In the Lower House, military representative Major Zin Lin questioned the practicality of proposals approved by the national legislature, saying there was no way to measure their contributions to government projects because the government lacked a five-year plan for the term of the current administration.
Tuesday (Feb. 5)
The Union Parliament debated a proposal to form a joint committee to work on amending the military-drafted Constitution. None of the military-appointed lawmakers in Parliament — all of whom boycotted last week's vote to schedule the debate — took part in the discussion.
Wednesday (Feb. 6)
Nearly 67 percent of Union Parliament lawmakers voted in favor of forming a committee to draft amendments to the Constitution.
Lawmaker U Myo Win of the ruling National League for Democracy called for transparency and accountability for public expenditures, saying the government should be careful with its spending if it is to fund itself with taxes from members of the public.
According to statistics from the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration, only 36,000 of more than 80,000 registered companies are paying tax, and there are only 600,000 private tax payers among a national population of 52 million.
The Upper House approved a proposal from lawmaker U Soe Moe urging the Supreme Court to require judges to take an oath during trials that they will administer justice fairly. He said it would improve the credibility of Myanmar's judicial system.
Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! I would call the topic we are going to discuss this week “constitutional amendments and the five Ws.” After the National League for Democracy (NLD) took steps to amend the Constitution, there are questions: why the NLD took steps at this point in time to amend the Constitution; who would support and who would oppose the constitutional amendments; what main provisions will be amended; the time frame for amending the Constitution; and how the Constitution can be amended. Ko Mya Aye, a member of the political leading committee of the federal democratic force, and political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein join me to discuss this. I am Kyaw Zwa Moe.
Ko Mya Aye, as I've said, it is interesting to see what can be called in journalism terms the five Ws and one H of the NLD's move. People are asking why the NLD has taken steps only now to amend the Constitution and did nothing over the past three years in Parliament. There are just two years until the next elections. Can you explain briefly your views on its motives? I’ve also obtained some information.
Mya Aye: People are speculating different things, and I have my own assessment. My view is simple. I'd like to look at the principles of politics. It (the NLD) could not amend it over the past three years and it is just now making attempts to amend it. Some people accuse it of targeting the next elections. I don't see it like that. Amending the Constitution is one of the points raised by the NLD during its (2015) election campaign. My view is that the NLD has started trying to amend the Constitution in order to fulfill a promise it made to the people. Presumably, the NLD party or the government believes it is time to amend it now. On the other hand, as everyone knows, the 21st Century Panglong Conference is making little progress while the peace process and constitutional amendments are intertwined. I think (the NLD is taking steps to amend the Constitution) to facilitate the peace process.
Kyaw Zwa Moe: I heard— this is privileged information that can be confirmed by only the two of them, and I don't know if it is true or not — that after the NLD won the election in 2015, former Snr. Gen. Than Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi verbally agreed not to amend the Constitution immediately. Nobody can officially confirm it. Only the two of them know if it is true or not. The military raised objections when the proposal (to form a committee to draft constitutional amendments) was submitted. During the debate in Parliament, lawmakers from the USDP (Union Solidarity and Development Party) also strongly opposed it. So who supports it and who opposes it?
Yan Myo Thein: Amending the Constitution, no matter when it is done, is necessary for Myanmar politics. There is no point in arguing if it is too soon or too late. It is important that the amendments are approached strategically. I mean, the NLD proposed forming a joint committee to amend the Constitution. The proposal met opposition in Parliament. But all the people who opposed the proposal said they agree on amending the Constitution. The difference is the extent or degree of the amendments they want to see. Military representatives support amending the Constitution, and so do the USDP lawmakers. But they differ on the extent of the amendments they want to make. My view is that provisions in the Union Accord signed by the president, state counselor, commander-in-chief, deputy commander-in-chief and parliamentary speakers at the 21st Century Panglong Conference must be met and implemented in any way. Otherwise, public trust will decline.
KZM: Military representatives spoke in Parliament against changes to the Constitution that they haven’t seen yet. In 2014, the NLD proposed 168 amendments…. I think the upcoming constitutional changes will be based on those 168 proposed amendments. Overall, three provisions are the most important. The first is to reduce the role of the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) in politics and to reduce the privileges it enjoys. The second is to reduce the authority of the president. In my view it is intended to grant greater autonomy for chief ministers of regions and states. These two are the main points. They are advisable according to democratic norms. But reducing the role of the Tatmadaw is quite problematic — 25 percent of the seats in Parliament are reserved (for lawmakers appointed by the military) and the Tatmadaw has a political leadership role. The NLD proposed amending those provisions. How serious will the confrontation be? And can the committee deliver good results?
MA: The Tatmadaw and USDP oppose the formation of the committee, saying that it does not comply with the procedures. They don't say they oppose changing the Constitution. But then, we can't hold expectations. When it comes to politics, reality and wishes are two different things. The reality is we have reasons to be concerned that the country will be thrown back into chaos when there is growing friction. But we must step up to the plate. In principle, we can't make concessions. No way. My view is that it is important that our country has a 100 percent civilian government. There is a convergence in the NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement) and Union Accord, which mention a Union based on democracy and federalism. I think this is the most basic point in amending the Constitution. It was agreed and signed by the commander-in-chief, NLD, ethnic political parties and ethnic armed groups. It is enshrined in both the NCA and the Union Accord. There is a need to amend the Constitution in line with that. If this yardstick is to be applied, all we need is the Tatmadaw's approval of discussion on these provisions.
KZM: Article 8 of Chapter 1 of the Constitution says the Union is constituted by the Union system. But as you two said, what was agreed at the Panglong Peace Conference by all, including the Tatmadaw, was a Union based on democracy and federalism. So, as they have already agreed on it, can related provisions be amended?
YMT: Yes, it should be possible to amend them. Section 7 says the Union practices a genuine, disciplined, multi-party democracy system. But in the Union Accord, "genuine" and "disciplined" are not included. The Union Accord is a pact agreed and signed by the leaders of the government, Parliament, Tatmadaw, ethnic political parties and ethnic armed groups. So what we are waiting to see is whether the constitutional amendments due to take place in Parliament can make changes in line with the Union Accord. Who will deter those changes? And how can we overcome the deterrence? We need to think about it.
KZM: So it is likely that the NLD leaders will change the Constitution with reference to the Union Accord. The Constitution mentions genuine, disciplined, multi-party democracy. In its proposed amendments, the NLD says it need not modify democracy. But in the view of some authoritarians and conservative leaders around the world, democracy is anarchy. So (the military) put "disciplined" before democracy.
YMT: In the Union Accord, it is simple. It just says multi-party democracy, with no adjective before it.
KZM: With the word disciplined, it seems that democracy itself is not disciplined. There was opposition when the proposal to form the committee was submitted. Ko Mya Aye, how can the NLD convince the opposition?
MA: It is no longer the time to sing lullabies. The Tatmadaw said that it wishes to change the Constitution. And so did the USDP. The key is the phrase "the Union based on democracy and federalism." This is the terminology for the interim period before we reach federal status. There is a need to amend the Constitution in line with that phrase.
KZM: What should be done if the lullabies can't be sung?
MA: Politicians should seek the public’s opinion. The Constitution is eight years old now, and it doesn't serve the country but causes delays in the peace process. Suffice it to say that it is not good in all aspects. In my view, people should express peacefully, within the legal framework, their desire to change the Constitution, whether or not (the military) accepts it. It would be best for the country if the commander-in-chief and the people's leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, negotiate around a table.
KZM: For the time being it remains a dream. Ko Yan Myo Thein, as it has been agreed in the Union Accord, it (Article 8) can be changed in the Constitution to a Union based on democracy and federalism. But the most important thing, I think, is the role of the military. For example, 25 percent of the lawmakers in Parliament are military representatives nominated by the commander-in-chief. Perhaps the NLD is pragmatic. It doesn't say such provisions must be changed immediately. Instead, it says they shall be amended gradually through negotiation focused on harmony. So it seems that a space is reserved for the Tatmadaw and Tatmadaw leaders, doesn’t it?
YMT: The most important thing to do to tackle the constitutional crisis is to have dialogue between the decision makers — the civilian leaders and the military leaders. Another thing is that the Tatmadaw said it would leave Parliament some day, but we don’t know when. We don't know how long it will take. Taking a look at the closest example, there were military representatives in the Indonesian Parliament. But they have a roadmap for what percent to reduce their representation by in certain years. Due to the lack of such a roadmap, we don't know how long we have to walk to get to the end of the tunnel.
MA: I think the NLD government must have discussed it, as it is now three years since it took office. They (the military) oppose the formation of a committee on constitutional amendments. We don't want the country to suffer. It is wasting time to get back into the argument, and the people will suffer. So there should be negotiations. When we talk about constitutional change, one group thinks it is about purging the 25-percent block of military representatives, and the other group, the military, thinks the same. But it is not the case.
KZM: To be frank and pragmatic, it is also not impossible.
MA: Given the situation, we have to go step by step. Rather than asking them to leave gradually, what I would like to focus on is the emergence of a new Constitution that guarantees a Union based on democracy and federalism. The Tatmadaw says it would leave Parliament only after peace is achieved. Its meaning is broad. It calls for agreement between the Tatmadaw, Parliament, government, ethnic leaders. As there is little progress implementing the Union Accord, it is time lawmakers, including the Tatmadaw’s, try to collaborate to change the Constitution in order to facilitate the 21st Century Panglong.
KZM: It is now 2019, and the NLD has more than 20 months until the next elections in 2020 to amend the Constitution. When do you think it intends to end the process whether amendments are made or not? Do you think it has a time frame in mind to realize as many of the 168 proposed amendments as it can through the committee? The current government has a roadmap for peace that calls for amending the Constitution and holding elections based on those amendments before transferring power to the next government.
YMT: The first Parliament [under U Thein Sein] dissolved in 2015, the year of the election. So I think the (amendment) process is intended to end in early 2020. We want to change many things, but according to Article 436 (a) and (b), no amendment can be made without the approval of more than 75 percent of lawmakers. This means the Constitution can't be changed without the consent of military representatives. But I expect that there will be potential for constitutional amendments that allow local people to elect their own chief ministers. There are many impossibilities and uncertainties, but I hope it is possible. Presumably the Tatmadaw has given it the green light. Ethnic lawmakers and ethic political parties also want it. So I think it is possible. I don't deny that there should be more significant amendments than that.
KZM: It is one of the NLD’s proposed amendments. It is about reducing the authority of the president and granting greater autonomy to regional chief ministers and parliaments. Regarding Article 436, the NLD in 2014 proposed that it should be amended by two-thirds of elected lawmakers or more than 50 percent of all Union lawmakers, in which case military representatives would also be included. So that proposed amendment is interesting to see. The most interesting proposed amendment to me is to replace the existing state flag. Perhaps you two have read it. The proposed amendment says it is unacceptable that the state flag is completely different from the previous one that boosted the morale of the people during the independence struggle and that people cherished greatly. So they have even thought about this. They have thought about subtle details. But we don't know to what extent the Constitution can be changed. Ko Mya Aye, what is your view on constitutional amendments?
MA: The Tatmadaw said it agrees to amend the Constitution, and the NLD has now submitted the proposal to form the committee, and [the Tatmadaw and USDP] oppose forming the committee. I wish everyone would cooperate to amend the Constitution. I don't want to see a blame game being played in amending the Constitution. The country will suffer if a blame game is played. I would like to urge the leaders of the Tatmadaw, government, NLD and ethnic groups to seriously consider this.
KZM: Everyone agrees the Constitution should be amended. But the USDP’s and Tatmadaw representatives' objection to forming the committee amounts to indirect opposition to constitutional amendments. Ko Yan Myo Thein, how do you think this can be overcome?
YMT: It should be overcome through dialogue. There is a need to hold a national referendum again on the 2008 Constitution.
KZM: It will cost a lot of money.
YMT: It is because 92.48 percent (the official “yes” vote in a referendum on the Constitution in 2008) is not genuine. No matter how much effort we make based on a fake foundation, the country can't be (a) genuine (democracy). So I think there is a need to conduct a nationwide referendum on the existing Constitution.
KZM: This is another issue. Thank you both for your contributions! We will wait and see how successful the constitutional amendment efforts are.
Like many people around the world, there are those in Myanmar who honestly believe that democracy necessarily brings about civil rights, freedom of speech, equality, autonomy, religion, good governance and even property rights.
I disagree. Simply speaking, democracy is a political system in which the people elect the government. Under that basic definition, Myanmar has been a democracy since March 2016, when the National League for Democracy (NLD) managed to form a government after winning the general election in November 2015. But as news reports remind us on a daily basis, here in our country obstacles remain in terms of achieving civil rights, equality, press freedom, autonomy and many other political goals.
The fact is, democracy gives people the right to vote for the party of their choosing; it doesn't guarantee rights or any of the underpinnings of a liberal society mentioned above. Only constitutional liberalism can deliver those rights as well as the rule of law to citizens. In the United States, constitutional liberalism protects civil rights and liberties, even under an elected illiberal leader like President Donald Trump. In other words, democracy alone isn't enough.
We need a constitution that can protect those rights and liberties for the people.
Myanmar's current Constitution is not really designed for the people; rather, it serves the interests of the military leadership. It's the Constitution itself that keeps the country from moving forward. Only constitutional reform will bring about a radical departure from Myanmar's military-dominated system. The charter must be fundamentally transformed.
Last week, the NLD initiated in Parliament the process of forming a joint committee to discuss amending the Constitution. Predictably, the customary objections were raised and heated objections lodged by the military and lawmakers from its proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Nonetheless, the proposal to form the committee was approved by Parliament, in which the NLD and ethnic lawmakers hold a majority.
This is a battle, is it not? A constitutional battle!
It's a fight between the ruling NLD and the country's powerful military—and the majority of Myanmar people, including members of the ethnic communities, are on the side of the NLD.
In reaction to the NLD's move, some critics have asked, "Why now? Why didn't the party start this right after it took office in 2016?"
Actually, the NLD is acting according to an established plan. That plan was the basis of my analysis written in October 2016. The following paragraphs of that article help to explain the NLD's policy in regard to amending the Constitution:
When the incumbent government led by the State Counselor announced its policy for national reconciliation and Union-level peace in mid-October, it indicated a certain level of determination to suggest that this could be completed in accordance with a predetermined schedule. The policy was published in the government's newspapers after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi described them in her speech on the first anniversary of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement on Oct. 15.
The first two steps of the government's seven-point policy are to review and amend the political dialogue framework that was drafted by the previous government led by ex-general Thein Sein. The third and fourth steps are to continue convening the 21st Century Panglong Conference and to sign a Union peace agreement based on the 21st Century Panglong Conference.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her government never officially disclosed a timeframe for their political roadmap in establishing a democratic federal union, but she seems to have a specific deadline in mind. The fifth point clearly mentions amending the current Constitution in accordance with the Union agreement, while the sixth says to hold multi-party democratic elections in accordance with the amended Constitution.
These two points reveal her timeframe. The general elections mentioned in the government's policy must be a reference to the next election in 2020. Thus, before the 2020 election, the State Counselor must aim to execute the other points of the policy, including the Union-level agreement, and the amendment of the Constitution.
This clearly shows that the government's policies do not only aim to achieve peace but also to change national laws. In fact, such an attempt to amend the Constitution could be considered the bigger challenge, as the military—which enjoys the Constitutional privileges—will definitely resist any change to its current status. Yet one of the longtime goals of the National League for Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has been to create a Constitution that ensures "all the people of Burma can live together in tranquility and security." It was officially written as such in the NLD's 2015 election manifesto.
Thus, for their fifth point, the NLD introduced its proposal to form the committee last week. My analysis is based on two things—the first is an assumption that the NLD leadership has deliberately waited for this moment to kick the process off. The second is based on "privileged information" from a reliable source who told me that the top leader of the former military regime, U Than Shwe, asked Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at a meeting in December 2015—about one month after the NLD won a landslide victory in the general election—to wait for a couple of years before moving to amend the Constitution.
It's quite likely true, though only those two people would be able to confirm this information. If this agreement was in fact reached, it was likely in the form of a verbal exchange between the country's most powerful ex-military leader and its most popular elected leader. At that time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have known at what pace she and her victorious NLD could proceed. At least she was able to do so in the knowledge that she was not opposed by U Than Shwe, who is believed to retain his influence in the military.
Back then, U Than Shwe was quoted as saying on his favorite grandson's Facebook page: "After winning the election, it's the reality all have to accept—that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be the country's future leader." The grandson continued in his post that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reportedly said, "For the success of establishing [a brighter] future of Burma, I want to talk to Snr-Gen. Than Shwe for all-inclusive collaboration, including with the Tatmadaw [the military]."
After their meeting on Dec. 4, 2015, according to his grandson's post, U Than Shwe pledged to support Suu Kyi "as best he can," so long as she truly works for the development of the country.
With these two points in mind, I think the NLD put the wheels in motion in late January in order to try and achieve its goal, as planned, before 2020. Whether the military will collaborate with the NLD or not remains an open question, as demonstrated by its objection to the party's move in Parliament. But the current military commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and his appointees in Parliament said the military is not opposed in principle to amending the Constitution.
My main question is this: Might U Than Shwe be inclined to counsel the commander-in-chief to accommodate the NLD's constitutional reform to some extent? If he were to keep the promise of help that he made to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in 2015, the NLD's attempt to change the Constitution would be significantly more likely to yield fruit.
Certainly, the NLD will not try to amend every undemocratic article in the Constitution. Knowing that success depends on the military's support, the ruling party will have to leave some space for the military to play a role in politics, even as it implements its plan to amend the Constitution.
Stay tuned for my next column to find out more about which articles of the Constitution the NLD wants to amend.
YANGON — A controversial plan to host a “grand bazaar” at one of Myanmar’s most historic buildings to promote ties with the United States has been “postponed indefinitely” following public criticism that the event would disgrace the site.
The two-day "NightFest at Yangon's Secretariat," scheduled for Monday and Tuesday, was slated to showcase Californian and Italian wines and other alcoholic beverages, a variety of cheeses and other American food, including Krispy Kreme doughnuts.
The United States Department of Agriculture has been named a sponsor of the event along with the Signature Night Market Event Planning Company, the United States Department of Agriculture Myanmar and SY Group.
The intended venue is one of Myanmar's most historic landmarks. In the courtyard, where the event was to take place, the country's first Independence Day ceremony was held in January 1948, immediately after the British Union Jack was taken down to mark the end of colonial rule.
Most importantly, it is where independence hero Gen. Aung San, the father of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and his cabinet members were assassinated in a room in the west wing in 1947.
Critics said the organizers were disrespecting the unique history of the building, which should not be used for frivolous entertainment given the gravity of the events that took place there. People took to Facebook, Myanmar's most popular social media platform, to complain that the event would disrespect the site where Gen. Aung San was murdered.
Last week, one of the organizers told The Irrawaddy that the event would not be changed despite the criticism because they “got approval from the government step by step.” Since then, the event has attracted both local and international media attention.
On Friday evening, The Secretariat Yangon, the conservation group renovating the complex, released a statement announcing that the fest had been postponed indefinitely “in response to public feedback.”
The group said it understood the importance and significance of the building's history and that its goal was to showcase the best of Myanmar’s heritage, foster intercultural dialogue and bring new cultural experiences to a new generation of citizens.
"We will endeavor to listen to feedback from members of the public and will also be engaging community and government leaders for our future events so that we can bring events, exhibits and experiences that are meaningful and accessible to the people of Yangon," the statement said.
It added that the event organizers will be providing refunds to ticket holders and were working closely with vendors and partners.
YANGON — The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) announced on Thursday that a number of its activities in northern Rakhine State have been stalled for weeks due to ongoing fighting between the military and rebel Arakan Army (AA).
On Jan. 10, a week after coordinated attacks by the AA on four police border posts in Maungdaw Township, the state government banned international relief agencies, including those affiliated with the U.N., from that and four other townships in northern Rakhine. The ICRC and World Food Program were exempt.
Since then, the military has also blocked aid shipments from local civil society groups. The ICRC and World Food Program are allowed access to only 17 locations in the region, and upper Kyauktaw Township and Paletwa Township in neighboring Chin State remain off limits.
Local volunteers and civil society groups estimated that about 6,000 people have been displaced by the fighting.
In an interview with The Irrawaddy last week, the ICRC said it could not access those displaced in Paletwa.
Because boats transporting aid are not allowed to reach some areas, host communities in the conflict zones have been sharing their resources with the new arrivals for more than a month. The fighting has also cut off some villages from markets in urban areas.
“People who had to flee from their villages are afraid. Many families have left their homes with very little or nothing, so they do what they can to help one another," Dena Fisher, who heads the ICRC's sub-delegation in the Rakhine State capital, Sittwe, was quoted as saying in a statement on Thursday.
Apart from providing food to more than 5,000 displaced people in the 17 locations in can access northern Rakhine, most other ICRC activities in the fields — including those related to healthcare, water, sanitation and agriculture — have been on hold for weeks, leaving many communities without access to livelihoods and other essential services. Its mobile clinics, which serve approximately 250 patients a week, stopped operating about three weeks ago.
"Although we are able to provide much-needed relief to most people displaced, we are increasingly concerned about the continuity of our operations for all other communities in Rakhine," said Stephan Sakalian, head of ICRC Myanmar.
He said it was vital that humanitarian assistance reach all conflict-affected communities in order to minimize the impact of the fighting on the civilian population, in line with international humanitarian law.
Paletwa resident Ko Tin Tun said soldiers and police were preventing rice shipments from Kyauktaw to Paletwa and examining identity and travel documents at several checkpoints.
Ko Zar Nee Phyu, a member of the Rakhine Ethnic Congress, a local civil society group, said the military was not allowing rice to be shipped to upper Kyauktaw either.
NAYPYITAW—Efforts by parliamentarians to form a committee to draft amendments to the 2008 charter have stalled as Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army) appointees and Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) lawmakers have opposed the proposed committee structure.
Following the Union parliament's approval to form the committee, Lower House Speaker T Khun Myat proposed that it would be a 45-member body, comprising 22 lawmakers each from the two houses of Parliament and lead by a chairman.
The speaker revealed the tentative structure of the committee when he met lawmakers on Friday afternoon. Taking lessons from a similar committee formed under the previous U Thein Sein government, the new committee will be a leaner one, said the speaker. The committee to review the Constitution formed by the previous parliament consisted of 109 members, and there were resulting inefficiencies, he said.
"There is no decision yet on the matter and it will be taken up in the next meeting [which has been moved to Feb. 15]. Today many have debated on this and we will have to think about the possible approaches. We are stuck at the formation of the committee. We will look for a [solution] and then we will meet again," said Sai Thiha Kyaw, the Lower House lawmaker who joined the meeting held in the Parliament compound.
Lower House lawmaker U Thaung Aye from the USDP said his party wants equal representation rather than representation by proportion. According to the proposed 45-members, U Thaung Aye said, the National League for Democracy (NLD) would have 20 places, while the USDP would only have two and other parties would not get to send more than two people to the committee.
The NLD makes up 59 percent of total elected-lawmakers in the Parliament, followed by 25 percent military appointees, 11 percent represent the combined ethnic parties while 5 percent are from the USDP.
"As it is the committee to amend the Constitution, we suggest it should be balanced [in representation], whether five or 10 from each [party]," he said.
He then added, if they move ahead on the formation of the committee in this way, the NLD would be blamed and also the Tatmadaw would not agree. The Tatmadaw has not yet clearly said whether they would take part in the committee or not.
Upper House lawmaker Dr. Myat Nyana Soe, of the NLD said as the Union Parliament has approved the formation of the committee, it cannot turn backwards. Thus they are openly negotiating with lawmakers from the 14 parties who are in the Parliament as well as with the military appointees.
He said it won't take long and they would meet again to exchange views on how to form the committee and that they would update the Parliament on this.
U Lar Mar Lay from the Lisu National Development Party said, "as we are a small party, we do not have any complaints. If a party has only one lawmaker in the Parliament, they can be in the committee too, but Rakhine and Shan parties are not so happy with the proportion."
As this committee is a working committee to draft the bill to amend the Constitution, there is no problem in this formation of the committee, said U Sai Thiha Kyaw, of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, representing Mongyai constituency in Shan State.
"It is no problem for us, but some want more than their quota. Some suggest having equal proportions. Anyhow, it is appropriate that the members are lawmakers representing the parties and the Tatmadaw," said U Sai Thiha Kyaw.
There were only two NLD representatives in the previous 109-members Committee formed under the President U Thein Sein, but there were no objections from the NLD on that, said U Ye Tun, former Lower House lawmaker from Hsipaw, Shan State.
"The number of committee members is not so important here yet, whatever the decision is. If the lawmakers draft a bill that is agreed by the Tatmadaw, it would be interesting," U Ye Tun said.
Present at the meeting were lawmakers from the ruling NLD, USDP, Wa Democratic Party, Pa-O National Organization, Zomi Democracy Party, Ta'ang National Party, Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Arakan National Party, Kokang Democracy and Unity Party, Mon National Party, National United Democratic Party, National Unity Party, Kachin State Democracy Party and Lisu National Development Party.
Four military lawmakers—two representing the military bloc in Parliament and two as observers—attended the meeting though they previously boycotted the proposal and debate on forming the committee.
A Lower House lawmaker has requested for the Karenni state government to negotiate with rights activists in order to solve problems in the region, following the arrest of ten more rights activists in Loikaw on Friday morning, according to local sources.
Khun Thomas, a rights activist who has been charged three times for his participation in recent protests in Loikaw over the installation of a bronze statue of Gen. Aung San, told The Irrawaddy about the fresh arrests.
"They were arrested and are being detained at the police station. We don't know yet what type of charges they will face or whether they will be released on bail," said Khun Thomas.
On Thursday evening, 36 activists were arrested and released on bail later that night. Six of those who were released were among those detained again this morning, along with four additional activists, when they resumed their protest.
Police arrested the activists in front of the local NLD office where they had been holding a protest camp since Sunday.
On Friday, a number of right activists met the Karenni State parliament house speaker U Hla Htwe in order to voice their concerns. They requested for negotiations to be held in order to discuss the issues regarding the statue.
Friday's arrests bring the total number of arrests over the issue to 68.
"Their actions may lead to the fall the state as more problems will come," said Khun Thomas.
The Karenni National Progressive Party on Friday sent an open letter to President U Win Myint and State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi decrying the actions of the Karenni state government.
The letter said the actions of the state government threaten the stability of the region and the safety of the local people. They may also cause challenges to peace and rule of law in the region, it said.
The letter also says that the NLD had promised to build a government that would listen to the voices of the people during their election campaign but that instead their actions have shown a misuse of power and refusals to listen to the people.
Request for negotiation
Lower House lawmaker of Loikaw Township Daw Khin Sithu has urged the state government to negotiate with the protesters in order to solve the problem.
She told The Irrawaddy that before she entered politics, she worked with some of the right activists while Myanmar was ruled by the military regime and that during that time, they took part in Martyr's Day events commemorating Gen. Aung San even though such events were forbidden then.
She said the activists are not acting out of spite for Gen. Aung San, but in order to have their voices heard.
"They were the people who distributed letters about Gen. Aung San in our area even though it caused them difficulties as it was prohibited by the military and they had to hide to avoid arrest," said Daw Khin Sithu.
Our country is working towards democracy and a federal system and in order to achieve that, we all need to recognize historical ethnic leaders as well as Gen. Aung San, she said.
I don't mean we shouldn't build Gen. Aung San statues in ethnic states—I want to say it's time to pay respect to both and if we honor historical leaders from ethnic groups, then we will be more accepting of Gen. Aung San statues.
She cited President U Win Myint's request for the state government to work in cooperation with the people during his visit to Karenni State last month.
"The local government is losing dignity even though it seems to be winning," she said.
I want to make it clear that I do not want the Karenni state government to go down in history as a bad government, she said.
YANGON—Artist Brang Li metaphorically depicts large crowds of people moving like zombies in confusion and numbness before a smoky grey backdrop.
"Our minds have been poisoned all our lives. We grew up under various illusions that Myanmar would be shattered, Myanmar would become a Muslim country and so on. People, like zombies, are unable to know whether such narratives are right or wrong. I feel like that," said Brang Li.
One of Brang Li's paintings currently exhibiting at Nawaday Tharlar art gallery. / Supplied
Paintings of such crowds can be seen at the Life and Shade art exhibition currently showing at Nawaday Thalar Gallery on Yawmin Gyi Street in Yangon. Brang Li, as a member of the Kachin ethnic group, is familiar with battles and has always depicted the tough lives of IDPs in his smoky paintings. He said the smoke in his paintings represents the smoke that comes from explosions of gun powder. However, this time he has turned his attention to subject of crowds of urbanites, including children, women and men who are going to markets with their baskets, to work with their backpacks and to nowhere in disorientation. He said that society, the mind of which has been poisoned, is always fumbling in darkness.
One of Brang Li's paintings currently exhibiting at Nawaday Tharlar art gallery. / Supplied
Altogether 15 paintings measuring 4 feet x 3 feet and 8 feet x 6 feet will be displayed at the exhibition. Brang Li is an art graduate from the University of Culture and has participated in a number of art exhibitions. He usually uses smoked canvases for painting his subjects on. He said this technique is the perfect way to depict the smoke of wars, gun powder and illusions.
One of Brang Li's paintings currently exhibiting at Nawaday Tharlar art gallery. / Supplied
"All his series highlight the issues we must treat very seriously and remind us of them. His integrity in art enhances his creativity," said Ko Pyay Wai, the owner of Nawaday Tharlar.
The Life and Shade art exhibition runs until Feb. 15.
YANGON—Police have filed a lawsuit against a leader of Thursday's protest against the Myitsone Dam project in the Kachin State capital, Myitkyina.
Around 10,000 members of the Kachin community joined the protest march calling for the termination of the China-backed dam project at the source of the Irrawaddy River, which arises out of the confluence of two smaller rivers.
Police filed a lawsuit against Ja Hkawn, one of the protest organizers, under Section 20 of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law, according to Police Major Myint Moe of Myitkyina's Police Station No. 1
If convicted, she faces a maximum of one month in prison and/or a 10,000-kyat fine.
"[The protest] violated provisions of Chapter 4 and Chapter 5 [of the Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law]," the police major said.
Under the law, organizers must notify township police of any protest in advance, as well as the location, timeframe and aims of the protest. They must also provide details of any slogans to be displayed and the personal information of anyone planning to speak.
Kachin religious leaders, Buddhist monks, leaders of Kachin political parties, Kachin civil society organizations, activists and locals from Myitkyina and Waingmaw townships joined Thursday's protest.
Wearing headbands reading "No Myitsone Dam", protesters held placards written in Burmese, English and Chinese reading, "No dam on the Irrawaddy River, the lifeblood of Myanmar", "Terminate the dam projects upstream and downstream on the Irrawaddy River", "Let the Irrawaddy River flow freely" and "Let those displaced by [the dam project on] the Irrawaddy River go back home."
According to police, protesters used loudspeakers, though they were only cleared to use megaphones. They also wore headbands and engaged in other activities such as making speeches without permission, police said.
"We have told them that we can't allow them to do those things—for example, using speakers—due to legal restrictions. They understand that," Police Maj. Myint Moe told The Irrawaddy.
Ja Hkawn said, "I received a notification from the police. I could not stop protesters using loudspeakers, as there were many protesters. We used the headbands because they bear the same slogan we were given permission to use."
NAYPYITAW—A National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmaker has called for the abolition of the so-called "other accounts" (OAs) held by government ministries and agencies.
In Parliament on Thursday, NLD Lower House lawmaker Daw Thet Thet Khaing asked what measures the government was taking to improve transparency in the reporting of revenue by the country's extractive industries, and to ensure that state enterprises' revenue ended up in the Union budget.
The Lower House in November 2017 approved a proposal by Daw Thet Thet Khaing to ensure such transparency, including greater scrutiny of revenue transfers into the Union budget by enterprises under the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation.
Daw Thet Thet Khaing told The Irrawaddy that she raised the question this week because there had been no significant progress more than one year after the proposal was approved.
"Internationally, there is no practice of keeping 'other accounts'. I think they should be abolished," she told The Irrawaddy.
"I would like to know how much the government departments involved in the extraction businesses are earning. I would like to know the exact figure," she said.
There are 25 state-owned economic enterprises (SEEs) in Myanmar authorized to keep OAs, which currently hold around US$9 billion (nearly 14 trillion kyats). The accounts were created under U Thein Sein's administration, she said.
The government retains exclusive rights to conduct business in certain sectors, including the extractive industry, according to the State-Owned Economic Enterprises Law enacted under the military regime in 1989. Under the law, local and foreign investors may conduct business in these sectors through contracts or joint venture agreements with the government.
During a parliamentary debate on the issue in November 2017, lawmakers pointed out that the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation has more than 10 trillion kyats (US$7.3 billion) in its OAs—far more than the combined budgets for health and education in fiscal 2017-18.
They said that only about half of the ministry's revenue goes to the Union budget, while the rest is kept by the ministry in a manner that lacks transparency.
According to Parliament's Joint Public Accounts Committee, the News and Periodicals Enterprise of the Information Ministry, Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications, Myanma Timber Enterprise, No. 1 Mining Industry, No. 2 Mining Industry, Myanma Gems Enterprise, Myanma Pearl Enterprise, and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise have other accounts and operate with their own funds.
Other government enterprises that have OAs while also spending Union funds include Inland Water Transport, Road Transport Services, Myanma Railways, Myanmar Post, Electricity Supply Enterprise, Myanma Petrochemicals Enterprise, No. 3 Heavy Industry, No. 2 Heavy Industry, No. 3 Heavy Industry, and Myanmar Pharmaceuticals Enterprise.
"Some enterprises operate with their own funds. The government doesn't fund them. They have to sustain their operations using their profits. It is understandable that such departments keep OAs. But OAs should not be kept to hold revenue from extractive industries," said secretary U Aung Kyaw Kyaw Oo of the Lower House Investment and Industrial Development Committee.
In response to Daw Thet Thet Khaing's proposal, the deputy minister for planning and finance, U Maung Maung Win, told the Lower House that all the revenue of enterprises under the Natural Resources Ministry have been transferred to the Union budget.
"The National Economic Coordination Committee is discussing what to do with OAs kept by state-owned economic enterprises," he said.
The committee is led by State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The deputy minister said that OAs are a part of the Union Budget and are spent in line with the Budget Law.
Upper House lawmaker Dr. Khun Thaung Win said there was a need for more information about OAs. "I don't understand how OAs operate. So, I don't want to comment on it. But the government should provide more details about them," the lawmaker said.
Daw Thet Thet Khaing told The Irrawaddy, "[The deputy minister] said that [those revenues] are given to [the Union] budget. But what we want is transparency. We want to know the details about these accounts."
YANGON—The Japanese Ambassador to Myanmar revealed his government's plan to boost economic development in Myanmar's most troubled and impoverished Rakhine State by backing the upcoming investment fair there and by pushing Japanese investors to consider opportunities there.
Despite Rakhine's tarnished reputation due to the Rohingya crisis and ongoing armed conflict, the government is desperately seeking foreign investment in the state as a means of improving economic development and thus solving the state's issues.
With the slogan "Rakhine is open for business to the world," the Myanmar Investment Commission and the Rakhine state government is set to kick off the first Rakhine Investment Fair on Feb. 21 and 23, with a Japanese government agency, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) acting as co-organizers of the fair.
The Rakhine Investment Fair will focus on three major areas—the agriculture, livestock and fisheries sector, tourism development and small and medium enterprise (SME) development.
"We are seeking ways for Japanese investors to invest in Rakhine. We also want to introduce potential sectors to the [Japanese] investors," Japanese Ambassador to Myanmar Ichiro Maruyama said at his residence on Thursday.
He said the Japanese government wants to find ways to help boost investment in Rakhine State and that it would act as a negotiator between the local government and Japanese investors.
"We want to figure out together how the [state] government can encourage the investors if they want to do investment in Rakhine State," he said. "That is the main thing."
In late January, Rakhine's state government participated in the country's first investment fair held in Naypyitaw which showcased six priority projects in the state: the Kyaetaw-Mingan development project which involves a port, trade zone, apartments, supermarket and a small and medium enterprises (SMEs) zone in Sittwe Township; construction of a new airport in Mrauk-U; the upgrade of Ngapali Airport in Thandwe Township; an eco-tourism project on Man Aung Island; Ponnagyun industrial project in Sittwe; and a new city project in Mrauk-U.
Rakhine is one of the poorest states in Myanmar though it is situated on the western coast which is rich in natural resources—particularly oil and gas. However, 69 percent of people in Rakhine are living in poverty, lack access to public services and struggle with poor infrastructure, unemployment, meager living conditions and a lack of legal support. Currently there are Chinese companies operating in the oil and gas sector and on mega infrastructure projects on the western coast of the state.
Ichiro Maruyama said that Japanese investors have their sights set on the agriculture, fishery and tourism sectors in Rakhine but have not yet made any specific decisions. The local government plans to sit down with Japanese investors after the fair in order to discuss further investment details.
Rakhine sits at a checkpoint of the Chinese-owned pipeline that has been carrying natural oil and gas from the Bay of Bengal, across Myanmar to Kunming in China's Yunnan Province since 2010. Amid cries of outrage from the international community over the government's handling of the Rohingya crisis in Rakhine State, China inked a framework agreement for the Kyaukphyu Deep Sea Port last November. The port will give China access to the Bay of Bengal and enhance its regional connectivity as part of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Since the National League for Democracy (NLD) government took office in 2016, they have made several economic reforms. However, following the 2017 Rohingya crisis which badly tarnished the country's image, foreign investment has significantly declined and western investors have grown increasingly cautious of Myanmar. FDI in Myanmar was shown to have significantly declined last year, dropping to its lowest since 2013. Rakhine is a particularly problematic state when it comes to inviting and securing foreign investment.
The Japanese ambassador said the main challenges for Rakhine in attracting investment are poor infrastructure and security issues. However, he said that his government is considering providing an Official Development Assistance in order to improve infrastructure, particularly electricity supplies and roads in Rakhine State.
He stressed, "we will try the best."
Since 2017, Japan has been playing the role of mediator in the Rohingya repatriation process and is closely working with the Myanmar government in solving the problems in Rakhine State. In October, during her trip to Japan, Myanmar's State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi praised Japan's understanding and help during a time when tensions have been high between Myanmar and the rest of world.
"If there is economic development, I believe that there will be no conflict," Ichiro Maruyama said.
At the Invest Myanmar Summit in Naypyitaw, Union Minister for Investment and Foreign Economic Investment U Thaung Tun strongly pushed investors to invest in Rakhine instead of blaming or shaming. Referring to the Rohingya crisis, he claimed that Rakhine State's problems only happened in three out of 17 townships and that the rest of the state is safe to invest in.
The Rakhine government itself is also making efforts to attract investments in southern parts of Rakhine where there is no conflict, according to U Kyaw Aye Thein, Rakhine State's minister of finance, revenue, planning and economy.
Earlier this week, the leaders of seven foreign business groups in Yangon—the British, Australian, American, European, Italian, German and French chambers of commerce—signed an open letter that called for more FDI in Myanmar, pointing out that it plays a major role in the country's transition.
The letter stressed that Myanmar has been isolated for over 50 years and has only effectively 're-opened for business' in the past six years, and that after having been in isolation for so long, that Myanmar now requires a broad regeneration of its economy to meet the demands of modern-day trade. The letter said the country has a significant range of private sector investment opportunities across every sector of the economy.
"Some countries have been blaming the Myanmar government for what happened in Rakhine. However, most of the countries—including Japan—want to see Myanmar's economic development, lasting peace and also a peaceful transition," Ichiro Maruyama said.
"I understand that there is conflict but we also need to look into the economic development [of Rakhine State] for the future," he said.
YANGON—A joint letter was officially issued by seven major international chambers of commerce in Myanmar on Tuesday, stressing the importance of foreign direct investment for the country and briefly outlining the chambers' work with eligible investors which support Myanmar's Sustainable Development Plan.
The letter, signed by top-level members of the European, French, German, Italian, American, Australian and British chambers of commerce, states the important role foreign direct investment plays in the country's growth and development. The letter's release comes one week after the government-organized Invest Myanmar Summit 2019 and three weeks before an investment forum for Rakhine State is to be held in Sittwe, the state capital.
"Having been in isolation for so long Myanmar now requires the broad regeneration of its economy to meet the demands of modern-day trade," the letter states.
According to the letter, there is a growth in the number of Western companies choosing to "participate rather than isolate" regarding investments in Myanmar. This growth comes following a dramatic drop of interest from Western investors after the violence in northern Rakhine State in 2017 and the ensuing flight of over 750,000 Rohingya refugees to neighboring Bangladesh.
The letter says Western investors help the economy by establishing international standards in corporate governance and refers to Myanmar's Sustainable Development Plan and the need to provide better employment opportunities in order to improve livelihoods here.
Revenues from exports would increase if Myanmar were to transition away from exporting raw agricultural products to value-added goods. Many of the chambers' member companies, which include more that 600 organizations from 30 countries, are exporters of such goods and services, according to the letter.
DHAKA — American movie star Angelina Jolie concluded her visit to Bangladesh with a call for sustained support for Rohingya refugees and for Myanmar to take the necessary steps to end their displacement and statelessness.
Jolie, a special envoy for the U.N.’s refugee agency, the UNHCR, visited the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar ahead of a fundraiser next week organized by the agency to raise more than $920 million in aid for the sprawling camps and the local communities they have impacted.
"Until the Rohingya refugees can voluntarily return home to Myanmar, we have a collective responsibility to ensure that they can continue to live dignified lives in Bangladesh," she said at a press conference on Tuesday in Kutupalong, the world's largest and most densely populated refugee settlement.
She said the world must not turn away from the more than 1 million Rohingya refugees who have fled Myanmar for Bangladesh, the UNHCR said in a press release on Thursday.
Jolie held official meetings with Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and Foreign Minister AK Abdul Momen on Wednesday in Dhaka during which she expressed the UNHCR's gratitude to the people and government for their generosity in receiving more than 700,000 refugees since August 2017.
Momen reportedly urged Jolie to organize a mega event in Hollywood in an effort to mobilize public support and to highlight the plight and rights of the Rohingya community.
Jolie began her three-day visit on Monday in the Chakmarkul and Kutupalong refugee camps, where she heard testimonies from Rohingya women, children and men who have endured persecution and discrimination.
In its press release, the UNHCR said Jolie urged continued support for those who have been displaced until Myanmar shows a genuine commitment to ending a decades-long cycle of violence and displacement.
During her visit, Rohingya refugees were seen holding placards with their demands.
One of the placards said: “Education for all. Why not for Rohingya? Help us to build our future. Please, do not deprive us from education.”
Jolie said that without an urgent expansion and strengthening of educational opportunities the future of a generation of Rohingya children would be at risk. And while recognizing efforts to provide schooling, she said they remained “limited” and called for programs that can lead to recognized qualifications.
Md Abul Kalam, head of Bangladesh’s Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commission, told The Irrawaddy recently that Bangladesh was allowing education for "forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals" but only in the Myanmar and English languages.
Jolie also visited a transit center for newly arrived refugees and a hospital for women and girls.
While in Dhaka, she visited two museums — the Liberation War Museum and the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum — where she viewed exhibitions about the country's history, including its own experience of large-scale displacement.
Special envoys represent the UNHCR at the diplomatic level with a focus on major forced displacement crises.
This was Jolie’s first visit to Bangladesh. She met with forcibly displaced Rohingya during a visit to Myanmar in 2015 and to India in 2006.
BANGKOK—The sister of Thailand's king entered the race to become prime minister on Friday as the candidate of a populist party, an unprecedented foray into politics by a royal that instantly upended the first election since a 2014 military coup.
Princess Ubolratana Rajakanya Sirivadhana Barnavadi, 67, the elder sister of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, was nominated by a party loyal to ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra, the figure at the center of political turbulence and rival street protests that have riven Thai society for years.
One of her chief opponents in the March 24 election will be Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, the leader of the ruling military junta, who also announced his candidacy on Friday.
Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy since 1932 but the royal family has wielded great influence and commands the devotion of millions.
It was not immediately clear whether the nomination of Ubolratana, who has starred in Thai soap operas and lived in California for years, had the approval of King Vajiralongkorn.
The nomination of a member of the royal family by the pro-Thaksin Thai Raksa Chart party could transform an election that had been viewed as a straightforward battle between Thaksin’s populists and their allies, on the one hand, and the royalist-military establishment on the other.
“This is a profound development that will shape the contours and dynamics of Thai politics before and after the election … Thai Raksa Chart is a leading contender now,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political analyst at Chulalongkorn University.
Ubolratana relinquished her royal titles in 1972 when she married an American, a fellow student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Peter Jensen. She lived in the U.S. for more than 26 years before they divorced in 1998.
The conflict between the Bangkok-centered, royalist elites and Thaksin and his more rural-based supporters has resulted in street protests, military coups, and violent clashes over almost 15 years.
Pundits were left guessing whether the princess' nomination was a bid to unify those divisions, with the approval of the king who assumed the throne after the death of his father in 2016, or a bold gambit by Thaksin loyalists to undercut the royalist appeal of the pro-establishment parties.
“Previous assumptions and scenarios have to be reconsidered,” Thitinan said. “If this turns out well, it will be a process of reconciliation and unity. If this does not turn out well, it will pose alarming risk and even greater risk for Thailand’s political future.”
Thai Raksa Chart is an off-shoot of the main pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai party, whose government, led by Thaksin’s sister Yingluck Shinawatra, was ousted from power in 2014 in a coup led by then-army chief Prayuth.
Thaksin and his party have at times been accused by enemies of being opposed to the monarchy. Thaksin and his party have always rejected that.
Back-up party
Pheu Thai is also fielding candidates in the election, and Thai Raksa Chart was formed by Thaksin loyalists and the core leadership of the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), or “red shirts” group, as a strategy to help Pheu Thai win seats, or to act as a back-up if the main party was disqualified.
“The party has nominated the princess as its sole candidate,” Thai Raksa Chart Party leader Preechapol Pongpanich told reporters at the Election Commission. Ubolratana is running for prime minister but not a seat in parliament, which is allowed under the election law.
“She is knowledgeable and is highly suitable. I believe there will be no legal problems in terms of her qualification, but we have to wait for the Election Commission to endorse her candidacy,” he said.
A small pro-military party, the People’s Reform Party, asked the Election Commission to consider whether the princess’s candidacy violated laws forbidding parties from invoking the monarchy in campaigns.
The Election Commission is required to endorse or reject all candidates by next Friday.
Prayuth accepted his nomination from the Palang Pracharat Party, a new party set up by his loyalists, in an official statement.
“I am not aiming to extend my power but I am doing this for the benefit of the country and the people,” he said.
There was no mention of the princess’ nomination in Prayuth’s statement.
Ubolratana, the eldest child of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, was born in Lausanne, Switzerland in 1951. She studied mathematics and biochemistry at MIT and earned a master’s degree in public health from the University of California at Los Angeles.
She returned permanently to Thailand in 2001, performing royal duties but never regaining her full royal titles. She is referred to as “Tunkramom Ying”, which means “Daughter to the Queen Regent”, and is treated by officials as a member of the royal family. But she would not be covered by Thailand’s strict lese majeste law against insulting the monarchy.
Ubolratana is known for her “To Be Number One” anti-drugs program as well as starring in several soap operas and movies. Her son was killed in the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004.
On her Instagram account, the princess recently posted a video of her eating street food and another complaining about Bangkok’s pollution.
Soon after Friday’s announcement, her catchphrase #SongPhraSlender (Long Live Slender) was number one on Twitter in Thailand.
“I have been bored with politics for so long, but the princess has made me happy about the election again,” one fan wrote on the Web forum Pantip.
WASHINGTON — The choice of Vietnam as the venue for a second U.S.-North Korea summit this month shows the possibility of moving beyond conflict and division toward a thriving partnership, the U.S. State Department said on Thursday.
State Department spokesman Robert Palladino told a news briefing that U.S. Special Representative for North Korea Stephen Biegun was in Pyongyang to prepare the Feb. 27-28 summit and seeking progress on commitments made at the first meeting between President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in Singapore in June.
These included complete denuclearization, transformation of U.S.-North Korea relations and building a lasting peace mechanism on the Korean Peninsula, he said. Palladino reiterated that sanctions relief that North Korea has been seeking would follow its denuclearization.
He said U.S.-Vietnamese history “reflects the possibility for peace and prosperity.”
“We moved past conflict and division towards the thriving partnership we enjoy today,” Palladino said.
He gave no other details on Biegun’s talks in Pyongyang and declined to say how long he would stay there. The State Department said earlier in the week that Biegun would travel to Pyongyang for talks with his North Korean counterpart, Kim Hyok Chol, on Wednesday, but has not commented further.
South Korea’s Yonhap news agency earlier quoted diplomatic sources as saying that Biegun was expected to fly back to South Korea on Friday to share the outcome of his Pyongyang visit, although his stay in North Korea could be extended if additional discussions were needed.
Trump announced the plan for his second meeting with Kim in his annual State of the Union address on Tuesday.
He said much work remained to be done in the push for peace with North Korea, but cited the halt in its nuclear testing and no new missile launches in 15 months as proof of progress.
Trump has been eager for a second summit despite a lack of significant moves by North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons program. He and Biegun have stressed the economic benefits to North Korea if it does so.
Biegun said last week his Pyongyang talks would be aimed at mapping out “a set of concrete deliverables” for the second summit. He said Washington was willing to discuss “many actions” to improve ties and entice Pyongyang to give up its nuclear weapons and that Trump was ready to end the 1950-53 Korean War, which concluded with an armistice, not a peace treaty.
While in the U.S. view North Korea has yet to take concrete steps to give up its nuclear weapons, Pyongyang complains that Washington has done little to reciprocate for its freezing of nuclear and missile testing and dismantling of some facilities.
Communist-ruled Vietnam, which has good relations with both the United States and North Korea, has been keen to host the second summit as a demonstration of its normalization of ties with the United States since the Vietnam War, which ended in 1975 and killed more than 58,000 Americans and an estimated 3 million Vietnamese.
The United States sustained more than 33,000 battle deaths in the Korean War, while the number of North Koreans killed, both military and civilian, has been estimated at about one million.
While Trump has hailed “tremendous progress” in his dealings with North Korea, a confidential report by U.N. sanctions monitors seen by Reuters this week casts further doubt on North Korea’s intentions.
It said the country’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs remained intact and North Korea was working to make sure those capabilities could not be destroyed by any military strikes.
Palladino did not comment when asked about the report.
NEW YORK/KUALA LUMPUR — In June, the High Seas tanker ship loaded up on ethanol in Texas and set off for Asia.
Two months later — after a circuitous journey that included a ship-to-ship transfer and a stop in Malaysia — its cargo arrived in China, according to shipping data analyzed by Reuters and interviews with Malaysian and Chinese port officials.
At the time, the roundabout route puzzled global ethanol traders and ship brokers, who called it a convoluted and costly way to get U.S. fuel to China.
But the journey reflects a broader shift in global ethanol flows since U.S. President Donald Trump ignited a trade war with China last spring.
Although China slapped retaliatory tariffs of up to 70 percent on U.S. ethanol shipments, the fuel can still legally enter China tariff-free if it arrives blended with at least 40 percent Asian-produced fuel, according to trade rules established between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the regional economic and political body.
In a striking example of how global commodity markets respond to government policies blocking free trade, some 88,000 tons of U.S. ethanol landed on Malaysian shores through November of last year — all since June, shortly after China hiked its tax on U.S. shipments. The surge follows years of negligible imports of U.S. ethanol to Malaysia.
In turn, Malaysia has exported 69,000 tons of ethanol to China, the first time the nation has been an exporter of the fuel in at least three years, according to Chinese import data.
Blending U.S. and Asian ethanol for the Chinese market undermines the intent of Beijing’s tariffs and helps struggling American ethanol producers by keeping a path open to a major export market that would otherwise be closed.
“Global commodity markets are incredibly creative in finding ways to ensure willing sellers are able to meet the demands of willing buyers,” Geoff Cooper, head of the Renewable Fuels Association, said in a statement to Reuters. The group represents U.S. ethanol producers.
In at least two cases examined by Reuters, including that of the High Seas, blending of U.S. ethanol cargoes with other products appeared to have occurred in Malaysia before the cargoes were shipped on to China, according to a Reuters analysis of shipping records and interviews with port officials.
Chinese merchants including the state-backed oil company Unipec notified Chinese authorities about the unusual activity last summer — which represented competition they had not anticipated under the tariff scheme, according to two industry sources.
Unipec's parent company, Sinopec, did not respond to requests for comment. A spokesman for China’s General Administration of Customs declined to comment.
Norazman Ayob, deputy secretary general of the Malaysian trade ministry, confirmed that Malaysia exported ethanol to China this year. The ministry was unable to confirm whether it had been mixed with U.S. fuel, he said, but noted such blending would be legal under the ASEAN-China pact.
Malaysia has no track record of significant domestic ethanol production, so it is unclear where the ethanol blended with the U.S. product originates.
Additional U.S. ethanol has flowed in unusual volumes to other destinations since Trump's trade war began, including other ASEAN member nations the Philippines and Indonesia, according to shipping and trade data, though Reuters could not confirm its final destination.
Ethanol on the High Seas
The High Seas cargo ship was among the first to engage in the rising U.S.-to-Malaysia ethanol trade, according to shipping data from financial information provider Refinitiv and bills of lading from the ports.
It loaded 25,000 tons of ethanol in Texas City on June 23 and then another 10,000 tons in Beaumont on June 27.
Some of the ethanol was produced by Green Plains Inc, one of America’s top ethanol producers. Green Plains spokesman Jim Stark confirmed the loading of the company’s product in Beaumont but said it could not confirm the cargo’s ultimate destination.
At the time it left Texas, the shipment was owned by units of SOCAR Trading SA, the marketing arm of the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic, according to the bills of lading.
The shipment was initially destined for the Philippines.
But after it crossed through the Panama Canal and reached the waters near Singapore in mid-August, the High Seas transferred its cargo to the QUDS, another tanker, according to the Refinitiv data.
Vincent Mohy, general counsel for SOCAR, said that the firm sold all of the U.S. ethanol at the time of the transfer to the QUDS and that it made clear to the buyer the fuel originated in the United States. Mohy declined to name the buyer.
The QUDS landed in the Malaysian port of Kuantan days later and took on another 12,074 tons of ethanol before heading to the Chinese port of Zhoushan and emptying its hold by the end of the month, according to the shipping data, a Chinese port official and two Malaysian port officials.
According to one of the Kuantan port officials and a source in the Malaysian government, the cargo on the QUDS was sold by Malaysia’s Rich Greenergy Sdn Bhd to China’s Zhanjiang Industry Petrochemical Company Limited.
Kelvin Shum, Rich Greenergy’s CEO, declined to comment, saying he had signed a non-disclosure agreement about the deal. Efforts to reach Zhanjiang were not successful.
The convoluted voyage was replicated in at least one other case, that of the Maritime Tuntiga. That ship also carried Texas ethanol into Southeast Asia this summer, transferring its cargo into another vessel, the Taibah, near Singapore.
Like the QUDS, the Taibah moved on to the port of Kuantan in Malaysia, picked up about 12,000 tons more ethanol, and then moved on to Zhoushan, according to the shipping data and the Kuantan port officials.
BANGKOK — Luke Cassady-Dorion believed marriage was for “boring” straight people until he met the man he wanted to spend the rest of his life with — Tae. But Thailand, where they live, does not permit same-sex marriage.
So the couple wed in New York.
With Thailand set to pass a landmark law that would make it the first country in Asia to legally recognize same-sex couples as civil partners, they are hopeful the largely conservative Buddhist society is on the path to recognizing their love.
“The LGBT community in Thailand has been campaigning for equal rights for a long time, and this bill is a good and important first step,” said Cassady-Dorion, who co-founded a YouTube channel with Tae, or Thapanont Phithakrattanayothin.
“When you normalize same-sex relations, it helps gay people to come out and live more freely, knowing that the government recognizes your rights,” said Cassady-Dorion, who is also a yoga instructor.
Thailand has built a reputation as a place with a relaxed attitude towards gender and sexual diversity since homosexuality was decriminalized in 1956, and authorities actively promote the country as an LGBT+-friendly destination.
Yet LGBT+ people face discrimination and stigma in schools, the workplace and health facilities and are often rejected by their families, say activists.
Across Asia, conservative values and deep-rooted biases have hamstrung progress on gay rights. Taiwan voters last year rejected legalizing same-sex marriage in a referendum.
While India’s top court scrapped a colonial-era ban on gay sex in 2018, Myanmar, Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei outlaw sexual relations between men, and Indonesia has seen an increase in raids targeting LGBT+ people.
Thailand’s civil partnership bill, which was approved by the Cabinet on Dec. 25, is therefore an outlier in the region, giving same-sex couples the right to register their unions, make joint medical decisions and own and inherit property.
“LGBT people in Thailand have been waiting for this for a very long time,” said Vitaya Saeng-Aroon, a director at the Bangkok Rainbow Organization.
“There are couples who have been together for 15 years, 20 years, with no recognition or legal protection; they can finally breathe more easily,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Family
But many gay people say it does not go far enough. It does not recognize marriage between same-sex partners, or give them the right to adopt or have children as a couple.
“We want to be a family with all the rights and privileges that any family has, but this bill does not give us that,” said Areeya, a transgender woman who declined to give her full name for fear of criticism.
Areeya, who is Thai, and her partner Lee, who is American, have been together for 16 years, and they have each adopted a child as single persons.
“Marriage equality is what would be really meaningful, but we don’t know when — or even if — that will happen. We don’t feel particularly compelled to register our union without any real benefits,” she said as her younger son climbed on to her lap.
Campaigners also fear they will lose public support to push for full rights once the civil partnership bill is passed.
“People may say: ‘You’ve got this, what more do you want?'” said Wannapong Yodmuang, an activist for marriage equality.
“We have campaigned for so long for equal rights, but this bill will mean we are still treated differently and given fewer rights. We are worried that people will stop fighting and that we will lose momentum,” she said.
The bill is “unlikely” to be passed before elections scheduled for March 24, and will await the new government, said Nareeluc Pairchaiyapoom, a senior official at the justice Department.
Government officials have said granting marriage equality will take longer, as it requires changing people’s attitudes and amending the country’s Civil Code, which deals with the rights of private persons, including family law and inheritance law.
But two-thirds of Thais have no objection to same-sex unions, a survey by the United Nations Development Program found.
Thailand’s marriage law can also be changed, said independent researcher Chawinroj Terapachalaphon.
“The marriage law now says ‘man and woman;’ they just need to change it to ‘person.’ Everything else can stay the same. It is easily done, and it would ensure equal rights for everyone,” he said.
“Everyone understands what marriage is, but few people understand a civil partnership, and none of the existing laws support it. What we need is a full marriage law that is clear and easy to implement, rather than something so complex.”
Party
Others are ready to celebrate civil partnership.
“We will probably have a nice party when we register our union after the bill is passed, and some sort of a traditional ceremony as well. It’s important that we celebrate it,” said Ann Baker, who lives in Bangkok with her partner Suthida.
Baker, who is half English, had considered getting married in England, but wanted to have legal status in Thailand, where they both live.
“We are hopeful that we will get full marriage rights here soon, so we can start a family,” Baker said.
For everyone looking to party, Cassady-Dorion and Tae — who address LGBT+ issues in Thailand on their YouTube channel Picnicly — have plenty of tips.
Their own wedding in 2014 was a “small ceremony” in Cassady-Dorion’s mother’s home in Niskayuna, New York, and involved the two of them cooking big batches of pad thai and green curry for the guests.
“Our wedding was the least gay thing I have ever done: it was very normal. But there really was something magical about the moment, and having our family and friends with us as we said our vows,” said Cassady-Dorion.
“Marriage should be available to anyone who wants it, and we hope that Thailand will make marriage equality a reality. This bill should only be a step towards that.”
