Democratic Voice of Burma

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• Parliament begins review of 30 bills
• China builds temporary homes for Arakanese refugees
• Rohingya call on govt for inclusion in 2014 census
• Calm restored after murder in Meikhtila
• Can Burma move to the next level?
• Burmese military appoints two women MPs

Parliament begins review of 30 bills Posted: 13 Jan 2014 04:50 AM PST The ninth session of Parliament commenced in Burma's capital city Naypyidaw on Monday, with a total of 30 bills up for review by both the upper and lower houses. Saw Hla Tun, secretary of the lower house Bill Committee, said that of the 30 bills, 21 are new and nine remain from the previous session, which closed in November 2013. Several long-awaited bills will take priority, including a new Electricity Bill, the Condominium Bill, the Associations Bill and various media laws, he said. Among the media laws up for discussion is the controversial Printing and Publishing Enterprise Bill, drafted by Burma's Ministry of Information. Parliament approved amending the bill, which critics have called "draconian", during the eighth session of parliament last year. As the Bill Committee submits its report on disagreements over the contentious legislation, two other important media laws will also be under review. The Media Bill, drafted by the Interim Press Council and approved by the lower house in November 2013, will be considered by the upper house, as the lower house reviews the Public Service Media Bill, Saw Hla Tun told DVB on Monday. In the three sessions convened in 2013, Burma's parliament amended and adopted 36 laws. As the reform process powers on, 2014 is likewise expected to be a year of huge legislative change leading up to general elections in 2015. The Joint-Committee for Reviewing the Constitution (JCRC) is due to submit its report on Constitutional reform by 31 January, a subject expected to dominate parliamentary discussions once presented. The committee will likely recommend reversal of section 59(f) of Burma's 2008 Constitution, which prohibits opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from assuming the presidency. Related Stories Can Burma move to the next level? Burmese military appoints two women MPs Civil servants, students urged to boycott Suu Kyi rallies in Chin State, says NLD

China builds temporary homes for Arakanese refugees Posted: 13 Jan 2014 03:19 AM PST Temporary houses are being built in Kinchaung village in the restive northern Arakanese town of Maungdaw; but they are not for Rohingya Muslims fleeing violence – this time the emergency shelters are for Arakanese Buddhist refugees who have escaped persecution in neighbouring Bangladesh. The construction of prefabricated houses began in earnest on 26 December, and is being sponsored and paid for by the Chinese government. "We have brought 10 construction specialists here to help build the houses in the village", said project manager Thet Khine Oo. "We employ local residents for construction work and can generally complete one house in 17 days. These ready-to-assemble houses can adjust to the outside temperature – whether hot or cold." Related Stories Calm restored after murder in Meikhtila Human Trafficking: better or worse in 2013? Forgotten Arakanese go thirsty Each house will be big enough for six people, and the company has pledged to construct 17 of them for the more than 100 Arakanese refugees currently being sheltered at a Buddhist monastery in Maungdaw. Simultaneously, an administration office, a library and a medical centre will also be erected. Waves of Burmese Buddhist refugees have been fleeing in fear to Burma since December 2012 after communal violence spread across the border. The 102 Arakanese Buddhists hope they will only have to shelter in the prefab houses as a temporary measure; however, sources have indicated that even more refugees may be looking to cross the border and head to Maungdaw in the meantime.

Rohingya call on govt for inclusion in 2014 census Posted: 13 Jan 2014 02:08 AM PST Two Rohingya political parties issued a plea to the government last Friday not to be categorised as "other" in the upcoming census, claiming they are "bona fide citizens" and entitled to be recognised as an ethnic minority group in Burma. Members of ethnic minorities unrecognised by the government, such as the Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Chinese, will be classified as "other" – along with foreign nationals – although there will also be an option to self-identify during the census. The census will take place from March 30 to April 10 and it will be the first to take place in Burma for more than three decades. "The structure of the census is totally unacceptable to us… We are simply asking for equal rights for all ethnic minority groups," said the president of Democracy and Human Rights Party (DHRP) Kyaw Min on 10 January during a joint press conference with the National Democratic Party for Development (NDPD). "It should be a basic right for the Rohingya to be recognised as a minority group in Burma, even if the deeply flawed 1982 Citizenship Law excludes them… It's a frankly racist policy, and the census process is endorsing it," said David Scott Mathieson, a senior researcher on Burma at Human Rights Watch. Related Stories International pressure on Burma, Thailand to deal with Rohingya issues Kukis refuse to crumble Living in limbo, but ready to risk death at sea Khin Maung Myint, head of the NDPD's foreign relations committee told DVB that the parties have not received an official response from the government about their request for Rohingyas to be given a specific code number in the census, but said they will continue to issue the plea "right up until the day before [the census]." The government refers to Rohingya as "Bengalis" on the purported justification that they illegally migrated to Burma during British colonial rule. However, Rohingyas argue they have been living in Burma since the Mrauk-U dynasty of the 15th century. "Referring to us as "Bengalis" is an attempt to downgrade our status and ethnicity. The term came into existence about 20 or 30 years ago, during the last years of General Ne Win's rule. We'll never accept it because we've been living in Rakhine State for centuries – anyone can check the historical records written by international scholars," Khin Maung Myint told DVB. The parties have met with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), which is assisting the government with the census; however UNFPA said it cannot support the Rohingya's request because it is providing technical input only. "Some of the ethnicities recognised by the government number in the low thousands, yet there are 1.5 million Rohingya people in Myanmar," said Khin Maung Myint. The government's tough stance is in tune with many in the Buddhist majority country, where sectarian violence erupted between Muslims and Buddhists in Rakhine State in 2012. Ko Zarni, 29, told DVB, "They want to be our country’s citizens, yet they hate our country’s citizens, such as [Buddhists] in Rakhine [Arakan] State. This isn't just my point of view – all citizens of [Burma] believe that they are bad people and that they hate Buddhists.” "The exclusion of the Rohingya from the census is yet another indication that the supposed democratic reforms in Burma have less purchase than many optimists believe. You don't propound progress when you're leaving behind a long persecuted minority and denying their eligibility for citizenship," said Mathieson.

Calm restored after murder in Meikhtila Posted: 13 Jan 2014 01:20 AM PST The situation in the central Burmese town of Meikhtila is calm after the murder of a man on Saturday provoked fresh rumours that an outbreak of communal violence was imminent. According to Pol-Maj Maung Shwe, commander of Meikhtila Township Police, the murder of Pho Pyu by his brothers in law was fuelled by a family dispute and was in no way linked to racial or religious background. "The murder was the result of a family dispute between various brothers in law," said the police chief. "The victim used to be a Muslim but he converted to Buddhism, while the assailants are Muslim. They got in a fight after one of the men's wives left home following a row with her husband." Pol-Maj Maung Shwe confirmed that the three brother-in-laws had been arrested. "We are charging the three brothers – Aung Zaw Htwe, who stabbed the victim; Zaw Myo Htwe, who witnesses say shot at him with a catapult; and Pho Ni – for murdering the victim, known as Pho Pyu." Related Stories China builds temporary homes for Arakanese refugees Knife-wielding soldier tries to rob bank in Meikhtila Two sentenced for murder in Mrauk-U massacre He said the situation in the town was normal although some residents had voiced concern that the incident may fuel further unrest in the town, which saw bloody anti-Muslim riots last March, leaving dozens dead and over 10,000 homeless. The senior police officer added that measures had been prepared to deal with any resumption of violence. Burma's state-run New Light of Myanmar confirmed the story on Sunday, though it reported that Pho Ni had in fact been stabbed by Pho Pyu after the former intervened in to stop the quarrel. Pho Ni is currently being treated at Meiktila Hospital while Aung Zaw Htwe and Zaw Myo Htwe have been detained at Meiktila Prison, the report said. The New Light report concluded: "The local authority said it was just a case happened in the family [sic] and requested not to believe the rumors created by those who wish to resort to violence, according to the officials."

Can Burma move to the next level? Posted: 13 Jan 2014 12:19 AM PST Burma began its chairmanship of ASEAN this year in praiseworthy fashion when President Thein Sein remarked that the constitution could be amended to allow "any citizen to lead the country", another magnanimous gesture to Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Yet while the country once seen as a pariah continues to confound its critics, other Southeast Asian leaders are now grumbling over challenges to their power. Dictatorial and authoritarian strongmen from different cultural, religious, and educational backgrounds have used different approaches over the years to deal with rivals. Some played the role of benevolent democratic fathers, others proclaimed themselves liberators or saviours from conquerors and aggressors, and others marketed themselves as builders of national prosperity and unity. For some, portraying themselves as regional leaders was the choice. The fact is, post-imperialist nation-building is still a work in progress in many ASEAN states, and democratisation has therefore not yet fully taken shape. Old-generation leaders are finding it more troublesome to govern diverse and globalised citizens and outspoken emigrants in their realms. Some refuse to accept the reality that they cannot monopolise power forever, so they refuse to bite the bullet of reform or share power with others. Instead, they defiantly insist on simply transforming power within their clan and family or to vested subordinates and cronies. Look at Thailand and Cambodia for example. In the former, the fight is unfolding between old and new powers, and in the latter between the ruling power and the emerging classes of working people, activists and human rights defenders. Thailand's protracted political uncertainties have been dragging down the country's competitiveness for a decade now. Today, the bizarre collision between the "great mass of the people" movement and the government of a sister of the ousted leader of a political party is simply a power tussle ahead of a larger transition. Related Stories Parliament begins review of 30 bills New Electricity Bill stresses environmental protection 2008 Constitution was undemocratic, says Suu Kyi Discontent in Cambodia has been evident since the July election when the Cambodian People's Party barely held on to its majority, and only by cheating, according to the opposition. However, the bigger problem is that the dark side of its labour-intensive economy is only now being revealed after being suppressed for 28 years by a regime that just does not know how to deal with demanding workers and human rights issues. Thailand, of course, has faced protest after protest over the past eight years. Its people have endured an airport seizure, the cancellation of an ASEAN summit and the bloody end to the street demonstrations of 2010. It's hardly surprising, then, that governments in countries with less-than-stellar "democratic" credentials try to keep a lid on dissent within their own borders. Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam are among those that are scared to become trapped in the same black hole that Thailand seems to have entered. (So dire is the situation at home that caretaker Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul is skipping a meeting of ASEAN foreign ministers scheduled for Jan 18-19 in Burma because he needs to deal with domestic issues.) But while people are optimistic about positive developments inside Burma, particularly as they see many exiled intellectuals returning home to lend their expertise in rebuilding society, there are those who remain sceptical. They are not certain that the selected release of political prisoners would be followed by all-out release, and with greater channels for participation by local communities or marginalised people in various regions facing state and foreign private-sector land grabs and unfair relocations for infrastructure development, for example. After decades of military rule and just a few years of transformation-in-the-making, pressure groups in Burma cannot just stay positive and complacent. Burma, like other ASEAN nations but just in different forms, needs to further strengthen and create additional momentum for reforms and democratisation. In 2006, Burma declined to take the ASEAN chairmanship, which traditionally rotates annually, amid concerns about the impact on ASEAN's international standing of having a military-ruled country at the helm. Four years later, the country held its first election in 20 years, replacing a military government with a nominally civilian one led by former military leaders, which has since been pursuing reforms and democratisation. Observers believe it will take some time, perhaps well beyond the election next year, before charter amendments could really begin in a way that would benefit Aung San Suu Kyi among others. Some pessimists have even said that Burma is simply smarter than its neighbours in learning how to manage and appease its own people and the international community with piecemeal statements of hopeful dreams. But without sincere reforms and democratisation and well-balanced wealth sharing, it will not be long before people in Burma start to press for meaningful change, as is happening now in its neighbouring countries. This article was first published in the Bangkok Post on 13 January 2014.

Burmese military appoints two women MPs Posted: 12 Jan 2014 10:16 PM PST The Burmese military has appointed two female officers for the first time as representatives in parliament. According to an announcement by the Union Election Commission in state-run newspapers on Friday, the military replaced four of its representatives in the lower house with new officers who were nominated by the commander-in-chief, two of whom are women: Lt-Col Soe Soe Myint and Lt-Col San Thida Khin. Ye Htun, a lower house MP from Shan State, said the two are the first women ever appointed by the military as representatives in the parliament. Related Stories Parliament begins review of 30 bills British ambassador defends Burmese military training Suu Kyi says constitutional reform will unify military and people A female representative in the lower house for the National League for Democracy, Phyu Phyu Thin, said, "Whether it's men or women, when there is democratic change in the parliamentary politics, I want it to be only because the people will it." According to the 2008 constitution, the Burmese armed forces are allocated 25 percent of seats in both houses of parliament. These MPs are unelected and can be rotated at the discretion of the commander-in-chief. In October, DVB reported that Burma's armed forces would for the first time in over 50 years open recruitment for females at the Defence Services Academy. According to an advertisement by the Burmese Army Military Appointments General's Office, single women who have graduated from university and who are no older than 30 can now apply for a six-month cadet training course.

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