar outbreak. However, a hospital employee said he had received no such complaint from either local authorities or villagers.

In fact, ARCPW has been observing mussel harvesting sites since July and found a huge site with many dead mussels near Laung Chaung village, more than 25 kilometers from Maday Island, where a pipeline project owned by the Chinese state-run China National Petroleum Corp. (CNPC) is situated. The company owns a jetty for international oil tankers and normally pumps oil from the vessels to oil tanks on the island. It annually transmits up to 22 million tons of crude oil from Maday Island to China's Yunan Province.

Kyaukphyu residents and some activists posted photos of the dead mussels on Facebook over the weekend. The photos quickly drew a lot of public attention. Some netizens speculated the problem was caused by the contamination of seawater as Chinese oil tanker crews dumped oil into the river while cleaning the ship. The state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) previously rebutted the accusation without elaborating on laboratory examination results.

Later, the Yangon-based environmental group Ecology and Economic Development Company Limited (ECODEV) announced it had discovered that lead concentration in the Thanzit River was potentially high and urged the government to investigate the root cause.

On Monday, Ko Myo Lwin and some environmentalists traveled by boat to the incident sites in order to identify the cause of the mussel deaths, leaving in the morning and arriving at around 2 p.m. Local authorities could not be reached for comment Monday. It was unclear whether the shellfish were killed by deadly chemicals or because of contaminated seawater, or if it was a sign that their life cycle in the river was ending.

"The dead mussels covered nearly 1 acre of low tide river area," Ko Myo Lwin said from the spot on Monday.

Another participant, schoolteacher U Tun Lwin from Kyaukphyu, told The Irrawaddy they took empty mussel shells and water samples from the site to send to a Yangon laboratory for scientific examination.

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Mismanagement of Land Deals Has Cost Yangon Billions, Audit Finds

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 06:50 AM PDT

YANGON — The Yangon Region Auditor General’s Office has found that the government’s mismanagement of land leases cost it billions of kyats during the 2016-17 fiscal year, according to the local legislature’s Bill and Public Accounts Committee.

At today’s session of the Yangon Region Parliament, committee chairman U Tint Lwin said many of the companies that leased land did not pay their rents on time and were not fined for late payments, and that their contracts did not even stipulate that they should be fined.

The committee suggested that future contracts make it clear that laggards must pay a fine.

As an example, U Tint Lwin said a company leasing the old courthouse in downtown Yangon was to pay the regional government 400 million kyats ($250,000) a year but has not paid since October.

He said regional officials also broke rules and regulations in awarding a contract for the development of an industrial zone in East Dagon Township.

The government gave two companies permission to develop the zone in 2016. According to the contract, the companies were to receive land grant certificates to the site after they fulfilled their obligations. However, the committee found that one of the companies received its certificate before the contract was even signed and that the other received it only a week after.

"We lost a chance to push them to follow the rules and regulations during the implementation process. The first company paid its rent seven months after the deadline and the second company paid three months late. The government has also not receive late fines because they did not put that in the contract." U Tint Lwin said.

He said the government was also missing out on revenue from a 547-hectare rubber plantation on the outskirts of Yangon because it has yet to be put out to bid.

According to the committee, the audit further revealed that the company that successfully bid for the Yangon Traffic Control Center failed to pay a penalty for not finishing the project. The regional government awarded the 18.9 billion kyats ($11.8 million) contract to build the center to the Myanmar Shwe Ying International Co. Ltd & China Railway 21st Bureau Group Co. Ltd (China) in February 2016. The company was supposed to complete work in six months but has still not finished because of disagreements with authorities on the installation of cables.

U Tint Lwin said the company agreed to pay 100,000 kyats for every day it was late but paid only 21 million kyats for the 2015-16 fiscal year and later stopped paying altogether.

The committee suggested that the government find another company to finish the project.

In Dagon Seikkan Township, the committee added, a residential development company failed to pay its annual lease of more than 3 billion kyats ($1.87 million).

Last week, a Yangon Region Auditor General’s Office report revealed that two bus companies majority owned by the government lost 3.5 billion kyats ($2.19 million) during the 2017-18 fiscal year.

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Gov’t Opens Office in Thailand to Assist Myanmar Fishing Boat Workers

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 05:43 AM PDT

Myanmar yesterday opened a "one-stop" office in southern Thailand's Ranong province to facilitate the recruitment of Myanmar migrant workers by Thai fishing companies and to provide any assistance the workers may need, according to migrant labor advocacy groups in Thailand.

The office will handle Thai visa renewals for workers so they don't need to return to Myanmar. Myanmar officials at the office will also cooperate with the Thai Labor Ministry to assess the Myanmar workers' skills and monitor the working conditions on board fishing boats.

The office will help to implement a memorandum of understanding (MoU) the Myanmar government signed with Thailand in 2016, in which it agreed to send 42,000 workers to crew fishing boats in Thailand. Some 9,000 workers will be sent in the initial batch.

U Myo Aung, permanent secretary for the Myanmar Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population, told The Irrawaddy that the one-stop service was partly intended to help illegal migrants currently working in Thailand.

It will assist not only fishing-sector workers, but also other Myanmar migrants working in Thailand.

Myanmar signed the MoU with Thailand in 2016 after the National League for Democracy-led government took power. Fishermen already working in Thailand will soon be covered by all of the provisions and protections guaranteed under the MoU, according to U Myo Aung.

"We have not had an agreement with Thailand officially providing fisheries workers before. This is the first time," he said.

Ko Min Oo, who heads the Foundation for Education and Development (FED), an organization that helps migrant workers based in southern Thailand, said that before opening the one-stop office, the Myanmar government held a meeting with migrant organizations in Bangkok on Sept. 22 and asked for suggestions on what steps needed to be taken to ensure the migrant workers' safety on board Thai fishing boats.

The MoU establishes a monthly wage of 12,000 Thai baht (about USD370) for fishing boat workers and entitles them to a two-year working visa. The work visas for the estimated 11,000 Myanmar fishery workers currently in Thailand will expire at the end of this month. Myanmar migrant workers who experience maltreatment will be able to complain to Myanmar authorities at any time via the Ranong office.

The MoU will protect fishermen's rights, Ko Min Oo said. Among its provisions is guaranteed life insurance for all Myanmar fisheries workers in Thailand. The workers are not currently provided with such coverage.

Thailand currently needs 9,000 laborers from Myanmar to work on boats based in three southern provinces—Phang Nga, Phuket and Ranong. Thai fishing companies will work with Myanmar labor-recruitment agencies to source migrant workers in the future.

Myanmar does not have many such agencies, according to FED, making it difficult to find skilled fishermen who have experience working on trawlers.

Some 22 Thai provinces have a fishing industry. Thailand has acquired a reputation as a human-trafficking hub, and work conditions for migrant laborers on Thai fishing boats are notoriously harsh. Bangkok hopes the signing of the MoU with the Myanmar government will boost the perception that it is meeting international standards for recruiting fishermen.

Ko Min Oo cautioned, however, that while Myanmar has a large pool of laborers, the country may find it difficult to provide 40,000 experienced fishing boat workers. Working on a fishing boat without acquiring the proper training ahead of time can be very dangerous, he said.

"New workers need basic training. If not, they will face many risks working on the boats," Ko Min Oo said.

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Business Community Counters Gov’t Reasons for Kyat Depreciation

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 05:35 AM PDT

YANGON—While Myanmar's government has blamed currency manipulation and the trade war between the United States and China for the record depreciation of the kyat against US dollar, business circles are pointing out the Myanmar government's mismanagement and the Central Bank of Myanmar's poor performance.

The kyat-dollar exchange rate has increased steeply from 1,344 kyats per US dollar on June 1 this year to over 1,600 kyats per US dollar in the third week of September.

"There are only a few big players in the market who trade US dollars. In the past, the exchange rates would be stable once the government controlled them. But [the current government] won't do that. It doesn't want to do that. So we are tracking money transactions now," the President's Office spokesperson U Zaw Htay told reporters in Naypyitaw on Friday.

The government is doing an investigation and will then take appropriate action, said U Zaw Htay.

Last month, the government suspended issuing re-export licenses in order to help bring down the dollar value. However, the plan was reportedly leaked and big market players were able to secure re-export licenses just before the suspension. A license now fetches up to 100 million kyats in the market.

The Ministry of Commerce is investigating if the news really was leaked. U Zaw Htay also said that hollow transactions of the dollar have also contributed to the weakening exchange rate. The 'hollow transactions' he refers to are similar to the concept of no-interest credit—buying only verbally without paying the cash.

"Previously, there was only hollow transactions in gold, but there are now hollow transactions of the greenback. This is one of the factors," he said.

It is not yet clear who is reaping benefits from the slump in the kyat, but those at grass-roots level are already suffering.

Fuel prices have increased by more than 16 percent over the past three months with the price of Ron 92, Ron 95 and premium diesel reaching more than 1,000 kyats per liter. People have to pay more for food due to higher transportation costs, and long-distance bus operators have also increased their bus fares.

While other currencies have also slumped against the US dollar, the Myanmar kyat has fallen by the largest degree among its neighboring countries. The price of pharmaceutical products, which Myanmar imports from Thailand, India and a few other countries, have also gone up.

"The Central Bank of Myanmar can only control the formal market. The problem is that the informal market is quite big. The demand for dollars has also increased because of the [re-export] market," said a deputy minister who didn't want to be named.

The deputy minister said that he personally has no idea if private banks are involved in manipulation of US dollars.

One currency dealer, speaking under the condition of anonymity, said that there are fewer than ten big currency dealers in the commercial capital and some of them also trade with Mandalay. The total value of hollow transactions of the US dollar in the market totals millions per day, he said.

"They have huge capital. One of them can save up to 30 million US dollars in his warehouse. The price of gold and the US dollar have increased this much because of manipulation. That's why the price of fuel and medicines have increased. It is not good for the country," he said.

Yangon-based businessman U Soe Tun said that many businesses have switched to dollar trade because of the country's economic downturn and that hundreds of dealers are playing in the market—not just ten.

"It is easy to make hollow transactions. Suppose you buy one million US dollars verbally [without paying the cash] at the rate of 1,600 kyats per dollar. If the price goes up to 1,610 kyats in the evening, you earn 10 million kyats in profit. You don't need to invest any money," explained U Soe Tun.

"Can you tell me any business from which you can earn 10 million kyats in a day without any capital? You can't question whether it's ethical or not. Everyone needs money. It is driven by the situation," he added.

Those in business circles have also criticized the government for suspending the granting of re-export permits without notice, saying that the government announced the suspension just one month in advance last year.

Businesspeople have denied reports that the price of re-export licenses went up because of the leaking of the government's plan to suspend the licenses. They said it was because big exporters offered competitive prices to buy re-export licenses from smaller-scale exporters, they said.

The president or state counselor should speak about the situation to restore the public's confidence, suggested a businessperson who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

"Last time, after the state counselor said that she would hold a meeting with businessmen [on Aug. 27], the exchange rate strengthened by 70 kyats but she spoke nothing [about the weakening exchange rate] and it weakened again."

"People who have money will buy [and save] dollars. It is not that it is only bought by four or five manipulators. Everyone is buying dollars. They are afraid that their money [kyats] will devalue."

"The Central Bank of Myanmar should at least summon and [hold discussions] with currency dealers. The situation will only get worse if the government does nothing," he added.

Businesspeople have suggested that the government should increase tariffs or ban the import of luxury goods and seek ways to curb the illegal transfer of remittance.

"We are doing extensive investigations into what big market players, including money changers, are doing. I can't say the details now, but we are acting accordingly," said U Zaw Htay.

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Colonel Seeks Defamation Suit Against Monk For Posts About Commander-in-Chief

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 05:13 AM PDT

MANDALAY — A military officer in Mandalay is asking police to sue a local Buddhist monk for defaming Senior General Min Aung Hlaing online.

Lieutenant Colonel Myo Khaing Win of the military’s Central Command, Mandalay Division, filed the complaint at the Amarapura Township police station on Sunday requesting that legal action be taken against U Thawbita, who heads a local charity called Bawa Alin.

“The monk is using social media to accuse and defame the senior general and the military by writing nonsense,” the complaint, show to The Irrawaddy by police, says. It asks that U Thawbita be sued under Article 66 (d) of the Telecommunications Act, and references posts on the monk’s Facebook page.

One of the posts says Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing may have orchestrated a prison break in Karen State on Sept. 16. Other posts over the past week liken the commander-in-chief to a cow and say the military is more destructive than a natural disaster.

The head of the township police station, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to peak with the media, said the police have accepted the complaint but added that the lawsuit could only proceed once U Thawbita is at hand.

The police officer said the monk could not be found at the local monastery where he lives and that he has not answered his phone.

U Thawbita has repeatedly posted messages on Facebook supporting of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party and criticizing the military.

The Irrawaddy could not reach the monk by phone on Monday.

"U Thawbita's posts may be harsh to some people, but we think he should be judged only by the law of the State Sangha authority because he is a Buddhist monk," said a monk who knows U Thawbita and asked to remain anonymous for his protection.

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Key Witnesses, CCTV Footage to be Presented in Resumed Comedian Murder Trial

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 04:20 AM PDT

YANGON — The Yangon Region High Court on Monday decided to press ahead with the murder case against the alleged killers of Facebook comedian Aung Yell Htwe.

On Monday, the High Court annulled a lower court's ruling to drop the case and release of three suspects in the fatal beating. It also ordered for the murder trial to be resumed.

The three suspects—Than Htut Aung (aka Thar Gyi), Pyae Phyo Aung (aka Aung Lay) and Kyaw Zaw Han (aka Kyaw Zaw)—were released on July 25 after the Yangon Eastern District Court accepted an appeal from the victim's family asking to settle the case.

Daw Nwe Nwe Oo, media and communications officer and deputy director of the High Court, said the trial will resume at Yangon Eastern District Court and the remaining witnesses in the case will testify.

"We will refer the case back to the [Eastern District] Court as soon as possible this week," she said.

Right after the case arrives at the district court this week, the suspects will be re-arrested.

The High Court's decision has come following the intervention of state leaders which was prompted by mounting public criticism over the withdrawal of the case.

"The lower court's decision has been annulled as the withdrawal of the case disrupts law and order and could encourage similar cases," Daw Nwe Nwe Oo said.

Yangon Region's attorney general and five other officials including a judge, law officers and a police officer have been arrested for taking bribes in exchange for their roles in dropping the case. The Anti-Corruption Commission has opened cases against the officials under two different articles of the Anti-Corruption Law.

Yangon Region Attorney General U Han Htoo was expelled from his post soon after his arrest on Sept. 13.

Before the case was dropped July 25, the Eastern District Court heard from 14 of 22 witnesses for the plaintiff. Lawyers pointed out that the court had yet to call key witnesses in the case including a forensic pathologist and police investigators, while CCTV records were also not produced.

The post Key Witnesses, CCTV Footage to be Presented in Resumed Comedian Murder Trial appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rohingya’s Return Won’t Affect Security, Union Minister Vows

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 04:12 AM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State—Union Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Dr. Win Myat Aye has told Arakanese lawmakers not to be concerned about security risks associated with the planned resettlement of Rohingya refugees in Rakhine State's southern Maungdaw.

The security situation was under control, he said on Friday at a meeting to discuss the government's handling of the Rakhine issue with local lawmakers.

"We know you are worried about security in southern [Maungdaw]. But we have taken every step [in the resettlement process] in cooperation with those responsible for security," the Union minister said in response to a question from Myebon Township lawmaker U Aung Win.

"So don't worry about the south [of Maungdaw]. We will [resettle the Rohingya] only when security can be guaranteed," the Union minister told the state Parliament.

Lawmaker U Aung Win said, "The Rakhine State Parliament has raised objections over their resettlement in southern Maungdaw, and locals aren't happy with it either."

According to the Union minister, the government has earmarked 42 places in southern and northern Maungdaw in which to resettle Rohingya.

Some 700,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine for Bangladesh after militant attacks on security outposts in the north of the state in August last year triggered a massive military and police crackdown in the area's Muslim communities.

In November 2017, Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed to start repatriating the refugees in January of this year, but the process has been postponed.

Resettlement will begin in northern Maungdaw, and gradually expand to the southern part of the state, the Union minister said.

U Aung Win also criticized the government for pardoning and resettling a group of Rohingya who returned to Myanmar illegally, after having previously arrested and taken action against illegal immigrants.

"I'd like to ask the government whether it would grant pardons and resettle them if they entered illegally again," U Aung Win asked.

Lawmakers also asked the Union minister about the killing of Mro ethnic people in Maungdaw, the alleged issuance of national identity cards (or "pink cards") to Rohingya, and land grabbing by the military in Rakhine.

Dr. Win Myat Aye said he did not have sufficient information to answer all of the lawmakers' questions, but would reply to any unanswered questions later after consulting with the concerned ministers.

Bangladesh will start repatriating some 3,000 refugees, Myanmar President's Office spokesman U Zaw Htay said at a press conference earlier this month.

The post Rohingya's Return Won't Affect Security, Union Minister Vows appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Two NLD Lawmakers Resign from Party

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 02:52 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The National League for Democracy (NLD) has accepted the resignation of two NLD lawmakers, confirmed spokesperson of the ruling party Dr. Myo Nyunt on Sunday.

The party has accepted the resignation of two Upper House lawmakers, U Pe Chit of Yangon Constituency (9) and U Tin Aung Tun of Magwe Constituency (5), Dr. Myo Nyunt told reporters in Naypyitaw after a party central executive committee meeting.

"They said that party rules were too strict and they also were not happy that they had to make cash contributions to the party," said Dr. Myo Nyunt, adding that the two lawmakers had not previously broken any party regulations.

NLD lawmakers have to contribute 25 percent of their monthly salaries—250,000 kyats (US$150)—to the party.

U Tin Aung Tun said that he submitted his resignation in June. "I didn't give any reason in my resignation letter. I just said that I did not want to be a party member anymore," he told The Irrawaddy.

He said that he would explain to the public why he tendered the resignation sometime in the future.

The Irrawaddy was unable to reach U Pe Chit but NLD sources told The Irrawaddy in April that the retired colonel-turned-lawmaker was warned by the party several times.

U Pe Chit stopped cooperating with other NLD lawmakers of his constituency after he submitted his resignation in April, Lower House lawmaker U Aung Win of Hmawbi Township told The Irrawaddy.

Earlier this month, two NLD executive committee members—Yangon regional lawmaker U Kyaw Zeya representing Dagon Township (2) and Upper House lawmaker Daw Thet Thet Khine representing Dagon Township— were suspended from the party after the two made comments critical of the NLD-led government.

Political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein criticized that democracy within the NLD party seemed to be lower than that of political parties in one-party states.

"It is time party leaders considered decentralizing the party and reducing control of lawmakers," said Dr. Yan Myo Thein.

The NLD has no plan to review its rules though some lawmakers have criticized it as being too rigid, said Dr. Myo Nyunt.

"We have no plan to relax the rules," he said. So far, four lawmakers have resigned from the NLD and the party's disciplinary committee has taken action against more than 40 lawmakers, he said.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Two NLD Lawmakers Resign from Party appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Korean Reconciliation: Three Lessons for Myanmar’s Leaders

Posted: 24 Sep 2018 02:28 AM PDT

South Korean president Moon Jae-in landed on North Korean soil on Sept. 18 for a historical meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. Moon is the third president to visit North Korea following Kim Dae Jung in 2000 and Roh Moo Hyun in 2007.

September's Moon-Kim summit marked the third of its kind and was the fifth inter-Korean summit ever held. Previous meetings between the two current presidents took place earlier this year on April 27 and May 26 at the inter-Korean border.

The concerted efforts of the two leaders are praiseworthy, having met three times in such a short space of time since Moon took office in May 2017.

The most recent meeting, held in Pyongyang, was devoted to discussing denuclearization and the stability of the Korean Peninsula through creating a system of perpetual peace. The summit reached an unprecedented agreement for denuclearization: the permanent dismantling of a missile engine test site at Tongchang-ri.

There are three significant lessons Myanmar's leaders should learn from the two Korean leaders.

The first lesson is drawn from their willingness and commitment to denuclearization and peace. Both Moon and Kim appear to have realized that no one is responsible for denuclearization and peace in the Korean Peninsula except themselves, thus they endeavored for these meetings to be held.

The second lesson is drawn from their sending of special envoys from each state to the other in an effort to break the ice. Prior to Moon-Kim summit in Pyongyang, both leaders sent special envoys respectively to establish a rapport and smooth relations for their summit.

"The special envoy delegation's visit turned out really well. The results were much better than I'd expected," said Moon after sending a special delegation to the North in early September.

The third lesson comes from the face-to-face meeting, which took place on North Korean soil. Moon paid a historic visit to his counterpart's land as a sign of his commitment to peace. After three rounds of meetings, Kim also spoke about the possibility of a visit to Seoul in the very near future.

Due to concerted efforts on both sides, the North Korean leader, Kim, appears to have intentions for a complete denuclearization within three years—before Trump’s four-year presidency ends in January 2021. As well as denuclearization, the two Korean leaders even agreed to seek the rights to co-host the 2032 Olympics.

Myanmar's civil war—an internal conflict and having more marginal effects than nuclear weapons—should have been tamed earlier and solved more quickly through efforts by leaders from all parties. Instead, Myanmar's peace process has become a prolonged affair and has achieved only deadlock rather than peace.

The recent government's Union Peace Commission (UPC) meeting with members of the Northern Alliance—including the Arakan Army (AA), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA)—on Sept. 5 in Kunming, China, was a positive step for furthering efforts in ending the ongoing clashes.

Regrettably, a planned meeting on the same day between the UPC and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) was canceled due to weaknesses in preparations for the event. This followed meetings in February and August between a delegation of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) led by Lt-Gen Tun Tun Naung and KIO representatives led by Gen. N'Ban La, at which no results were achieved due to the Tatmadaw's coercion and preconditions for further talks.

In order to expedite the peace process in Myanmar, it is essential for leaders from both sides—both the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups—to pursue peace by putting forth a strong commitment to peace, by sending special delegations, by visiting each other's areas and by meeting each other without preconditions.

As they can either be instrumental in advancing the peace process or detrimental in sabotaging the entire peace effort, Myanmar leaders, especially leaders from the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups, should thus learn lessons from the leaders of North and South Korea.

As Kim said during a press conference proceeding the recent Moon-Kim meeting in Pyongyang: "We agreed to make active efforts to turn the Korean peninsula into the land of peace without nuclear weapons or nuclear threats," Myanmar's citizens believe that if both the Tatmadaw generals and ethnic leaders have strong commitments to peace, they can surely turn this war zone to a land of peace without any fighting.

Joe Kumbun is the pseudonym of a Kachin State-based analyst.

The post Korean Reconciliation: Three Lessons for Myanmar's Leaders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bangladesh Hopes to Start Moving Rohingya to Island in November

Posted: 23 Sep 2018 11:51 PM PDT

DHAKA — The relocation of Rohingya refugees from Cox’s Bazar to Bhasanchar Island could start in November if a team of Bangladeshi and UN officials agrees that camps being built on the flood-prone island are habitable, a Bangladeshi official said.

The team visited the island, located in the estuary of the Meghna River where it meets the Bay of Bengal, on Sunday to inspect progress.

"We have seen the location physically along with the representatives from the UN agencies and other experts. We are very happy with the progress. The UN officials were also happy," Muhammad Habibul Kabir Chowdhury, head of refugee affairs at the Disaster Management and Relief Ministry, said afterward.

"We thought it [Bhasanchar] was located in the sea, but it is not…. Huge work is going on there to build the cyclone shelter. Nearly 1,500 workers are working there at the moment," he said. “I was in a dilemma, but now it’s over.”

Although the site was protected from cyclones by mangrove forests, he said, a 21-food embankment was also being built.

“We do not want to push anyone towards any death trap,” Chowdhury said.

According to the Disaster Management and Relief Ministry, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was scheduled to inaugurate the facilities on Oct. 3.

"We are not taking Rohingya there on Oct. 3,” Chowdhury said. “First we will take some of the Majhi [Rohingya community leaders] to the island to show them what has been built for them, and then we will create awareness among them to ensure the relocation process is voluntary."

Mohammed Abul Kalam Azad, Bangladesh’s Rohingya relief and repatriation commissioner in Cox's Bazar, said a list of volunteers would be compiled only after the inspection team submits its report and the government issues instructions.

The UN declined to comment on the relocation plan on Sunday.

In August, Mia Seppo, the UN resident coordinator in Bangladesh, told the Irrawaddy that discussions with the government on its “concerns of safety, voluntariness and sustainability” were ongoing.

Bangladesh formed a 10-member inspection team headed by Muhammad Mohsin, an additional secretary at the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief, to decide whether Bhasanchar was suitable for relocation earlier this year. The body comprises five members each from the government and the UN.

CR Abrar, a migration and refugee expert in Bangladesh, said authorities must ensure that all relocations are voluntary and complained that the Rohingya themselves were being left out of the discussion.

"Where is the voice of the Rohingya?" he said.

In June, a report by the Special Branch of the Bangladesh police force said that only 13 percent of surveyed Rohingya refugees wanted to move from Cox’s Bazar to the Bhasanchar. Among their main concerns was the island’s isolation, which they worry will limit their access to medicine and other relief supplies, and being separated from relatives.

Muhamed Rafique, a refugee, said he would prefer to return to Myanmar if the government were to grant Rohingya citizenship, something it has been loath to do.

"I will not go there [to Bhasanchar], where cyclones can hit us,” said Muhammad Ali, a community leader in one of the Cox’s Bazar camps. “Rohingya who have been living here for some years may be interested in going, but we are not. We are fine here, and we want to return to our land with dignity and rights."

Authorities first proposed resettling Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar to the island in 2015 to cope with a recent influx from Myanmar.

Bangladesh asked the UN to help fund the plan after the sudden arrival of another 700,000 refugees in late 2017 pushed the population of the Cox’s Bazar camps past 1 million.

The post Bangladesh Hopes to Start Moving Rohingya to Island in November appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Power Behind the Robe

Posted: 23 Sep 2018 11:30 PM PDT

On the 11th anniversary of the Saffron Revolution, we revisit this cover story that first appeared in the October 2007 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine, in which the editor explained why Burma's generals fear the influence of the Sangha.

The Lord Buddha shunned worldly affairs, but in his teachings he stressed the need for good governance and good rulers in the practice of politics.

The Buddha said: "When the ruler of a country is just and good, the ministers become just and good; when the ministers are just and good, the higher officials become just and good; when the higher officials are just and good, the rank and file become just and good; when the rank and file become just and good, the people become just and good."

If these admonitions are followed by the large community of monks—the Sangha—in predominantly Buddhist Burma, the lingering "love lost" relationship between the country's military rulers and its monks should be no surprise.

Over the last two decades, Burma's Sangha community, officially estimated to number around 400,000, has had an uneasy relationship with the ruling generals, who have imprisoned several prominent, politically active monks or pongyis. It is estimated that since the present military regime came to power in 1988, about 300 monks have been defrocked and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.

Monks, considered "sons of Buddha," are the biggest institution in Burma after the armed forces, which number more than 400,000 soldiers and police.

In their close contacts with the common people and during their morning alms rounds of local households, the monks witness firsthand the suffering and poverty of ordinary Burmese citizens. They have a very clear picture of the deteriorating situation in Burma.

More importantly, they probably have a better network, connections and influence than politically active students, who are constantly watched, imprisoned or forced into exile.

Who could imagine that these monks, living quietly in monasteries and studying Dhamma, would ever plan to rebel against the repressive regime? Yet history has shown that monks have long played a pivotal role in politics and that they would indeed dare such a bold and dangerous undertaking.

The role of political pongyis is controversial and potentially threatening to the ruling elite, although there has been a continuing debate on whether monks really should involve themselves in politics.

The Early Rebellion

Monks were involved in early outbreaks of resistance against British colonization, joining lay people in taking up arms against the British after seeing King Thibaw sent into exile.

Monks have their resistance martyrs—U Ottama, for instance, who led 3,000 rebels in the Salin area a year after the invasion of Mandalay. The rebel monk, also known as Bo Ottama, was captured and hanged by the British in 1889.

Interestingly, historians noted that monks who took up arms voluntarily defrocked themselves first, following the precept forbidding monks to take lives.

Another martyr, Saya San, who was an ex-monk, led a peasant uprising in Tharrawaddy opposing the tax system imposed by the British. Burma's colonial masters sent 10,000 troops to quell the rebellion, capturing Saya San and sending him, too, to the gallows.

One of the top Burmese lawyers who defended Saya San at his trial was Dr Ba Maw, who later became head of state in Burma's Japanese-backed government.

Not all monks advocated armed struggle. Two who preached nonviolent resistance, U Wisara and another monk named U Ottama, spent many years in prison for their opposition to colonialism and their names have joined the list of independence heroes.

U Ottama, a globe-trotting, well-respected monk from Arakan State, was a powerful speaker whose calls for independence were featured in the national newspaper Thuriya. He once famously told the British Governor Sir Reginald Craddock to go home to Britain, in a speech that landed him in prison.

Like U Ottama, U Wisara was imprisoned several times for his public speeches and died in jail in 1929 after 166 days of a hunger strike. His prison sentences included terms of hard labor, and he was also defrocked.

Both monks became an inspiration to activists and students involved in the independence movement.

Scholar Michael Mendelson wrote in his "Sangha and State in Burma," that all politically active monks tended to be labeled by the colonial authorities as "political agitators in the yellow robes." Interestingly, a similar term is used by Burma's current leaders to describe protesting monks.

Historians wrote that the British authorities were surprised to learn the influential role of the Sangha community, and soon after the invasion of 1885 they abolished the position of "Supreme Patriarch," or Thathana-baing.

In former times, Burmese kings appointed Thathana-baing to govern the Sangha community and made them responsible for doctrinal instruction and discipline of all monks. But the position wasn't accepted by the entire Sangha. The progressive Shwegin sect was one group that rejected it. Sectarianism created controversy and bitter rivalry among monks.

During the Kon-Baung period in the 18th century, conflicts arose within the Sangha over how the monastic robes were supposed to be worn, and two conflicting sects arose—the so-called Ton Gaing and Yon Gaing.

The Burmese scholar Tin Maung Maung Than records that the Toun-goo and early Kon-Baung dynasties were drawn into the rivalry by their royal patronage of one party or the other. In 1782, King Bodawphaya intervened in the controversy by siding with Ton Gaing.

One experienced colonial political officer, Col Edward Sladen, conversant with the power of the Sangha, advised British authorities to maintain the Thathana-baingsystem in order to head off conflicts in governing the predominately Buddhist country.

The role of Thathana-baing was undoubtedly a complicated one, involving a direct link between the monarchy and the Sangha. The Thathana-baing wielded influence and could even intervene in state affairs. One respected abbot even persuaded King Mindon to abandon corvée labor for his irrigation projects. It's ironic that the current regime argues that forced labor is a feature of Burmese tradition and a means of making merit.

After independence, however, the influence of Buddhism and the Sangha went into decline, except for a period under the late prime minister U Nu, a devout Buddhist.

U Nu himself was ordained as a monk several times and rarely exploited Buddhism for his own political ends. Under his government, the Sixth Great Buddhist World Council was held in 1954, and he also created the Buddha Sasana Council.

Tin Maung Maung Than noted in his book, "Sangha Reforms and Renewal of Sasana in Myanmar: Historical trends and Contemporary Practice": "Because of various Gaing and sectarianism U Nu failed to take effective reforms in spite of institutionalization of Buddhism within the state superstructure and notwithstanding the holding of the Sixth Buddhist Synod in 1954."

U Nu also attempted to legalize Buddhism as the state religion in 1961. The attempt was considered to be a misguided policy, and it anyway failed to materialize as U Nu was ousted by Gen Ne Win one year later.

Ne Win regarded monks as a potential opposition and he developed a different strategy to control them. In the mid-1960s, his regime called a Sangha conference to issue monks with identification cards. Young monks and abbots stayed away from the gathering.

It wasn't until 1980 that Ne Win succeeded in containing the monks by establishing a "State Sangha Nayaka Committee," after a carefully orchestrated campaign to discredit the Sangha. Part of the campaign was to discredit a famous monk, Thein Phyu Sayadaw, who was accused of romantic involvement with a woman. He was defrocked.

Before the campaign, intelligence officers and informants of the government infiltrated the temples as monks and gathered information about monks and abbots.

Some well-known abbots, including Mahasi Sayadaw, an internationally respected monk who was invited by U Nu in 1947 to teach Vipassana meditation, were also targeted in the campaign.

Anthropologist Gustaaf Houtmann wrote in his paper "Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics" that the regime had "distributed leaflets accusing Mahasi of talking with the nat spirits, and it was claimed that the Tipitaka Mingun Sayadaw, Burma's top Buddhist scholar, had been involved in some unsavory incident two years after entering the monkhood." Both monks were victims of their refusal to cooperate with the regime.

A number of scholars and historians noted, however, that some abbots accused and charged by the government were indeed involved in scandals and had romantic relationship with women or nuns.

The regime's campaign sometimes took bizarre forms. Rumors were circulated, for instance, suggesting that one Rangoon monk, U Laba, was a cannibal. Several famous abbots were implicated in scandals and were either defrocked or fled to neighboring Thailand. Ne Win successfully launched a "Sangha reform"—also known as "Cleaning Up the Sangha."

The government managed to get some recognition from elderly Buddhists by forming the Sangha Committee. But Ne Win did not pretend to be a devout Buddhist. He rarely participated in Sangha meetings and held few religious ceremonies during the 26 years of his rule. Unlike current leaders, he was rarely seen with monks.

During the 1988 uprising, however, his government asked the Sangha Committee to help restore order, and senior monks appeared in live television broadcasts appealing to the public for calm.

In August, 1988, days after the massacre in Rangoon, monks expressed sorrow for the loss of life, but—to the surprise of many—they also appealed to the regime to govern in accordance with the 10 duties prescribed for rulers of the people. The appeal failed to calm the public mood, but the message did remind many Burmese of the "10 duties of rulers"—the monks were telling Ne Win to be a good ruler.

On August 30, the Working People's Daily reported: "1,500 members of the Sangha marched in procession through the Rangoon streets and gathered in front of the Rangoon General Hospital emergency ward, where they recited "Metta Sutta" in memory of rahans (monks), workers and students who fell in the struggle for democracy." Many young monks were among the demonstrators.

For many Burmese, the struggle for democracy is not yet over and the discord between the Sangha and the ruling generals remains strong.

Unlike Ne Win and U Nu, the generals who came to power in 1988 openly and audaciously schemed to buy off the Sangha community. They have also claimed to be protectors of the Sangha, although their motive is to gain political legitimacy.

Aside from holding numerous merit-making ceremonies, offering hsoon and valuable gifts to monks, the military leaders are launching well-publicized pagoda restoration projects throughout Burma. Nevertheless, confrontations between rebellious monks and the authorities continue.

In Mandalay in 1990, troops fired on the crowds, killing several people, including monks. Angered by the military's brutality, Mandalay monks began a patta ni kozana kan, refusing to accept alms from members of the armed forces and their families.

The same action has now been taken by monks in several provinces after authorities beat protesting monks in Pakokka, central Burma.

"Patta ni kozana kan" can be called in response to any one of eight offences, including vilifying or making insidious comparisons between monks, inciting dissension among monks or defaming Buddha, the Dhamma or the Sangha.

A "patta ni kozana kan" campaign can be called off if the offended monks receive what they accept as a proper apology from the individuals or authorities involved. This procedure involves a ceremony held by at least four monks inside the Buddhist ordination hall, at which the boycott would be canceled.

Some monks in Burma may believe that the "patta ni kozana kan" of 1990 is still in effect, since they haven't yet received any proper apology—only a harsh crackdown. At that time, monks refused to attend religious ceremonies held by military officials and family members.

In one incident, the Mandalay Division commander at the time, Maj-Gen Tun Kyi, who later became trade minister, invited senior monks and abbots to attend a religious ceremony but no one showed up. Military leaders realized the seriousness of the boycott and decided to launch a crackdown.

In Mandalay alone, more than 130 monasteries were raided and monks were defrocked and imprisoned. As many as 300 monks nationwide were defrocked and arrested.

Former political prisoners recalled that monks who shared prison quarters with them continued to practice their faith despite being forced to wear prison uniforms and being officially stripped of their membership of the Sangha.

Several monks, including the highly respected Thu Mingala, a Buddhist literature laureate, and at least eight other respected senior abbots, were arrested. Thu Mingala was sentenced to eight years imprisonment.

Apart from being stripped of their robes, imprisoned monks in Mandalay were forced to wear white prison uniforms and were taunted with nicknames instead of being addressed with their true titles, according to former political prisoners.

One year later, in 1991, the then head of the military junta, Snr-Gen Saw Maung, suffered a nervous breakdown and retired for health reasons. Buddhist Burmese still say this was punishment for his maltreatment of the monks.

The 1990 crackdown divided the Sangha community.  The late Mingun Sayadaw, who was secretary of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, was ridiculed by young monks for not supporting the boycott campaign. He was at one time called "senior general Mingun Sayadaw," and when he visited one temple in Mandalay young monks reportedly saluted him.

Today, while rebellious monks are prepared to go to prison, many senior monks and abbots are allowing themselves to become government tools by accepting gifts and large donations from the generals. By cuddling up to the ruling generals, these elderly abbots can no longer speak for the Sangha community at large, let alone comment on the suffering of the Burmese people. The divisions between abbots and young monks have inevitably widened.

The generals, on the other hand, won't give up easily. In one spectacular bid to win the hearts and minds of the people, they borrowed a Buddha tooth relic from China and toured the country with it and also held a World Buddhist Summit.

In 1999, military leaders renovated Shwedagon Pagoda, after the Htidaw, the sacred umbrella, had been removed amid reports of minor local earthquakes. Local people said the spirits of Shwedagon had been upset with the removal of the Htidaw. Restoration of the pagoda complex did nothing to help the generals' image, though.

The generals have also applied "divide and rule" strategies in dealing with the Sangha community and the opposition.

In 1996, the regime accused the National League for Democracy of infiltrating the Sangha with the aim of committing subversive acts against the authorities. The generals obviously did not want to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi developing too close a relationship with the monks.

In an attempt to neutralize the political role of Suu Kyi, the government sent a famous,  London-based monk, Dr Rewatta Dhamma, to visit the detained opposition leader in 1995. Claiming to be a peace-broker between Suu Kyi and the generals, the monk shuttled between her and top leaders. But his mission failed and he returned to London. Skeptics believe the generals had merely used U Rewatta in a bid to persuade Suu Kyi to relinquish politics.

Ironically, the regime leaders publicly accused Suu Kyi of being a communist and of sacrilege because she had said in a campaign speech that "any human being can become a Buddha in this life."

Soon after her release from her first term of house arrest in 1995, Suu Kyi immediately traveled to Karen State, followed by infuriated intelligence officers. She went there to make an offering to "Thamanya Sayadaw."

Traditionally, temples have provided hiding places for activists, and in 1988 monks offered shelter to fugitives from the intelligence authorities.

At one time, the regime even placed restrictions on opposition members, preventing them from ordaining as monks. Like universities and schools, politically active monasteries are under heavy surveillance.

The widely respected abbot Bhaddanta Vinaya, known as Thamanya  Sayadaw because he lived on Thamanya Hill, was involved in projects to help villagers in the area, work that was shunned by the generals.

He was revered not only for the mystical powers he was said to possess, but also because of his refusal to kowtow to the regime leaders. He once famously refused to accept the gift of a luxury vehicle from the then powerful intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt.

Khin Nyunt could not buy Thamanya.

It may indeed be wrong to assume that Burma's regime leaders are devout Buddhists. The generals and their families seem to place more trust in astrology and numerology than in Buddhist ritual. They treasure white elephants and lucky charms and are constantly seeking advice from astrologers.

Birds of a feather, such as the generals and their chief astrologers, not only flock together but fall together, too. Ne Win's family astrologer, Aung Pwint Khaung, was arrested in 2002 when the former dictator and his family were charged with high treason.

Khin Nyunt's chief astrologer, Bodaw Than Hla, was imprisoned after the former Prime Minister and Military Intelligence chief was toppled in 2004.

Many Burmese may find it hard to believe that their military leaders are actually preserving Buddhism. Even when they are building pagodas and erecting Buddha images, the projects are based on astrological predictions and readings.

Who, for instance, advised Ne Win to ride a wooden horse on his aircraft and to ask the pilot to circle his birthplace nine times? Who advised him to issue banknotes in denominations of 45 and 90 kyat?

Who advised Khin Nyunt to dress up in women's clothing, complete with the signature flower that Suu Kyi wears, in order to steal power from "the Lady"? Who told Than Shwe to move his capital to central Burma?

It certainly wasn't a belief in Buddhist tenets. Nor does Buddhism permit the military to beat, defrock, imprison and kill monks.

The decline of Buddhism and the rise of militarism in Burma are a source of concern for the people of Burma. Thus, it is no surprise to hear social critics and political pongyismaintain that the generals who kneel down before images of Buddha are the real threat to Buddhism and Dhamma.

The post The Power Behind the Robe appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Nepal Restores $2.5B Hydropower Plant Contract to Chinese Firm

Posted: 23 Sep 2018 09:56 PM PDT

KATHMANDU—Nepal's new government has reversed its predecessor’s decision and has asked China Gezhouba Group Corporation to build the nation's biggest hydropower plant, an official said on Sunday, as it seeks to woo Chinese investment in its ailing infrastructure.

The $2.5 billion deal with the Gezhouba Group to build the Budhi Gandaki hydroelectric project was scrapped last year by the previous government, citing lapses in the award process. State-run Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) was to have built it.

But Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, seen as China-friendly, pledged to revert the project to the Chinese company if he was elected to power in last year's elections. Oli became prime minister in February after his Nepal Communist Party scored a landslide poll victory.

"Yes, the Budhi Gandaki has been given back to the Gezhouba Group," said Roshan Khadka, an aide to Energy Minister Barsa Man Pun. "It is … restoring the project to the Chinese company," Khadka told Reuters. He did not give further details of the decision taken by the cabinet on Friday night.

China and India are both jostling for influence in Nepal by providing aid and investment in infrastructure projects.

Officials said a formal construction deal will be signed on the hydropower project after the government had negotiated the project modalities with the Chinese company. No date for this was given.

Nepal's rivers, cascading from the snow-capped Himalayas, have vast, untapped potential for hydropower generation, but lack of funds has made Nepal lean on neighbor India to meet an annual power demand of 1,400 megawatts (MW).

The 1,200 MW plant on Budhi Gandaki river, about 50 kilometers (32 miles) west of Kathmandu, is meant to address acute power shortages that have marred economic growth in one of the poorest countries in the world.

Critics say the project should have been open for international bidding instead of being entrusted to the Chinese company.

Officials of the Chinese company were not immediately available for comment.

Nepal wants the Budhi Gandaki project to be part of the Belt and Road initiative (BRI), President Xi Jinping's landmark scheme to connect China to the rest of Asia and beyond, to which it signed up last year.

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Asian Firms Shuffle Production Around the Region as China Tariffs Hit

Posted: 23 Sep 2018 09:46 PM PDT

SEOUL/TOKYO — A growing number of Asian manufacturers of products ranging from memory chips to machines tools are moving to shift production from China to other factories in the region in the wake of US President Donald Trump’s tariffs on Chinese imports.

Companies including SK Hynix of South Korea and Mitsubishi Electric, Toshiba Machine Co. and Komatsu of Japan began plotting production moves since July, when the first tariffs hit, and the shifts are now under way, company representatives and others with knowledge of the plans told Reuters. Others, such as Taiwanese computer-maker Compal Electronics and South Korea’s LG Electronics, are making contingency plans in case the trade war continues or deepens.

The company representatives and other sources spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue.

The quick reactions to the US tariffs are possible because many large manufacturers have facilities in multiple countries and can move at least small amounts of production without building new factories. Some governments, notably in Taiwan and Thailand, are actively encouraging companies to move work from China.

The United States imposed 25 percent duties covering $50 billion of Chinese-made goods in July, and a second round of 10 percent tariffs covering another $200 billion of Chinese exports will come into effect next week. The latter rate will jump to 25 percent at the end of the year, and Trump has threatened a third round of tariffs on $267 billion of goods, which would bring all of China’s exports to the United States into the tariff regime.

The tariffs threaten China’s status as a low-cost production base that, along with the appeal of the fast-growing China market, drew many companies to build factories and supply chains in the country over the past several decades.

At SK Hynix, which makes computer memory chips, work is under way to move production of certain chip modules back to South Korea from China. Like its US rival Micron Technology, which is also moving some memory-chip work from China to other Asian locations, SK Hynix does some of its packaging and testing of chips in China, with the chips themselves mostly made elsewhere.

“There are a few DRAM module products made in China that are exported to the United States,” said a source with direct knowledge of the situation, referring to widely used dynamic random-access memory chips. “SK Hynix is planning on bringing those DRAM module products to South Korea to avoid the tariff hit.”

Most of SK Hynix’s production won’t be affected, the source added, since China’s dominance in computer and smartphone manufacturing makes it by far the largest market for DRAM chips.

Toshiba Machine Co says it plans to shift production of US-bound plastic molding machines from China to Japan or Thailand in October.

The machines are used for making plastic components such as automotive bumpers. “We’ve decided to shift part of our production from China because the impact of the tariffs is significant,” a spokesman said.

Mitsubishi Electric, meanwhile, says it is in the process of shifting production of US-bound machine tools used for metal processing from its manufacturing base in Dalian, in northeastern China, to a Japanese plant in Nagoya.

In Taiwan, an executive at notebook PC maker Compal, who declined to be named, said the trade war’s impact had been limited so far, but the company was studying its options.

“We can also use facilities in Vietnam, Mexico and Brazil as alternatives,” the person said. “It won’t be easy because our majority production is in China; no other country can replace that at this moment.”

Smaller companies are exploring their options too. South Korean medical equipment manufacturer IM Healthcare, which makes products including air purifiers, is studying a move to Vietnam or South Korea if the trade conflict intensifies, a source with direct knowledge of the matter said.

Some Asian governments hope for an economic and strategic boost from the US-China conflict. In Taiwan, the government is actively encouraging companies to move production out of China, pledging last month to speed up its existing “Southbound Policy” to reduce economic reliance on China by encouraging companies to move supply chains to Southeast Asia.

Taiwan economics ministry official William Liu told Reuters that the trade war was “a challenge and an opportunity” for the self-ruled island. Taiwan depends on China as an export market, he noted, but at the same time could see a boost in jobs from companies moving operations back home.

Thailand also hopes to benefit from the “flow of technology and investment leaving China during the trade war," said Kanit Sangsubhan, Secretary-General of the Eastern Economic Corridor (EEC) Office of Thailand, which is coordinating a $45 billion project to attract investment into the country. The EEC last month took some 800 representatives of Chinese companies on a tour around the eastern industrial heartland, and the country’s Board of Investment has done seven roadshows in China this year to woo investors.

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China’s Catholic Church Pledges Loyalty to Party After Vatican Deal

Posted: 23 Sep 2018 09:27 PM PDT

SHANGHAI — China’s Catholic Church reaffirmed its loyalty to the country’s ruling Communist Party on Sunday, while welcoming a landmark deal struck with the Vatican on appointing new bishops.

The Vatican on Saturday signed an agreement giving it a long-desired and decisive say in the appointment of bishops in China, though critics labeled it a sellout to the government.

China’s around 12 million Catholics have been split between an underground Church swearing loyalty to the Vatican and the state-supervised Catholic Patriotic Association.

The Catholic Church in China said it would “persevere to walk a path suited to a socialist society, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.”

It “deeply loved the motherland” and “sincerely endorsed” the agreement, hoping relations between China and the Vatican would improve further, it added in comments on its website.

The Vatican has said the accord, a breakthrough after years of negotiations, was “not political but pastoral,” and hoped it would lead to “the full communion of all Chinese Catholics.”

But prospects of such an agreement had divided communities of Catholics across China, some of whom fear greater suppression should the Vatican cede more control to Beijing. Others want to see rapprochement and avoid a potential schism.

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