PANGHSANG, Wa Self-Administered Zone—Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and military chief Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing will not attend the United Wa State Army's 30th anniversary celebrations despite having received invitations from Myanmar's largest ethnic armed group.
The UWSA is gearing up to celebrate the event on a grand scale on Wednesday in Panghsang, the Wa capital on the Chinese border in northern Shan State. The Wa army will mark its 30th anniversary with a military parade of 7,600 troops before more than 3,000 visitors, including leaders of other ethnic armed groups, Beijing's Special Envoy for Asian Affairs Sun Guoxiang, and officials from China's Yunnan province across the border.
Founded on April 17, 1989, the UWSA signed a ceasefire with Myanmar's then military government—the State Law and Order Restoration Council—in May of the same year after splitting from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Since then it has quietly grown into the largest, best-equipped ethnic armed group in Myanmar with an estimated 30,000 troops and 10,000 auxiliary members, according to Myanmar Peace Monitor.
The UWSA has not yet signed the government's Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). It serves as the chair of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) alliance, some of whose members are still fighting the Myanmar Army.
The government has pressured the UWSA to sign the NCA, but it and other members of the FPNCC want the government to amend some parts of the agreement first.
According to UWSA liaison officer U Nyi Rang, the government will be represented at Wednesday's event by eight officials including Union Minister for Labor, Immigration and Population U Thein Swe, Peace Commission Vice Chair U Thein Zaw and President Office's spokesperson U Zaw Htay.
UWSA troops prepare on Sunday for a military parade to celebrate the armed group's 30th anniversary on Wednesday. / Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun of the Myanmar military's information team told The Irrawaddy that Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing would not attend the celebration.
"We are not sure if we will send any representative," he said.
However, U Nyi Rang said Shan State Minister for Security and Border Affairs Colonel Hla Oo would join the UWSA's celebration.
Government and top military leaders rarely accept invitations to attend commemorative events held by ethnic armed groups, especially those that have yet to ink peace deals such as the NCA with them.
Their decision not to attend, especially Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's, has disappointed the UWSA leadership, according to some Wa officials. Given the State Counselor's tours to other ethnic regions, they said, they had hoped she would attend their commemorative event and had even prepared special accommodations for her.
While many were invited, foreign ambassadors and representatives of international NGOs will not be making the trip either, as the Wa Self-Administered Zone is officially off-limits to foreigners.
Myanmar's 2008 Constitution acknowledges Wa areas in Shan State as self-administered, but Wa leaders have been lobbying the government to recognize their region as a state like other ethnic regions in the country.
Today would be the 107 birthday of Daw Khin Kyi, the widow of Myanmar's national hero General Aung San and mother of Myanmar State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Born in Irrawaddy Region's Myaungmya, she married Gen. Aung San, who was three years her junior, while working as a nurse at the Burma Defense Army (BDA) Hospital during Japanese rule.
She went through thick and thin with her husband on his tough political path during Japanese rule and after World War II. Less than five years into their marriage, she became a widow with two children when Gen. Aung San was assassinated.
U Thant meets Daw Khin Kyi at New Delhi's Palam Airport in 1965.
After the death of her husband, she took an active part in the political, social and health sectors of Myanmar. When the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League established by her late husband split into two, she supported the Clean Faction led by U Nu.
In May 1960, Daw Khin Kyi was appointed ambassador to India, becoming the country’s first woman to serve as the head of a diplomatic mission. She later concurrently served as ambassador to Nepal.
She retired as an ambassador in 1967 and refused to accept a pension, as the country was facing economic hardship. She died in December 1988 at the age of 76 after suffering a severe stroke. She was entombed beside Supayalat, the chief queen of Myanmar's last monarch King Thibaw; Thakhin Kodaw Hmaing, the father of Myanmar's nationalist and peace movements; and U Thant, who served as the third United Nations secretary general, on Shwedagon Pagoda Road in Yangon.
At the centenary of Daw Khin Kyi's birth in 2012, her daughter Daw Aung San Suu Kyi established the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation, which provides assistance to the social and health care services of Myanmar.
YANGON—To mark the traditional New Year, which falls in mid-April, Myanmar people free birds and fish to make merit. For the government, releasing prisoners in the New Year period is customary.
Last year, President U Win Myint pardoned 8,541 prisoners in the New Year amnesty, including 36 political prisoners and 51 foreigners.
His predecessor as president, U Htin Kyaw, acquitted student protesters facing political charges and pardoned 83 prisoners in the 2016 New Year amnesty. Dozens of political prisoners were among those released.
How about this year? Will President U Win Myint pardon all political prisoners?
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), there are currently 45 political prisoners behind bars, while more than 300 individuals are facing trial inside and outside prison.
Myanmar will celebrate the New Year festival starting Saturday, and usher in the New Year on April 17. As the festival draws near, the families of detainees and political activists are hoping for good news.
Ma Pan Ei Mon, the wife of the jailed Reuters journalist Ko Wa Lone, said on Thursday that she is hoping her husband and his colleague Ko Kyaw Soe Oo will be released.
The two journalists have spent more than 15 months in detention since they were arrested in December 2017 while investigating a massacre of Rohingya Muslim civilians involving Myanmar soldiers in Inn Din village in Rakhine State's Maungdaw Township. The pair were sentenced to seven years' imprisonment in September under the Official State Secrets Act. The verdict drew an international outcry and strong condemnation.
Aside from Ko Wa Lone and Ko Kyaw Soe Oo, there are many other political prisoners who were arrested and jailed because of a miscarriage of justice and they should all be released, Ko Aung Myo Kyaw of the AAPP said.
"We hope for the release of all political prisoners. And that's what we have been demanding," he said.
Among the political prisoners are former child soldier Aung Ko Htwe, who was jailed in connection with a media interview he gave; Arakanese politician Dr. Aye Maung and author Wai Hin Aung, who were sentenced to 20 years in prison in March over speeches they made at a literary discussion; and two peaceful protesters, Lum Zawng and Zau Jat.
Nang Pu, Lum Zawng and Zau Jat of the Kachin National Social Development Association were sentenced to six months in December and fined 500,000 kyats ($333) for defaming the Myanmar military. They participated in protests demanding the government help trapped villagers amid fighting between the Kachin Independence Army and the military. Nang Pu was released from prison on April 5 because of her deteriorating health, but the other two remain behind bars.
Many of the other political prisoners were sentenced under the Unlawful Associations Act and the Telecommunications Law—two controversial laws that rights activists have demanded be repealed.
Ruling party lawmaker Ma Zin Mar Aung, who is also a former political prisoner, said that in prison the Myanmar New Year is one of those special occasions that every prisoner looks forward to with high hopes.
"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi once said that even one political prisoner is too many. We don't want to see political prisoners in this transition anymore," she said.
Under the previous military regime, thousands of political activists and politicians were sentenced to lengthy prison terms for their anti-government activities.
Thousands of political prisoners were released conditionally under former President U Thein Sein, meaning they faced having to serve the remainder of their initial sentences were they ever to be arrested again. In the 2018 amnesty, however, President U Win Myint issued a decree nullifying the "conditional" status of their release for those convicted on political charges by the previous governments.
Ko Aung Myo Kyaw of the AAPP said he hopes the political prisoners will be pardoned, as he had heard there could be a presidential amnesty on April 17. He added that those who are facing political charges should also be acquitted.
Last year, almost all political prisoners on the AAPP's list were released under the presidential amnesty.
Ma Pan Ei Mon said, "For me, if he is released, I will be as happy as if I had won the lottery."
A court in Mohnyin Township, Kachin State sentenced two members of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) to two years in prison yesterday, the leader of the group said.
ABSDF chairman U Than Khe told The Irrawaddy on Friday, "The verdict was unfair. We strongly condemn it."
U Aung Swe Oo and U Maung Oo were arrested in December last year and charged under the Unlawful Association Act's Article 17(1) after traveling to a conflict zone in Mohnyin Township to attend the funeral of a member of their organization. It is customary for senior members of the group to attend the funeral of a member who dies, in order to show support for the family.
At the time of their arrest, both men were carrying documents showing they were legally allowed to travel, U Than Khe said.
The ABSDF is an armed group. It signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the Myanmar government in 2015. U Than Khe said his organization's members were free to travel under the terms of the agreement.
The organization also signed a state government-level ceasefire in 2013. This agreement also entitles all members of the group to travel freely in the country, he said.
The ABSDF formed in 1988 after the nationwide uprising that year. Its members are based in different ethnic areas, U Than Khe said, adding that the government had violated its agreement to allow them freedom of travel.
"The agreement made it very clear that all members of our organization could travel freely," he said.
"We have found that there is no responsibility or accountability for [enforcing the] agreement; it is very weak. They [the government) should show accountability for our two colleagues based on our agreement. They should release them," he said.
He said the actions of the government and the Myanmar Army in this case would raise many questions for other ethnic armed organizations that are negotiating peace deals with the government.
This is the second time members of the ABSDF have been sentenced in prison. U Min Htay was jailed in 2017, also after being arrested in Kachin State.
U Than Khe said many members of the ABSDF were disappointed in the actions of the Myanmar Army, believing it demonstrated that the Army did not respect the peace agreement. Some of the members said it would be hard for them to trust the military in future peace negotiations.
"We are an organization who worked for peace with them. But still they treat us badly. So I'm really worried their actions will reduce people's trust in peace negotiations," he said.
YANGON — The National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) says it will struggle to keep up peace talks with the Myanmar military if it does not release all members of the armed rebel group it has detained, including those on its negotiating team.
In early March, more than a month after taking control of the NSCN-K’s headquarters in Sagaing Region, the military arrested 10 of the group’s political leaders and six fighters, including captains.
Five of the detainees were released on April 5, leaving the fighters and the five leaders charged under the Unlawful Associations Act in custody, NSCN-K liaison officer Jüvlengthong (or Cue Hlaing Thong) told the Irrawaddy.
He said the six fighters were being held by the military and the leaders by the Khamti district police.
The five released were Eno Ngaitum, Eno Manglwan, Eno Athrom and Eno Longsa — the NSCN-K’s ministers for health, education and legal affair and deputy minister for agriculture, respectively — and Eno Tomthong, a member of the group’s central committee.
Jüvlengthong said "further peace negotiations would be difficult as both Chairman U An Kam and Vice Chairman U Kyaw Wan Sein, who lead the NSCN-K peace committee, as well as our home affair minister are among the detainees."
Colonel Than Naing, spokesman for the military's Northwestern Command, confirmed that the military released five of the detainees "because, according to our initial investigation, they were not directly involved in the matter even though they are with the NSCN-K."
In late March, President’s Office spokesman U Zaw Htay said the office was reviewing whether the charges against the five NSCN-K leaders still in custody were appropriate.
The military accuses the NSCN-K of supporting ethnic Assam and Manipur — also known as Kathae — rebel groups in eastern India. Though the NSCN-K denies the claim, the military says it took control of the group’s training schools and arrested 36 people in ethnic Naga areas between January and March.
Jüvlengthong said the group has written to the government’s National Reconciliation and Peace Center, led by the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the Office of the Commander-in-Chief asking them to intervene but have yet to hear back.
He said the NSCN-K entered into a bilateral ceasefire with the government and military in 2012 because it trusted them and withdrew from its headquarters peacefully when the military came to seize it in January, and so where “very upset” by the military’s latest moves.
A Naga affairs analyst who asked to speak anonymously said the military had invited the Manipur into Sagaing in the first place.
"The Tatmadaw [military] tends to change its positions depending on the political landscape,” the analyst told The Irrawaddy. “If they want to blame, they can do so any time. So now they accuse the Naga armed group for political reasons."
Whether the NSCN-K leaders can legitimately be charged for supporting a group that is not officially designated an insurgent organization also remains an open question.
“It is unclear how the government considers the Assam and Kathae rebels unlawful groups under Myanmar law," the analyst said.
U Aung Htut, chairman of Naga Tradition, Literate and Culture (Central), a non-government group, said the five NSCN-K leaders are due to appear in court on April 19.
He said his group has sent letters requesting their release to the President's Office, state counselor, military chief and ethnic affair minister but received to replies.
"The five NSCN-K leaders can only be freed when the Tatmadaw drops the charges against them for the sake of peace and stability in the region," he said.
"We raised the issues to respective authorities because we want stability in the Naga region and we hope for the best solution," he added. "We just don't want any further instability because of this incident."
U Aung Htut said the fighters should not have been detained either because they only stayed behind at the group’s headquarters when it was abandoned to the military in case the military needed their help.
Local sources say the military has imposed restrictions on movement in the area since taking over the base.
"People do not dare to go to their farms, and roads between their villages and markets are closed, which makes it hard for them to buy basic food items such as rice, oil and salt. They cannot enjoy freedom to movement. It is a violation of their basic rights," the Naga affairs analyst said.
The Naga were granted a self-administered region under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution and run it out of Lahe Township. And while the NSCN-K signed a bilateral ceasefire deal in 2012, it has no interest in joining the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. The armed group wants to bring the Naga on either side of the Myanmar-India border under one rule and has asked for tri-partite negotiations between it and both governments.
The Irrawaddy’s Chit Min Tun contributed reporting to this story.
YANGON—Prominent filmmaker and human rights activist Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, who was sued by a military officer for insulting and defaming the Army, was denied bail and sent to Insein Prison on Friday morning.
His lawyer U Robert San Aung told The Irrawaddy that U Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi had requested bail for health reasons. The filmmaker had part of his liver removed just three months ago to treat liver cancer.
The judge rejected the request, however, and U Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi was sent directly to Insein Prison from Insein Township Court.
Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, who founded the Human Rights, Human Dignity International Film Festival, has been a strong critic of the Myanmar military. He posted series of Facebook posts criticizing the undemocratic military-drafted 2008 Constitution and the political role that it grants to the Army.
Lieutenant-Colonel Lin Htun of Yangon Region Command opened a defamation case against the filmmaker at the end of March under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law. Just days later, the officer opened a second case against Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi under non-bailable Article 505(a) of the Myanmar Penal code.
Both charges carry a maximum two-year prison sentence.
The lawyer said that while Article 505(a) is a non-bailable offence, the judge could use his discretion in this case.
"His health condition is really worrisome," he said.
YANGON—Passersby had been watching a chrysalis of a handsome colonial-era two-story red brick building with tall arched windows, decorative columns and wrought iron awning on Pansodan Street for months.
When The Pansodan opened on March 18 it was subject to a flurry of online hype. When I found the restaurant didn't have an official Facebook page yet I was even more intrigued and knew I had to go there to experience it for myself.
Burmese pâté, served with pickles and black pepper crisps at The Pansodan. / Marie Starr / The Irrawaddy
When I stepped into the self-described Burmese brasserie from the blazing April heat for a midweek lunch recently the place was buzzing. With few free tables downstairs, I went through the wood-panel stairwell to a table on the quiet mezzanine and lounged in a soft, oversized chair to watch the comings and goings of Yangon's hottest new restaurant. A group of trendy millennials were catching up over lunch, a business lunch meeting with video chat was ongoing and a table of colleagues in matching shirts chatted and laughed.
With one of The Pansodan's four investors being a famous local interior designer, and another the director of Pun + Projects, which operates a number of modern dining and drinking outlets around Yangon, it's no wonder the design chosen for this space is classy and comfortable. There's a wonderfully smart art deco theme running throughout. The double-height main floor is bright and airy with a mirrored bar, marble tabletops, wood-panel walls and stand-out symmetric floor tiles.
The exterior of The Pansodan. / Marie Starr / The Irrawaddy
I was handed the menu, which features all the key dishes at the soul of Myanmar culture. Mohinga, coconut noodles and Shan noodles were listed alongside favorites adopted from our neighbors—pork bao, samosa, keema paratha and biryani. The sirloin beefsteak comes with a pickled tea leaf chimichurri sauce. (To save you googling it, that's an uncooked, garlicky sauce of South American origin.) The prices, on the other hand, are decidedly un-local, at 12,000 kyats for a prawn curry and a whopping 5,000 kyats for a tea leaf salad.
I asked the very attentive member of staff which dishes have been the most popular so far and ordered an appetizer of Burmese pâté, the grilled chili chicken for the entrée and a lime soda to wash it down. Having read rave reviews of the dish on the Instagram accounts of Yangon's most famous foodies who were first in the door during the restaurant's soft opening, I couldn't resist ordering the beef bone marrow too.
Beef bone marrow is a hit at The Pansodan. / Marie Starr / The Irrawaddy
I enjoyed the lime soda, which was refreshingly tart and served with a bamboo straw. Then came the Burmese pâté, which is chicken liver pâté on a dash of balsamic vinegar reduction, topped with fried shallots and served with pickles and black pepper "crisps". The pâté was moist and flavorful and the pickles were an excellent pairing. The black pepper crisps were more like crackers and, unfortunately, too brittle to scoop up the pâté, instead falling apart in my fingers.
The grilled chili chicken was an aromatic and generously sized portion of "Myanmar chicken", which means it's not from a battery farm and, similar to free-range poultry, there's less meat on the bone but much, much more flavor. The meat was wonderfully seasoned and moist and chili-lovers will be glad to hear it is hot, hot, hot!
The refreshing Irrawaddy Fizz cocktail at The Pansodan. / Marie Starr / The Irrawaddy
Then came the beef bone marrow. I was a little intimidated when confronted with a halved chunk of beef bone on my plate but digging in, I found the jelly-like marrow to be packed with deep, rich flavors and the gloopy texture was counteracted nicely by the topping of crispy dried shrimp and toasted breadcrumbs.
Grilled chili chicken entrée at The Pansodan. / Marie Starr / The Irrawaddy
Later, I was glad to have another occasion to meet a friend for after-work cocktails at the small but glamorous-looking bar in The Pansodan. The cocktail menu was not exhaustive but exciting, with innovative concoctions like the very refreshing Irrawaddy Fizz (Blanco vermouth, fresh watermelon juice, tonic, lime and yathabo) as well as some great twists on classic cocktails, like the Daiquiri Vert, which has absinthe and lime leaf. The signature drink, The Pansodan, was the most delicious by far: the vodka, lemongrass, lime and pineapple with a hint of fresh basil combined to make a light, multi-level flavor experience that I would come back for again and again. Apart from cocktails, the drinks menu has a good selection of favorite whiskey blends and bottles of wine priced upwards of 38,000 kyats.
The entrance to The Pansodan. / Marie Starr / The Irrawaddy
Overall, I was glad to find The Pansodan lived up to the hype surrounding it—especially on the design and fantastic renovation work. With so much beautiful old architecture in downtown Yangon crumbling for a lack of funding for renovations, I'm glad this gem on Pansodan Street will be preserved and loved by diners and snap-happy Instagrammers alike, all the while serving unfailingly delicious local cuisine and fantastic cocktails.
When Ko Myint Thein Htun went into the family cotton weaving and clothing retail business from the shores of Shan State’s Inle Lake, he did not think he would be doing the same thing some two decades on and helping his village develop along the way.
By using some of the same cotton and silk weaving practices, Ko Myint Thein Htun, known locally as Ko Nge, believed he could also make a successful business of weaving scarves out of lotus fiber threads.
The lotus flower is a powerful symbol in Buddhism; its threads have traditionally been used to weave only monks’ robes or cloth for draping Buddha images. The practice was started some 150 years ago by Daw Sa Oo in Kyaingkhan Village. She would strip the lotus fibers to make the threads and spend the next year weaving them into a robe for an abbot she revered. The threads came from a sacred lotus — Nelumbium speciosum, or Padonma Kyar in Burmese — that grows on Inle Lake.
Tourists visit a lotus garden on Inle Lake. / Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy
It is believed that lotus fabrics help keep the wearer warm in the winter and cool in the summer. They are also said to bring good luck, absorb negative energy and dissipate body odor.
A woman strips fiber from a lotus stem. / Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy
The whole process — from picking the lotus plants to stripping the fiber from the stems to the weaving — is all done by hand and is environmentally friendly. Because of their delicacy and uniqueness and the time it takes to make them, lotus fabrics are expensive. It takes 8,000 stems and 20 days to make a single square meter, said Ko Myint Thein Htun.
Even so, his lotus and lotus-silk scarves have attracted ever more buyers among the growing number of tourists visiting Inle Lake since Myanmar opened its doors to vacationers in the 1990s.
"They want something small, a souvenir that they can use or give as a gift," Ko Myint Thein Htun said, recalling how the idea of making scarves instead of the much larger monks’ robes came to him.
Becoming an entrepreneur
Many of the traditions of Inle Lake’s Intha, from their floating markets to their unique way of rowing their boats with their legs, have been fading away over recent decades, a trend only amplified by the new jobs on offer in the area’s ever-expanding tourism industry.
Their weaving goes back a century.
Ko Myint Thein Htun’s great grandfather, U Han, started weaving in 1910. He was one of two men who learned how to weave the ikat design in Thailand in the 1930s and taught it to his neighbors back home. The Inle ikat, or Inle Zinmae, longyi has since become popular across Myanmar.
Ko Myint Thein Htun is proud to carry on the family’s weaving tradition.
People visit a shop selling lotus fiber products on Inle Lake. / Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy
When Myanmar’s universities were shut down in 1996 because of a wave of student protests, the fledgling tourism sector helped Ko Myint Thein Htun, a student at the Mandalay Arts and Sciences University, set a new course.
At first, back home in Inpawkhon Village, he believed the universities would reopen soon and that he could continue to pursue his studies.
But the universities stayed close for the next three years and eight months, during which time he entered the family business, making cotton bags and clothes and selling them in Yangon, Mandalay and elsewhere.
He soon ventured into lotus fiber and in 2000 opened a souvenir shop, Khit Sunn Yin, with a loom to show tourists how the fabrics were made.
As one of the few shops still weaving by hand, its fabrics have also become popular with local actors and singers and other well-to-do domestic customers. Myanmar’s lotus fabrics have also been used by international clothing brands Loro Piano and Muller and Sohn.
Ko Myint Thein Htun holds up a silk longyi at his shop. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
But Ko Myint Thein Htun’s business has seen both ups and downs, all in tune with Myanmar’s political and environmental fortunes. Business dipped along with tourist arrivals after 2007’s so-called saffron revolution and Cyclone Nargis the next year but bounced back in 2010 and has remained stable since.
Community jobs
When demand for his products eventually outstripped his ability to meet it, Ko Myint Thein Htun encouraged his fellow villagers to start weaving as well and offered to help them sell what they made.
"But many of my fellow villagers said they couldn’t because they no longer had their looms or other capital," he said, "I felt sorry, so I thought, what if I provided them with loans so that they can buy looms and raw materials and start weaving."
And so he did, handing out loans of 740,000 kyats (about $491 at today’s rate) per family in 2016 to set up and repay him with finished textiles, creating about 200 jobs in the process, mostly for women.
Scarves and other products made from lotus fiber are displayed at Ko Myint Thein Htun’s shop. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
He also runs dozens of looms of his own now in a workshop next to his clothing store and employs more than 120 people directly. In the workshop, the older women mostly turn the lotus threads into yarn or weave while the younger women prefer to fashion the woven fabrics into clothes.
"Many people, including the older ones in their 70s and 80s, can still earn their living because they can work either as lotus-plant pickers and gatherers, strip lotus stems for thread, weft the silk yarn and weave at home," said U Aung Kyi Win, an ethnic Intha elder and former state lawmaker for Nyaung Shwe Township.
A woman weaves with lotus thread. / Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy
And as the product has become more popular, the supply chain has grown longer, he added, with lotus stems now also coming from as far as Bago and Mandalay regions and Kayah State.
Empowering the youth
Through his community development and social support, Ko Myint Thein Htun urges young people to learn traditional handicrafts.
He has started offering 1,000-kyat bonuses on top of the daily wages at his shop to encourage the next generation of weavers, including young women and mothers with babies. More than 20 young men and women showed up last year, but the number has fluctuated with time. While the numbers may be low, the effort is helping to raise awareness of the importance of maintaining traditions and spreading his believe that the handicraft industry is good for the community.
"Inle has many handicrafts jobs,” he said. “The young people should follow our traditions, and not only learn about the weaving industry but also about others handicrafts so that we can contribute to our community and maintain our traditions."
He is currently promoting another local custom to outsiders — the floating Thingyan. Most people in Myanmar celebrate the annual water festival on land. But given the large lake at and under their feet, the residents of Inle celebrate on the water itself.
When the festival kicks off this weekend, the Inlay Cultural Heritage Trust Complex in Nam Pan Village will host a floating Thingyan for the first time thanks to Ko Myint Thein Htun’s efforts. Anyone visiting the village by boat will get to splash fellow visitors on other boats.
His Miss Inlay Organization will also be running a beauty pageant to draw in yet more crowds and raising awareness about the importance of saving Inle Lake from rising pollution levels.
Ko Myint Thein Htun believes his weaving business is beneficial not only to him but to the whole community around the lake and to the country for helping preserve traditional handicrafts.
"It offers people jobs. It earns foreign currency for the country. It keeps our traditions alive. That's why I stick to it even if there is something better for me,” he said.
Bangladesh has finally allowed the Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE) to visit the country. According to a press release on the ICOE's website, the Bangladeshi foreign minister has agreed in principle to meet with the commission next month. What is unclear—and frankly, this must be the crux of the issue—is whether Bangladeshi authorities will allow the ICOE to conduct evidence gathering in Cox's Bazar. No information on this is available on the ICOE's website.
However, informed diplomatic sources say that Bangladesh has not yet given the ICOE's Evidence Collection and Verification Team (ECVT) the green light to visit Cox's Bazar to collect evidence and data. This is a great disappointment to those seeking information on what really prompted the massive displacement of people from Myanmar to Bangladesh in the wake of clearance operations by the Myanmar military in northern Rakhine starting in late 2017 following a series of attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on security outposts.
It also reflects poorly on Bangladesh, which has in the past given access to the UN Fact Finding Mission, U.S. State Department Documentation Team and international NGOs to tour Cox's Bazar collecting evidence, statements, interviews and pictures, etc. If Bangladesh does not allow the ICOE to conduct its own investigation in Cox's Bazar, it could be seen as acting in "bad faith". The natural question would be: Does Bangladesh have something to hide?
The ICOE was established just under a year ago by the Union President's Office. In a press release dated July 30, 2018, it stated that the ICOE was established as part of its national initiative to address reconciliation, peace, stability and development in Rakhine. The ICOE is made up of international and national members. "The ICOE will investigate allegations of human rights violations and related issues, following the terrorist attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)," the statement reads. According to the terms published on its website, the ICOE is supposed to submit reports with recommendations to the Union President. The use of the plural "reports" indicates that ICOE may be preparing more than one submission to the President.
The world has only read reports documenting alleged atrocities that have purportedly taken place in Myanmar, by such organizations as Amnesty International, Fortify Rights, the UN Fact Finding Mission and others. It is resoundingly clear that those reports are based on narratives of people living in Cox's Bazar. The ICOE provides an opportunity to inform the world of the facts based on evidence. They should be allowed into Bangladesh to take evidence and do the necessary cross-verification and seek corroboration of the facts back in Myanmar. The ICOE's report should differ from other international organizations' reports, which are based on people's narratives in one country. It should be evidence-based, and that evidence should be verified. A one-sided, narrative-based report will do nothing to achieve the accountability and justice the world seeks.
Nyein Maung is a freelance researcher on Rakhine issues. The views and opinions expressed here are the author's alone.
Adoniram Judson, the American missionary who first promoted Christianity in Myanmar, died 169 years ago today. Affectionately known as Saya Judson, he is remembered as Myanmar's most significant missionary.
He arrived in Myanmar in 1813 at the age of 25 and spent years learning Burmese before beginning his preaching on Baptism.
He baptized his first Burmese convert, Maung Naw in 1819. Two years later, he baptized his first female Burmese convert, Ma Min Hla.
Judson is also remembered for compiling the first Burmese-English dictionary, English-Burmese dictionary, and the first Burmese grammar book. He translated the Bible into Burmese and also established a number of Baptist churches in Myanmar.
He faced many challenges in Myanmar and came under pressure from the authorities who were unhappy with his work in converting people to Christianity. He was regarded as a spy during the First Anglo-Burmese War, and was imprisoned at Inwa, then called Ava, for over a year.
Judson translated the Treaty of Yandabo, the peace treaty credited with ending the First Anglo-Burmese War.
He dedicated his life to his missionary work and eventually developed eyesight problems and headaches. He was advised by doctors to take a sea voyage, and on April 12, 1850, at the age of 61, he died onboard a ship bound for America. He was buried at sea in the Bay of Bengal.
The Judson College, the forerunner of the Yangon University, was named after him and the university campus is still home to Judson Church.
Judson was regarded as a Burmese man of letter by the local literati. A church which is still in use in Lanmadaw Township, Yangon, was named in honor of Maung Naw, his first convert.
YANGON — Journalists and others have warned that recent death threats against media outlets over their reporting on the fighting in Rakhine State pose a threat to the whole country as it transitions toward democracy, though some also urged reporters to maintain high ethical standards.
Last week, about a dozen media organizations in Myanmar spanning print, television and the internet received death threats via anonymous emails, phone calls and social media messages on their coverage of the fighting between the Arakan Army and Myanmar military. They are believed to have come from people who support either side.
Some of the outlets that received the threats — including The Irrawaddy, 7Day, Democracy Today and Khit Thit — reported them to the Myanmar Press Council and the President's Office and called for an investigation.
"The threats against journalists are bad for journalism and also not good for the country," said U Aung Hla Tun, the deputy minister of information.
The veteran journalist-come-cabinet member said the media "has to be able to work in their profession without being threatened" so that they can perform "as watchdogs, not lapdogs, to point out maltreatment and injustice.”
But he added that most people lack social media literacy and often unwittingly share false information not posted by established news outlets, so that a few bad actors end up besmirching the reputation of the news media as a whole.
Even though the latest threats came from anonymous sources and fake accounts, U Myint Kyaw, a member of the Myanmar Press Council, said they could inspire yet more threats. If they did, he said journalists would be at increased risk of attack.
U Myint Kyaw said the chairman of the council has forwarded the reports it received on to the President’s Office in hopes that it can track down who sent the threats.
At the same time, he urged journalists to always act ethically, especially when covering sensitive stories.
"Upholding ethics is a shield that protects journalists, and this is an alarm to remind us that we should never drift from ethical reporting," he said.
Foreign diplomats in Myanmar also expressed their concern over the threats.
"The recent increase in threats and intimidation to newsrooms and journalists reporting on conflict is deeply concerning. Journalists need to be able to do their jobs as part of a democracy," U.S. Ambassador Scot Marciel told The Irrawaddy.
Khit Thit founder Ko Thar Lun Zaung Htet said the lack of legal protection for journalists left them especially vulnerable to being labeled the “enemy” by the government, military and ultra-nationalists.
"These threats, which can be considered organized crime, show that our media are again in a dark period in this democratic era when we are struggling to be independent because the media industry is suffering economically." he said.
He also worried that more threats might follow in the lead-up to next year’s general election.
NAYPYITAW—State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not interested in assigning blame for the stalled peace process, Union Attorney General U Tun Tun Oo said in Naypyitaw on Thursday.
"As the government [leader], chairperson of the NRPC [National Reconciliation and Peace Center] and State Counselor, [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] doesn't blame anyone. We take it that we are all in the same boat sailing toward peace," said U Tun Tun Oo, who is currently acting as the government negotiator at peace talks with the Karen National Union at the NRPC in the administrative capital.
It is important to make compromises to break the stalemate in the peace process, U Tun Tun Oo said.
"It is completely impossible that each group can get 100 percent of their demands satisfied in political discussions. Only with mutual understanding and trust can negotiations deliver results," he said.
Though the government of the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi gives priority to internal peace, three years into its administration it has only been able to convince two ethnic armed groups—the New Mon State Party and the Lahu Democratic Union—to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA).
The NLD-led government has also convened the 21st-Century Panglong Peace Conference to adopt fundamental principles for federalism. But it has been more than five months since the last formal Panglong discussions between the government, the Myanmar military (or Tatmadaw) and NCA signatories took place.
KNU general secretary Padoh Saw Tadoh Moo (right), the leader of the group's delegation, chats with the government’s NRPC delegates led by Attorney General Tun Tun Oo (center) during a break from their meeting in Naypyitaw on Thursday. / Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy
Meanwhile, the meetings of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting on the NCA (JICM) and Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) have also been suspended.
The government has been holding informal talks with individual NCA signatories in order to re-start political talks, which is one of the reasons the KNU delegation was in Naypyitaw on Thursday to meet government negotiators.
There have been problems with interpretation of the terminology in the NCA, said KNU secretary-general Padoh Saw Ta Doh Moo at the meeting on Thursday.
"I suggest it is time we think about how we can narrow the differences between us that have existed since before the third session of the Panglong Conference, so that we can find common ground to move forward," he said at the meeting.
U Tun Tun Oo called for collaborative efforts in addressing the challenges facing each group. "The government really wants to start official talks as soon as possible. And I'd like to say seriously that the government is ready to cooperate to resolve the problems obstructing the talks," he said.
While the Tatmadaw's four-month unilateral ceasefire will come to an end on April 30, there has been little progress in talks with the NCA non-signatories to sign the pact.
At a press conference on March 25, the Myanmar military's Major-General Soe Naing Oo said the Tatmadaw would not extend the truce, as four months should be enough to move the peace process forward.
The government and Tatmadaw are set to meet the Kachin Independence Army before and after the Thingyan Festival in April. But with Thingyan falling on Saturday, the two sides are likely to meet after Thingyan at the earliest.
The government and Tatmadaw are also set to meet the Restoration Council of Shan State and Shan State Progress Party to discuss resettlement of internally displaced persons in Kyaukme and Hsipaw, and the deployment of troops.
YANGON—Five senior government officials from the Directorate of Water Resources and Improvement of River Systems (DWIR) have been sued under the Anti-Corruption Law for allegedly misusing more than 537 million kyats (about US$355,000) of public funds since 2014.
The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) said in a statement on Wednesday that it has opened cases against DWIR director-general U Htun Lwin Oo, now retired deputy director-general U Ko Ko Oo, who is still serving at the directorate as an adviser, his successor U Thaung Lwin, and two directors, U Aung Kyaw Hmu and U Tun Naing Win. DWIR is under the Ministry of Transport and Communications.
The commission said it conducted an investigation after receiving a complaint against them and found that the five misused 238 million kyats in 2014, 89 million kyats in 2015, 129.5 million kyats in 2017 and 81 million kyats in 2018 from funds allocated to sub-offices.
All five have been sued under Article 56 of the Anti-Corruption Law, which carries a maximum 10-year prison sentence for political officeholders found guilty of corruption.
In early April, the commission sued the managing director of the government's mining enterprise under the same charge, and the managing director and two employees of gold mining firm National Prosperity Gold Production Group Co. Ltd under Article 59 for making a false bribery claim. The latter charge carries a maximum sentence of three years' imprisonment and a fine.
YANGON — A floating Thingyan will be held for the first time ever over the four days of this year’s annual water festival with many activities aimed both at promoting the culture of the ethnic Intha who live around Shan State’s popular Inle Lake and at boosting tourism.
The event is being put on by the Miss Inle Organization and starts Saturday at the Inle Cultural Heritage Trust Complex in Nan Pan Village, Nyaung Shwe Township.
"During the Thingyan festival, Inle Lake didn't have many things to do and did not have many places to celebrate Thingyan with a crowd. That's why we want to make this a place where everyone can enjoy the Myanmar water festival, Thingyan," said Ko Sai Soe Tun Aung, general manager of the Miss Inle Organization and the Inle Cultural Heritage Trust Complex.
"The Ministry of Hotels and Tourism gave us guidelines and we organized this festival to make it happen. This is the first time for a floating Thingyan festival for us and for Inle Lake, so we've done our best to prepare for the visitors," he added.
Over the four days, the event will run in two sessions daily, one from 9 a.m. to 12 p.m. and another from 3 p.m. to 7 p.m.
It will feature free food and traditional dance performances and sets by top local singers spread across 21 floating venues. There will also be a Mr. and Mrs. Inle 2019 contest on the last day.
Tickets to get onto the stages will cost 15,000 kyats per person per day.
"We will place many trash bins at the festival and we also have a team to collect the trash from Inle Lake. We have started a campaign urging people not to throw any trash into the lake and to save Inle Lake," said Ko Sai Soe Tun Aung.
On Wednesday, Myanmar New Year’s Day, the organizers will make donations to 1,000 monks on the lake. A New Year’s Dhamma ceremony will also be held.
"I'm sure all the activities of the Inle Floating Thingyan are new and will be a new experience for Intha, travellers and foreigners. So I want to invite everyone to come and celebrate this floating Thingyan with us," said Ko Sai Soe Tun Aung.
YANGON—China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) includes a host of projects that could benefit Myanmar, military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing told Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing on Wednesday, adding that Myanmar's military was ready to cooperate on implementing them.
While the BRI is beginning to face resistance from a number of countries due to fears of a "debt trap", Sen-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said during a meeting with Xi at the Great Hall of the People that he believed it would be successful.
Xi's signature foreign policy, the BRI is a grand vision to revive the historic Silk Road trade route and create a "21st-Century Maritime Silk Road". These would create a network of trade routes from China to Europe passing through Central Asia, the Middle East and Russia. Unveiled in 2013, the BRI will ultimately encompass nearly 70 countries and two-thirds of the world's population.
The senior general said the majority of Myanmar citizens live in rural areas and improving their socioeconomic status would require developing the nation's economy first. This was the reason he requested support for developing Myanmar's economic opportunities.
The senior general is visiting Beijing on a goodwill visit at the invitation of General Li Zuocheng, a member of China's Central Military Commission and chief of the Joint Staff Department. During the visit Sen-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has held talks with leaders of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and toured training schools, factories and other significant places. The visit comes two weeks ahead of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's scheduled visit to Myanmar's northern neighbor to attend the second BRI forum in late April.
Nearly three dozen national leaders will attend the forum. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is expected to negotiate agreements on at least six projects as part of the CMEC agreement. During her bilateral meeting with Xi, the State Counselor will likely discuss some of the more controversial Chinese projects in Myanmar, including the suspended US$3.6-billion (5.43 trillion kyats) Myitsone hydropower project in Kachin State.
During his meeting with the military chief, Xi said the militaries, political parties, governments and peoples of the two countries enjoy deep relationships, with military relations in particular having grown noticeably closer.
He said Myanmar was facing a lot of external pressure, but the years of effort by various leaders had led to visible progress for the country.
"China has always supported Myanmar and will continue to do so," Xi said.
China would increase military cooperation between the two countries and strive to discover solutions to common problems, he added.
Myanmar occupies a strategic geographical position in the BRI, lying at the junction of South Asia and Southeast Asia, and between the Indian Ocean and southwestern China's landlocked Yunnan province.
In Myanmar, the CMEC will stretch for 1,700 km, starting in China's Yunnan Province and going through Myanmar's major economic cities—Mandalay in central Myanmar and the commercial capital of Yangon—and reaching the coast at the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rakhine State. Under the CMEC, Myanmar has also signed an MoU for the Kyaukphyu deep-sea port, a potential hub for China that would give it direct access to the Indian Ocean and allow its oil imports to bypass the Strait of Malacca. It also serves Beijing's goal of developing landlocked Yunnan.
Despite warnings from critics that the project could burden Myanmar with unsustainable debts and provoke more armed conflict in the project areas, Myanmar has signed an MoU to begin studying a proposed Muse-Mandalay high-speed railway.
The railway could become a lifeline for China-Myanmar trade. Muse sits on Myanmar's border with Yunnan, and is the largest trade portal between the two nations, while Mandalay is central Myanmar's commercial center and the country's second-largest city.
In Yangon, the multi-billion-dollar New Yangon City project is a part of the CMEC plan. The two sides have also agreed to implement three economic cooperation zones in Kachin and Shan states.
Snr-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing has also held meetings with top Chinese leaders including Song Tao, head of the International Liaison Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and General Wei Fenghe, minister of national defense and a member of the Central Military Commission. He has visited a PLA training school, observed military simulation training and visited a center featuring experimental equipment support technology.
This ongoing photo exhibition organized by The Japan Foundation features photos of Japan's 22 world heritage sites recognized by UNESCO including 18 cultural and 4 natural sites. The photographer Mizuno Katsuhiko is a well-known Japanese landscape photographer and gallery owner. The exhibition is open weekly from Tuesday to Saturday.
April 2 to 27 | 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. | The Japan Foundation Yangon | No.70 Nat Mauk Lane 1, Bahan Township
Atlas Water Party
One of the first real parties in town to set off the Thingyan festival theme takes place at 6 p.m. on Friday at Atlas Rooftop. This might be where you want to go with colleagues after the last day of work before the holiday. Entry is free and guests are encouraged to bring water guns and prepare to get wet! A free welcome glass of Heineken beer will be offered and later, DJ Shock will play music to get the dancing started.
April 12 | 6 p.m. | Atlas Rooftop Bar & Lounge | Uniteam Building, 84 Pan Hlaing Street, Sanchaung Township
Fab Water Party
This is a big club night for the LGBTQ crowd and friends who are staying in the city for the holidays. There will be water hoses installed on the night and DJ Mike will be playing cheesy classics and some Thingyan-themed music too. Guests are reminded to bring waterproofing for your devices and valuables and to prepare to get wet! Tickets are 5,000 kyats.
April 13 | 10 p.m. | Pyrite Club | No. 37, Kabar Aye Pagoda Road, Yankin Township (Near Inya Lake Hotel)
Thingyan Parties at The Penthouse
Before the hoses are turned on for the real street parties, where will you go to kick off the weekend? The Penthouse has two Thingyan-themed nights this Friday and Saturday. On Friday, Aung Myo Oo aka DJ Eric will be spinning tunes and Saturday will feature groovy beats by James Leatham. Entry is free.
April 12 and 13 | 9 p.m. | The Penthouse | 8th Floor, Parkside One Building, 271-273 Bagayar Street, Sanchaung Township
Little Luxuries Brunch
Chill out with a brunch and pool day this Sunday at the new Grand Wyndham Hotel next to Kandawgyi Lake. This is a good event for the whole family with swimming pool access included in the price, a live band, henna hand art and face painting for the little ones. The buffet includes a live grill, tempura station, cocktail bar, chocolate mousse and espuma tiramisu station and a chocolate truffle corner. Tickets for the buffet with free-flow soft drinks and beer are $38 (net) and with sparkling wine $42 (net).
April 14 | 12 p.m. to 3 p.m. | Grand Wyndham Yangon Hotel | No. 11 Corner of Kan Yeik Thar and U Aung Myat roads, Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township
Game of Thrones Night
For Game of Thrones addicts and other nerds looking to escape the water festival madness, The Savoy is starting an exciting series of screening nights for Season 8, the first of which falls on Monday April 15. The show will be aired on a large HD screen in Captain's Bar and a Game of Thrones-themed menu and drinks will be available as well as a season-long Game of Throne bingo game.
April 15 | 8:30 p.m. | The Savoy Hotel | 129 Dhamazedi Road, Bahan Township
The Government of the Republic of Korea (ROK) recently announced that the ASEAN-ROK Commemorative Summit will take place in Busan from Nov. 25-27 2019. This will mark the culmination of the New Southern Policy initiated by ROK President Moon Jae-in, which aims at furthering and deepening the ASEAN-ROK Strategic Partnership based on the three pillars of "People, Prosperity and Peace".
What makes this upcoming commemorative summit even more special is the fact that there will be back-to-back summit meetings between Korea and the five Mekong nations, including Myanmar. This is unprecedented and, as such, it attests to our government's firm commitment to elevating its relationship with our friends in the Mekong region to a whole new level. In fact, there has been growing recognition of the potential that the Mekong region holds. And as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the State Counselor, underscored in her recent speeches, Myanmar is regarded by many as the last frontier market in this region.
The fact that Busan is the host city for the commemorative summit is also meaningful. Busan is a sister city of Yangon, the largest city and No. 1 economic and cultural hub in Myanmar. U Phyo Min Thein, Chief Minister of the Yangon Region Government, has played a key role in enhancing the cooperation in trade, investment and culture between our two countries. Among key foreign business communities in Yangon, Korean investors were his first choice for the business talk series he newly embarked on this year. More recently, the Chief Minister and I visited a garment factory in Yangon to have a first-hand interaction with the workers and management. It is reported that in 2018, the garment industry ranked as the No. 1 export for Myanmar. Korean garment factories account for more than 15 percent of that export. Considering the labor-intensive nature of the garment sector, it significantly contributes to job opportunities in the local community. There is another welcome development in this regard. In the wake of the Rakhine State Investment Fair in February, preparatory work is under way between a Korean garment investor and the relevant authorities in Myanmar. This will be the first ever foreign garment factory in Rakhine.
Korea's interest in investing in Myanmar has been growing fast. Among others, its investment in the industrial complex and urban development sector stands out.
The Korea-Myanmar Industrial Complex in Nyaung Hnitpin, Yangon is expected to become a smart and eco-friendly industrial park, which will draw as many as 200 Korean companies. This marks the first foreign direct investment by Korea Land & Housing Corporation, the largest government-owned infrastructure development agency in Korea. The ground-breaking ceremony for the Dala Bridge, better known as the Korea-Myanmar Friendship Bridge, was held last December, which, in turn, raised expectations for development in the Dala area. Relevant parties have been brainstorming to further develop the Dala area, which is compared to the Gangnam area in Seoul.
Investments in high-tech industries and massive infrastructure are also on the rise. This year, Hyundai Motors, the world's fifth-largest car maker, and Daewoo Bus have respectively set up assembly factories in Myanmar. The CEO of POSCO Group, Korea's largest investor in Myanmar, recently visited Myanmar to spearhead the second stage gas exploration after its successful operation of the Shwe gas field. Many Korean investors are also eyeing projects related to railways and highways.
KOICA (the Korean government's development assistance agency) and EXIM Bank are working in lockstep with private business partners to identify suitable projects. Myanmar is one of the top priority countries when it comes to development assistance by KOICA. On the part of EXIM Bank, a new loan agreement topping US$1 billion (1.5 trillion kyats) is soon expected to be sealed.
To chime with these encouraging developments, the two countries also strive hard to create a more business-friendly atmosphere. The Investment Protection and Promotion Agreement went into effect last November and a Korea Desk designed to provide a single-window service to Korean investors is in progress. Given Korea's standing as the 6th largest investor in Myanmar, these legal and institutional measures will help further boost confidence in their business in Myanmar.
As far as Korean investment in Myanmar is concerned, I would be remiss if I did not highlight the ever increasing number of corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs. For most Korean investors in Myanmar, CSR programs are becoming an integral part of their business. A number of CSR and volunteer programs have been done in such sectors as education, vocational training and health. This resonates well with what State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi stated at the Invest Myanmar Summit in January: that the smartest and great investment in Myanmar is in its people.
Our New Southern Policy is according particular focus to winning hearts and minds of the people in ASEAN. As the Korean Ambassador in Myanmar, it is most rewarding to see ever growing passion and love for Korean dramas and movies among Myanmar people. The Korea-Myanmar K-pop Friendship Concert in March, where a video message of the State Counselor was shown, made a splash among the young generation. Tourism and cultural exchanges should be two-way traffic. Ever since the visa exemption last October, Korean tourists have significantly increased. According to the recent survey by the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, the number of Korean visitors to Myanmar rose more than 60 percent from October 2018 to February 2019 compared to the same months of 2017 and 2018.
Already having a lot in common, historically and emotionally, the complicated strategic locations of Korea and Myanmar are another striking resemblance. There have been positive developments on the Korean peninsula and the ASEAN-ROK Commemorative Summit will serve as another momentum in that direction. For its part, Korea is a staunch supporter of Myanmar's noble endeavors for its 21st century union peace process.
People, peace and co-prosperity, the three pillars of Korea's New Southern Policy, are also key elements of Myanmar's Sustainable Development Plan. In this context, the commemorative summit in November will offer a golden opportunity for Myanmar and Korea to nurture its win-win partnership. Therefore, both sides should redouble their efforts to seize the moment.
Lee Sang-hwa is ambassador of the Republic of Korea. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author only.
YANGON —Arakan Army (AA) leader Major General Tun Myat Naing said the rebel group would release police officers’ relatives it took away after attacking a police and military base in northern Rakhine State’s Mrauk-U Township on Wednesday.
"I have instructed [my subordinates] to feed [them] properly and not to scare the children. I have instructed them to keep them well. I will officially hand them over after looking at the situation," he told The Irrawaddy.
Maj. Gen. Tun Myat Naing said the AA would hand them over either to the government or a local ethnic Arakanese women’s group.
AA fighters attacked the No. 31 police regiment on Tuesday evening and a temporary military base near Lay Hnyin Taung Mountain on the outskirts of Mrauk-U in the pre-dawn hours of Wednesday morning. They took the family members of the police officers with them as they retreated.
"There are men, women, and children among them. We didn't abduct them. We brought them for fear that they might be killed in the exchange of fire. The [military] planes dropped bombs directly on the outpost. We just rescued them," Maj. Gen. Tun Myat Naing said.
In a statement, the Myanmar Police Force said the AA abducted seven relatives of police officers during the attack and that the wife of one officer was killed in what it called an act of terrorism.
Among the relatives are the wife and daughter of a sub-lieutenant, the mother, wife, son and daughter of another sub-lieutenant, and the wife of a constable, according to the statement, which included their photos. It said the three children are aged 1, 3 and 6, respectively.
Maj. Gen. Tun Myat Naing said the AA attacked the No. 31 police regiment because soldiers from the Myanmar military’s Light Infantry Division No. 22 had been firing 105-mm howitzer shells both from there and from the military base near Lay Hnyin Taung, which lies about 8 km from downtown Mrauk-U, on a near-daily basis for more than 20 days.
He said the AA failed to destroy the howitzers but did seize some ammunition.
"We have evidence of how long they had been firing with 105-mm howitzers. It is up to the people to decide which side is wrong considering that artillery shells are being fired from the police station. It is not fair to label us terrorists," the AA leader said.
AA deputy leader Brigadier General Nyo Tun Aung claimed that the military used three fighter jets, two bombers and an attack helicopters in the battle.
The Office of the Commander-in-Chief of Defense Services said in a statement that the military gave chase to the AA fighters as they retreated and arrested 23 of them, and that all were dressed in civilian clothes.
Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun, from the military’s True News Information Team, said the military suffered some casualties in the attack.
GHAZIABAD — Indians began voting on Thursday in the first phase of a mammoth general election, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi gunning for a second term having campaigned strongly on his national security record following a flare up in tensions with Pakistan.
Security for the polls was increased after seven people were killed in militant attacks in Jammu and Kashmir, the country’s only Muslim majority state, and in eastern India, where Maoist insurgents were blamed for a bomb that killed a state legislator from Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
Voting in the first of seven rounds is being held in 91 Parliament constituencies across 20 states and federally administered regions. There are 543 seats at stake.
Modi’s BJP has entered the election as the frontrunner, despite economic distress over mounting unemployment, and weak farm incomes in rural areas, where two-thirds of Indians live.
In a posting on Twitter as voting began, Modi urged people to turn out in large numbers and said the mood nationwide was running in favor of his alliance.
Pollsters say support for the BJP rose in response to Modi’s tough stance against Pakistan, which saw aerial clashes between the nuclear-armed neighbors following a Pakistan-based militant organization’s suicide attack in February that killed 40 paramilitary police in Kashmir.
The main opposition Congress party, which wrested three major farming states from the BJP in December by promising to waive the outstanding loans of distressed farmers, has looked for allies among regional parties to defeat the BJP over its record on the economy.
But the upsurge in nationalist fervor has undermined the opposition strategy.
“I support the prime minister’s policies, especially his foreign policy,” Sachin Tyagi, 38, a mobile phone shop owner, told Reuters near a polling station in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh.
“He’s improved India’s global standing and taken revenge against the enemies of the country. I am happy with Modi-ji, but the employment situation could be improved.”
About two dozen voters had lined up at that voting center and more were streaming in early on Thursday. Young men in jeans and shorts, older men in white kurtas and women in colorful sarees stood in the lines.
Spread over 39 days, the final phase of the election will be held on May 19, and the result will be announced on May 23.
Gilles Verniers, a political science professor at Ashoka University near New Delhi, predicted Congress, led by Rahul Gandhi, would struggle to catch the BJP.
“The gap between Congress and the BJP is still enormous, so no one is seriously thinking that Congress is going to fill that gap,” he added. “The opposition landscape remains heavily fragmented.”
An average of four opinion polls showed the BJP-alliance on course to win 273 of the 545 seats in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament, a much reduced majority from the more than 330 seats it scored at the last election.
In the 2014 general election, the BJP alone won a landslide 282 seats, securing a clear single-party majority for the first time in decades and raising hopes of economic reform after a period of sluggish growth.
In Uttar Pradesh, which sends more lawmakers to parliament than any other, Ajesh Kumar, who runs a roadside restaurant, said he voted for the BJP in 2014, when Hindu-Muslims riots in the area killed at least 65 people, and would do so again.
“But jobs are a problem here,” he said, echoing government and private statistics that show Modi’s government has failed to create enough work for the millions of young Indians entering the labor force each year.
Almost 900 million of India’s 1.3 billion people are eligible to vote. The first phase of voting covers an electorate of 142 million.
From sugar farmers in northern India going unpaid for produce, to small businesses in the south shut because they are unable to meet the requirements of a new, unifying national tax, discontent over the economy has brewed for months.
A Reuters analysis of 50 pledges from the BJP's 2014 manifesto showed Modi only partly fulfilled, or did not fulfill, most promises on the economy and business.
Having won only 44 seats last time, Congress is trying to rebuild its appeal, and has promised monthly handouts of 6,000 rupees ($86.59) for the poorest families.
It hopes to win enough seats to lure regional parties opposed to Modi to back it after the election and form the government.
JAKARTA — Shanti Ramchand learned quickly what was expected when she began campaigning in Jakarta for Indonesia’s national parliament — distribute envelopes of cash at a small campaign event, and gift a motorcycle or an air conditioning unit to the community leader.
Ramchand, an aspiring politician from the National Democrat Party, part of President Joko Widodo’s coalition, is trying a novel approach to getting elected. She is not only eschewing the cash and gifts that are traditionally given out on the campaign trail, but making it the centerpiece of her pitch to voters.
Indonesia — the world’s third-largest democracy — has some of the worst money politics in Southeast Asia, according to researchers. Handouts of cash and gifts, anti-graft advocates and politicians say, lead to rampant corruption in its national legislature as successful candidates recoup their election expenses, and more, once elected.
Envelopes, usually stuffed with cash ranging from 20,000 to 100,000 rupiah ($1.42 to $7.08), are commonly doled out to voters. These are small amounts, but the overall cost can be huge over a six-month campaign.
Earlier this month, Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) seized six storage chests in a concealed basement owned by Bowo Sidik Pangarso, a parliamentarian seeking re-election from the Golkar Party, another party in Widodo's ruling coalition. The chests contained 400,000 envelopes each believed to contain 20,000 rupiah — a total of 8 billion rupiah or over $566,000.
Bowo, who has been detained but not formally charged, told reporters last week after leaving an interview with the anti-corruption body that the envelopes were for the national parliament election, not the presidential election, both due on April 17.
While illegal, politicians and analysts say it is relatively rare to see prosecutions for election-time bribery.
Two politicians from the National Mandate Party, part of the opposition coalition headed by former general Prabowo Subianto, were sentenced to three months in prison in December for distributing coupons for the Umrah pilgrimage to Mecca to voters. They will not be disqualified from running for office again.
In 2017, the then speaker of the national parliament, Setya Novanto, was arrested for orchestrating a scheme to plunder $173 million from a government contract for a national electronic identity card.
The KPK alleged most of the money was to be funneled to up to 60 lawmakers. Novanto was sentenced to 15 years in prison, underscoring why Indonesia’s national Parliament rates as among the most corrupt institutions in the country in surveys.
“Kleptocracy”
In a south Jakarta neighborhood, Ramchand is working the courtyard crowd, engaging in some questions and answers as she tries to convince constituents to vote for her.
“We don’t choose the envelope, right?” she says, receiving scattered approval from the crowd of about 40 congregating in a shady courtyard to ward off the mid-afternoon sun.
“That’s right. Check the background of the candidate. Ask them about their programs. Your voice can’t be bought.”
In an interview, Ramchand said at three out of ten planned appearances, community leaders would demand gratuities to allow her to talk to the voters in her South Jakarta electorate.
“Sometimes people bluntly ask for money. Others ask for air conditioning units or a motorbike,” she told Reuters.
Ramchand, a policy consultant to corporations and governments who has lived overseas for most of the past decade, showed Reuters WhatsApp messages sent to her by village chiefs and officials from religious organizations demanding money to let her speak at gatherings.
Reuters could not independently verify the messages.
Ramchand said she has also declined to pay the usual political “dowry” required by political parties to endorse candidates.
The going rate for a serious run for one of 560 seats in the national legislature is about 10 billion rupiah, or $708,000, according to the former deputy chief of the KPK, Busyro Muqoddas.
“We live in a kleptocracy, not a democracy,” said Busyro.
A spokesman for the campaign team of Widodo, Ace Hasan Syadzily, said his own party, Golkar, does not demand a political dowry but conceded “vote buying does happen.” The president was against money politics, he added.
A spokesman for the opposition coalition led by Prabowo, Dahnil Anzar Simanjuntak, declined to comment on whether candidates had to pay parties to be endorsed.
“The cost of running for political office is expensive and can potentially be the cause of corruption,” he said. “We are pushing for political parties to be funded by the state and, if they are corrupt, they should be disbanded.”
Dawn attack
Ramchand said she was met with broad skepticism that her campaign strategy could work.
She admits that she has had to cancel many events.
A poll of voters in three Jakarta constituencies by the Charta Politika agency in January found support for cash and other gratuities at 58.2 percent, 47 percent and 42.6 per cent.
Edward Aspinall, a professor at Australian National University who has researched money politics across Southeast Asia, said the practice of cash handouts is deeply entrenched in Indonesia.
“It’s more common in Indonesia than elsewhere in Southeast Asia,” he told Reuters.
He blamed the deterioration on the introduction of the “open list” electoral system in 2009 where voters choose candidates, rather than a party, and it is the candidates who bear most of the costs of the campaigns.
“The incentive is for individual candidates to maximize their personal vote,” he said. “Very often they do this with money. How else can you differentiate yourself from rivals from the same party when you have the same policies?”
Cash-for-votes reaches its peak during the “dawn attack,” the morning of the election when candidates blitz voters.
“It’s high drama at the last minute,” said Aspinall. “Candidates see this is really inefficient and ineffective but they feel if they don’t do it, they won’t stand a chance.”
Ramchand, for her part, says: “I’ll be sleeping in.”
SEOUL—North Korean leader Kim Jong Un said his country needs to deliver a “telling blow” to those imposing sanctions by ensuring its economy is more self-reliant, state media Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said on Thursday.
It was the first time Kim stated North Korea’s position on the second U.S.-North Korea summit in Hanoi that collapsed in February, and signaled a continued focus on economic development, a strategic direction officially declared a priority last April.
On North Korea’s position on the summit, Kim said he would double down on efforts to create a self-supporting national economy “so as to deal a telling blow to the hostile forces who go with bloodshot eyes miscalculating that sanctions can bring (North Korea) to its knees,” according to KCNA.
U.S.-North Korean engagement has appeared to be in limbo since the Feb. 27-28 summit in Hanoi, which collapsed over differences about how far North Korea was willing to limit its nuclear program and the degree of U.S. willingness to ease economic sanctions.
Kim has continued to highlight his economic push in recent weeks despite the lack of sanctions relief.
State media have published images and reports of Kim’s visits to at least four economic projects in five days over the past week, including a remodeled department store, tourist resorts, and an economic hub near the border with China.
At a similar plenary session last year, Kim formally announced a “new strategic line” that focused on economic progress and improving North Koreans’ lives, rather than the previous two-pronged approach of economic and nuclear weapons development.
North Korea is expected to convene a session of its rubber-stamp legislature, the Supreme People’s Assembly, on Thursday.
In its Wednesday meeting, the ruling party also elevated Choe Son Hui, one of North Korea’s leading negotiators with the United States, to a position as member of the party’s Central Committee.
Despite not explicitly naming the “hostile forces” that imposed sanctions, Kim is displaying a more hardened stance toward Washington than was recently in state media, analysts said.
The comments were reported hours ahead of a summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and South Korean President Moon Jae-in in Washington on Thursday to discuss North Korea and other alliance issues.
Moon has suggested that sanctions could be eased to allow inter-Korean economic engagement in return for some nuclear concessions by North Korea, but so far Washington has not agreed.
“It did not directly mention the U.S., but linked sanctions with hostile forces,” said Shin Beom-chul, a senior fellow at the Asian Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul. “He’s saying North Korea would take an independent course unless the U.S. offered to lift sanctions. You maintain sanctions, you’re a hostile force; if you ease sanctions, you’re not.”
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told a congressional committee on Wednesday that he would like to leave “a little room” in the sanctions in case North Korea makes “substantial” progress toward giving up its nuclear weapons.
In Hanoi, Kim sought relief from major U.N. sanctions, but Pompeo said those must stay in effect until North Korea completely denuclearizes.
“The enforcement regime, the core U.N. Security Council resolutions, need to remain in place until the verification of denuclearization has been completed,” he said.
A state funeral for Myanmar independence hero General Aung San and eight of his colleagues was held on this day 71 years ago. Their bodies had lain in state for more than eight months at the Jubilee Hall in downtown Yangon after their assassination on July 19, 1947. The bodies were entombed at the current site of the Martyrs' Mausoleum near Shwedagon Pagoda. More than 300,000 mourners from all walks of life showed up at the funeral to pay their final respects.
When the bodies were placed in the hall after the assassinations, people from across the country headed to Yangon to mourn the slain leaders. A 7 p.m.-5 a.m. nighttime curfew was imposed in the vicinity lest the remains be snatched.
Gen. Aung San and his colleagues lie in state at the Jubilee Hall in Yangon.
On the morning of the funeral day, then Myanmar President Sao Shwe Thaik and the bereaved families made donations to Buddhist monks in remembrance of the dead. In the afternoon, volunteers wearing black armbands gathered at Jubilee Hall for the funeral procession, while mourners lined Shwedagon Pagoda Road to pay their final respects. At the burial site, then Prime Minister U Nu delivered the eulogy and four Myanmar Air Force planes scattered flowers over the area. Foreign diplomats and military attachés and representatives of international organizations laid wreaths. The event concluded with the singing of the national anthem in the evening. It was also a busy day for medics, as many people fainted during the procession.
