Tuesday, April 22, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

In North Burma, ‘Tatmadaw Only Fights to Defend Itself’: Govt

Posted: 22 Apr 2014 05:42 AM PDT

Kachin refugees are seen in a tent at a rescue camp in the Chinese southwestern border city of Ruili, Yunnan province early this year. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — The Burmese government has blamed troops from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) for an escalation of hostilities that has displaced thousands of civilians this month in Kachin State, amid claims by rebel leaders that government forces have repeatedly been the first to attack.

Ye Htut, the presidential spokesman in Naypyidaw, accused the KIA of violating a ceasefire agreement during the recent surge in fighting, which has left 22 soldiers dead and 5,000 people displaced.

"Ground troops from the KIA need to follow regulations of the ceasefire agreements. There is no fighting from other ethnic armed groups such as the Karen, the Mon, the Kayah and others because they respect their ceasefire agreements," Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy on Monday.

Unlike almost all other major ethnic armed groups in Burma, the KIA does not currently have a ceasefire agreement with the government. A ceasefire signed by both sides in 1994 broke down three years ago when government forces launched offensives in the state. Earlier this year the KIA and the government agreed to de-escalate hostilities, but a formal ceasefire remains elusive.

"The Tatmadaw only fights to defend itself, and they have been instructed not to attack first," Ye Htut added, referring to the government's army. It is important to stop the secret shooting of our troops, which was responsible for the killing of our one of our majors."

A major from the Tatmadaw was killed by the KIA on April 4 while stationed in a KIA-controlled area of northern Shan State to offer security during the nationwide census. The KIA said he was killed because he had not informed the rebel group that he would be working in their territory.

The political wing of the KIA, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), says the Tatmadaw has gone beyond defense. "They are using strong military offensives to attack us and invade our land," Daung Khar, a member of the KIO's technical consultancy team, told The Irrawaddy.

"They have not respected our border line. The troops cross the line without informing us. It's not only the Kachin who would shoot in this situation. Even the Wa or the Shan would shoot if someone crossed the border line without informing," he added, referring to two other ethnic armed groups.

Regarding the case of the Burmese major, he said, "Our troops tried to stop his car, but he would not stop, so they fired inside the car. This wasn't secretive shooting, we did it in public."

Following the death of the Burmese major, a wave of clashes started on April 10 and appear to be the most serious fighting since early 2013. Fourteen government soldiers and eight rebels have been killed, while more than 5,000 people have been displaced in eastern Kachin and neighboring Shan states. They join about 100,000 others who have fled from their homes since the ceasefire broke down in 2011.

"This is the second time they have started major hostilities," Daung Khar said, referring to government attacks on KIA headquarters in Laiza in early 2013. "Because of the fighting, our KIA and the Kachin people are losing trust in the Burmese army and the Burmese government."

The clashes this month seem to be linked to the deployment of more Burmese troops in Kachin State during the census, which ended on April 10. The government said it sent soldiers for security, as the census was controversial among many ethnic groups including the Kachin. The population count was not carried out in KIA territory after the rebel group declined to take part.

The fighting also comes as the government continues to engage more than a dozen ethnic armed groups in peace talks. The government has signed individual ceasefire deals with all but two groups, the KIA and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which operates mostly in northern Shan State. Officials in Naypyidaw are pushing to consolidate the individual ceasefires into a nationwide ceasefire pact.

"The ongoing peace process will not be set back because of the fighting," Ye Htut said.

"The clashes are continuing because there is no agreement on a border line between the two sides," he added. "This is proof for why we need regulations through a ceasefire agreement."

Last week the KIA deputy chief of staff, Gen. Gun Maw visited Washington, where he reportedly asked US officials to get involved in Burma's peace process. The popular Kachin leader is his group's point man in ongoing peace negotiations with the central government and appears to be the most senior KIA official ever to visit the United States.

The post In North Burma, 'Tatmadaw Only Fights to Defend Itself': Govt appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Burma, a Spirit Unbowed by Torture

Posted: 22 Apr 2014 05:38 AM PDT

Win Tin, one of Burma's most dogged democracy campaigners, endured physical and mental abuse for the cause as a political prisoner for nearly 20 years.

After throwing him in prison, authorities searched Win Tin's room in Rangoon, where they found books that were later displayed at a press conference used to accuse the veteran journalist of being "a communist." This allegation was in keeping with the Burmese military regime's style, fabricating charges in order to put dissidents or political rivals behind bars.

Win Tin was one such outspoken critic and victim of the junta, which launched a major crackdown against the pro-democracy opposition movement soon after government troops mercilessly gunned down hundreds of street demonstrators in 1988.

Less than a year later, he was blindfolded, handcuffed and tossed in a cell. During interrogation sessions that lasted several days without sleep, military intelligence officers routinely tortured him. The National League for Democracy cofounder would have been about 60 years old at the time.

The physical abuse caused Win Tin to lose almost all of his teeth. It took eight years to replant them in prison.

The regime pressed him to confess and at one point took him to an Armed Forces Day exhibition in Rangoon, where guards asked him to write down his feelings toward the military. As Win Tin remembers it, they provided him with dozens of sheets of paper and a pen. Win Tin walked to a corner and spent hours writing out his thoughts, handing over the papers to his captors when he was done.

Scanning Win Tin's missive, the face of the chief intelligence officer present turned increasingly red until the man tossed the papers away in anger. Written on the sheets provided, Win Tin had simply told the army to stay out of politics, and asked the regime to solve political problems in Burma through political means.

So it was back to prison and more rounds of torture for the aging pro-democracy campaigner. It was a hellish life that he endured under Burma's brutal military regime.

According to Gen. Kyaw Win, who served as deputy intelligence chief under Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt at the time, interrogations were usually rough, combining physical and mental torture.

Khin Nyunt, then the intelligence chief, routinely held early morning meetings at intelligence headquarters. The spy chief, who was somehow considered "reform-minded" by some Western watchers and government officials, would open the briefings with a question: "Have they confessed?"

He would then individually inquire with the senior staff officers assigned to handle political prisoner cases. His boss, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, would want to know of any and every breakthrough in breaking the opposition's stubborn resistance.

There was no code of conduct and no supervision of interrogators. They were given a free hand to interrogate political activists and other detainees as they saw fit.

Due to maltreatment and harsh conditions at the prison where Win Tin was locked up for almost 20 years, he developed gastric problems and suffered a hernia. But regarding his health, Win Tin was relatively fortunate—other prominent writers, journalists and activists of his age died in prison. He underwent medical procedures for various health ailments while in prison, but with one particular surgery he was forced to wait five years before being granted approval for the procedure.

The regime wanted him to die, but Win Tin was well-known internationally, so pressure kept growing to free him.

In 1994, then US congressman Bill Richardson was permitted to visit him in prison. Win Tin was suffering from several medical ailments, but the American noted that his spirits were high. During his brief conversation with Richardson, Win Tin talked politics and stressed the need for a peaceful political solution in Burma.

In 2007, the UN's Burma human rights rapporteur Paulo Sergio Pinheiro visited the country and also met Win Tin in prison. The UN diplomat was impressed by Win Tin, and later said he could not comprehend why the regime wanted such an intellectual man locked up for more than a decade. The regime did not provide any reading or writing materials to the journalist.

"Win Tin told me he is locked in his cell all day with the exception of one hour in the morning and one hour in the afternoon," the Brazilian diplomat told Inter Press Service in November 2007.

At the time, the UN was attempting to persuade the regime to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross access to prisons in Burma. Khin Nyunt was no longer in charge, having been placed under house arrest three years earlier. Than Shwe's team refused to free Win Tin, but did allow the ICRC limited access to some prisons.

According to former political prisoners, interrogations could last several days or weeks, without food or water. Detainees were usually kept in small, dark cells and forced to wear hoods. In the middle of the night, officers would slam the doors and enter cells before proceeding to punch and kick sleep-deprived prisoners. Win Tin was not spared this mistreatment.

But when international pressure would mount, authorities had sufficient cunning to ease up a bit, and would usually allowed some family, friends or high ranking diplomats to visit Win Tin and other political prisoners.

A former senior intelligence officer told The Irrawaddy in 2013, "There is no rule of law. They would pick up any suspects with the assumption that they were all political activists and would try to get a confession by any means."

It was a strategy to humiliate and dehumanize people—to break their spirits. But when he was finally released from prison in 2008, Win Tin emerged unbroken.

And still, his supporters are left to wonder: If he had received better treatment and medical care in prison, might Uncle Win Tin have been with us for a few more years?

The post In Burma, a Spirit Unbowed by Torture appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Govt Tender for Upgrade of Domestic Airports Expected in October

Posted: 22 Apr 2014 03:44 AM PDT

aviation industry, Myanmar, airports, foreign direct investment, business, Yangon, tourisms, economy

Caption: The local airport in the Arakan State capital Sittwe. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The Department of Civil Aviation (DCA) said it will issue a tender in the last quarter of this year inviting local and foreign companies to upgrade 39 underdeveloped domestic airports in Burma.

In November last year, DCA called on companies to register their interest and proposals for improving 30 of Burma's 69 domestic airports. The process, which was completed in January, was not a formal bidding process but served to inform the government agency of the interest and plans of potential airport developers.

DCA's director general Tin Naing Tun told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that "many" companies had registered their interest, adding that most of the firms had been Burmese. "Some [companies] are proposing that they can upgrade all domestic airports… but they should only indicate which specific airport they want to upgrade," he added.

Tin Naing Tun said DCA planned to put out a formal tender inviting companies to bid for contracts to develop the 39 airports some time "after the rainy season," which winds down in October. "We will hold more discussions and allow them to apply to the tender later this year," he said.

DCA announced in November that it plans to use local and foreign private investors to upgrade Burma's domestic airports in a bid to improve the country's underdeveloped airport capacity and infrastructure.

Private investors are expected to come with proposals to take over airport management and upgrade infrastructure and technology. DCA said it wants to sign public-private partnership agreements in which the agency continues to be responsible for airport security and air traffic control.

Currently, local airports are small, unsafe and lack sophisticated technology, following decades of mismanagement and neglect under the previous military government. According to the DCA, the government currently spends about US $12 million annually on running the 69 domestic airports.

The government hopes the plans would help develop Burma's aviation industry and airport capacity. Air safety has become a particular concern after a number of accidents occurred at local airports in 2012 and 2013.

DCA continues to receive complaints about its domestic terminals from the growing number of domestic airplane passengers.

Soe Thura, an account director at Vero Public Relation Company, said he was a frequent flyer on Burma's domestic routes and had encountered numerous problems and delays.

At busy but small airports like Heho, in Shan State, he said, "The airport area is quite small, there are not enough seats for passengers [to wait] and I also have problems while claiming my baggage, I have to wait a long time."

"So domestic airports quality should be upgraded soon," Soe Thura said.

Burma's aviation industry is expected to grow rapidly in the coming years, as the number of foreign tourist visits and domestic air passengers is projected to rise sharply, from 4.2 million in 2013 to 30 million in 2030, DCA estimates.

Both international and domestic airport in Burma are set for a surge of investment and large-scale upgrades.

The government has been seeking foreign investors for the construction of the $1.5-billion Hanthawaddy International Airport, a huge project that will serve as the second airport to Rangoon, Burma's commercial capital and biggest city.

The government had been in talks with a consortium led by Korea's Incheon International Airport Corp about the Hantawaddy project, but in February it decided to also invite Singapore’s Changi Airport Group, Yongnam Holdings Ltd, and Japan’s JGC Corp to start negotiations on a tender to build and operate the new airport.

In November last year, the government awarded a US $150 million contract to upgrade Rangoon's old Mingalardon International Airport to a consortium led by a firm belonging to Asia World, which is owned by US-sanctioned Steven Law, the son of the late drug lord Lo Hsing Han.

Mitsubishi Corp is leading a group of Japanese firms that will revamp Mandalay international airport.

The post Govt Tender for Upgrade of Domestic Airports Expected in October appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Project to Tell Stories of Thousands of Political Prisoners

Posted: 22 Apr 2014 03:32 AM PDT

Burma, Myanmar, The Irrawaddy, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, Former Political Prisoners Society, political prisoners, Bo Kyi, reform

A prisoner's hand grips the bars on the window of a prison van as he leaves a court in Rangoon, where he was charged with inciting unrest by participating in a protest against a copper mine in northwest Burma. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — More than 2,000 people have already been interviewed as part of an ongoing project to record the experiences of political prisoners who were jailed in Burma over half a century of military rule, according to project leaders.

The Former Political Prisoners Society (FPPS) and the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) have since January been compiling the country's first comprehensive list of people who were imprisoned for political reasons between 1962 and 2013. The advocacy groups in the past have compiled limited lists of former political prisoners, but never across the entire country or over such a long period of time.

As part of the project they are also recording these prisoners' experiences, with help from the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) as well as activists from the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society.

"We collected data from about 2,000 political prisoners over three months, but we expect it will take the entire year to finish collecting information from all of the political prisoners," Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the AAPP, told The Irrawaddy.

He said political prisoners were encouraged to share a range of details, including memories from prison inspections to biographical information about themselves and their financial situations following their release from prison. Thus far, data has been collected in Kachin and Chin states as well as Rangoon, Irrawaddy, Sagaing and Magwe divisions.

"Some don't want to give their personal information. They are afraid the data will be leaked to the government and could lead to their imprisonment again," Bo Kyi said.

The AAPP, based in Thailand, says peaceful protesters continue to be detained in Burma under the current nominally civilian government, which came to power in 2011. The advocacy group said 21 activists were arrested in March, 54 activists were indicted and four were sentenced.

Aung Myo Kyaw, another spokesman from the AAPP, told The Irrawaddy in January that activist groups in the past lacked sufficient data to effectively advocate on behalf of political prisoners and former political prisoners.

"We haven't had definite data while talking to the international community and the local government. Before this, nobody knew the number of political prisoners or their information," he said.

Bo Kyi said he hoped the current project would support the adoption of new legislation to assist former political prisoners.

The AAPP says 30 political prisoners remain behind bars, despite a pledge by President Thein Sein to release all political prisoners by the end of 2013.

"Many activists were detained this year, including journalists and farmers," Bo Kyi said. "This shows that the country is not on the right path to democracy."

The post Project to Tell Stories of Thousands of Political Prisoners appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Democratizing, Can Naypyidaw Follow Jakarta’s Lead?

Posted: 22 Apr 2014 02:44 AM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, The Irrawaddy, Indonesia, military rule, democratic transition, junta, Suharto, politics

Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono directs Burma's President Thein Sein to the opening ceremony of the Asean Summit in Nusa Dua, Bali, on Nov. 17, 2011. (Photo: Reuters)

JAKARTA — A cursory glance at the political trajectories of Burma and Indonesia might tempt a casual observer to draw parallels: once ruled by top-down authoritarian dictatorships, both Southeast Asian nations now appear committed to democratic systems of governance.

However, a closer look reveals notable differences. Despite the two multiethnic countries' similar histories, their approaches to political reform—and the traction that democracy has gained in each—are not presently on par, observers and analysts in both countries have told The Irrawaddy.

While the role of the military as an institution in Indonesia has been in steady decline since the collapse of the dictator Suharto's rule, the Naypyidaw government has made clear that Burma's military won't shy away from politics any time soon. In ways big and small, a comparison of the two countries makes clear that while Indonesia can be regarded as a largely successful transition from dictatorship to democracy, Burma's current reform process and future political fate remain very much up in the air.

Significantly, military officials, soldiers and police officers in Indonesia are barred from voting—a measure of how wary the world's third-largest democracy is of direct military influence on governance today. Conversely, the guarantee of 25 percent of seats in Parliament for unelected military appointees is an equally clear testament to how the military in Burma remains a privileged and potent political force.

What's more, Burma's ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which dominates the national Parliament, is the political reincarnation of Burma's former junta, maintaining military backing to this day. And Burma's president? Thein Sein, an ex-general who formerly chaired the party. His replacement as party leader? Shwe Mann, also a former senior general.

In another comparison of how much political power the two countries have granted their people, Indonesia's president is directly elected by the voting public, whereas members of Parliament choose the head of state in Burma.

There is no state-run media in Indonesia tasked with disseminating propaganda or undertaking public relations campaigns on the government's behalf. In Burma, consumers of media are treated to government mouthpieces like The New Light of Myanmar and The Mirror daily newspapers, broadcaster MRTV-4 and state-run radio, all of which offer news with a pro-government agenda.

Indonesia's Ministry of Communications and Information Technology has no mandate to influence the country's media environment, while Burma's Ministry of Information closely monitors the press. The latter sometimes takes action—directly or indirectly—against those who report on sensitive issues such as military affairs, often labeled "official secrets" that subject those who write about them to harsh criminal prosecution.

There are also elements within the social media sphere that some suspect of acting in support of Burmese government aims.

Nay Phone Latt, a prominent Burmese blogger, puts the blame in part on a group of people with "fake" Facebook accounts who attempt to discredit some media outlets and launch pro-government campaigns online.

"We can see some of the Facebook users, most of them are fake accounts, but we can't say that they are related to the government ministries. But, we can say that there is a big group who intentionally are undertaking assignments and publishing [pro-government postings]. They have big financial support. When they post something on Facebook, they get so many 'Likes' and 'Shares' within one or two minutes," Nay Phone Latt said.

Indonesia ended 32 years of authoritarian rule in 1998 by driving out President Suharto, an ouster following widespread protests that were themselves prompted by the country's economic tailspin in the wake of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The country has undergone democratic reform over the last 15 years, but challenges remain, including tackling rampant corruption, strengthening the country's bureaucratic institutions, and ensuring judicial independence.

Despite these challenges—or, because of them—mechanisms and institutions have grown up to address the problem areas. Perhaps most notably, Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission, more commonly known by its Indonesian acronym KPK, has established a reputation as a formidable scourge of graft.

Adnan Pandu Praja, vice chairman of the Jakarta-based KPK, said that "40 percent of the national budget is corrupted. Corruption is like a part of our culture in the country. It is normal to pay bribe to government officials. Fifty percent of the population says paying bribes is normal," Praja said.

The KPK includes police officers, auditors, lawyers and prosecutors, and it has a mandate to take action against corrupt individuals. The commission has the power to handle corruption cases from start to finish, from arrests and investigations to prosecution of the accused.

"We are given power to combat corruption. … 396 cases were handled by the KPK since 2003 and we haven't lost a single case," said Praja, referring to the commission's 100 percent conviction rate in graft cases it has brought to court.

Burma's KPK equivalent was written into an anti-corruption law passed last year, but the body has yet to make much of a splash in rooting out graft in the country, ranked 157 out of 177 nations in Transparency International's annual Corruption Perceptions Index.

Sidney Jones, director of the Jakarta-based Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, notes both similarities and divergence between the two Southeast Asian countries.

"I'm not sure whether they [the Burmese government] are copying Indonesia as a role model. But some say that the USDP is basically [based on] the idea of the Golkar party," said Jones, referring to the Indonesian political party also known as the Partai Golongan Karya, the former political vehicle of the deposed Suharto.

However, "It is clear," she added, "that the military has gotten out of politics in Indonesia. The military wants to be loved by the people, and they were fine to relinquish the power [in 1998]."

The USDP is made up of former generals and government officials from the ex-military regime. It became the ruling party after claiming a landslide victory in 2010 general elections that were widely regarded as flawed.

Indonesia is preparing to hold its fourth presidential election since Suharto's fall, with more than 180 million voters in Indonesia eligible to elect a new president in July.

Though one likely contender for the Indonesian presidency is a former military general, the odds on favorite to win is Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, a man with no discernable ties to the military whose everyman image has won widespread public support.

Next year, Burma will hold another general election presided over by Tin Aye—also a former general who now chairs the country's Union Election Commission. Tin Aye has made clear that the involvement of the army in Burmese politics will continue.

"The military MPs make up 25 percent of Parliament," he said in early April. "To be clear, we have them because we don't want a coup. The military is in Parliament not because of power, but for negotiation," Tin Aye said.

He added that the military would leave politics "only when democratic standards are high in the country"—a bar that, if the chairman is to be believed, Indonesians appear to have cleared but Burma has yet to achieve.

The Irrawaddy reporter Saw Yan Naing is a fellow of the Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA), and this article is published under a SEAPA-sponsored program covering the 2014 Indonesian elections.

The post In Democratizing, Can Naypyidaw Follow Jakarta's Lead? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Activists Reach Halfway Mark in March to Myitsone

Posted: 22 Apr 2014 02:04 AM PDT

Myitsone, hydropower, dam, Kachin, activists, China, electricity, energy

Myitsone, the confluence of the Maykha and Malikha rivers, is the site of a controversial Chinese-backed hydropower project that was suspended in 2011. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — A group of activists walking from Rangoon to Myitsone, the site of a suspended hydropower dam project in Kachin State, have reached the halfway mark in their march to call for the complete shutdown of the Chinese-backed project.

Around 40 members of the group reached Amarapura, a few kilometers south of Mandalay, on Tuesday morning, while about the same number arrived in Mandalay on Saturday and are now on their way to Myitsone.

The 80 activists, who set out from Rangoon on March 23, split into two groups at Bagan last week, with each one walking along opposite banks of the Irrawaddy River. The two groups plan to rejoin each other at Myitsone, where the Maykha and Malikha rivers join to form the Irrawaddy River.

The activists said the purpose of their march is to raise awareness of the need to completely cancel the dam project, which was suspended by President Thein Sein in September 2011.

At the time, the president said that construction of the dam would be put on hold for as long as he remains in office. He did not, however, rule out the possibility of it being resumed if another president comes to power after elections in 2015.

"President Thein Sein suspended the project because that is what he had to do. But for the sake of the country, it should be abolished completely, because it is only for the benefit of a foreign country, not for the people," said Nanda Hut, one of the activists who arrived in Amarapura this morning.

"The president's term in office will end soon, so we have to make sure that whoever takes his place doesn't restart it. Everyone who lives along the Irrawaddy will be affected by the environmental destruction caused by this project," he added.

Since starting their march more than a month ago, the activists—who include former political prisoners and members of the opposition National League for Democracy and various youth groups—have been offered food and shelter in a show of support from local people.

In some places, they have also been approached by local authorities demanding to know if they had permission to assemble. In Aunglan Township, Magwe Division, police attempted to stop them, but later allowed them to proceed.

"The police say that they will charge us under the Peace Assembly Law if we don't have permission, but we don't care. We will continue our march until we reach our goal," said Myittar, another activist.

Under the terms of the project, which is mainly backed by the state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI), most of the electricity generated would be exported to China. Despite its suspension, the company has expressed a desire to resume construction and has actively sought public support from people in Kachin State.

The post Activists Reach Halfway Mark in March to Myitsone appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Win Tin’s Lessons for Burma

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 11:04 PM PDT

Win Tin, one of Burma's most famous democracy activists, passes away on Monday, the age of 84. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy)

Burma has much to learn from the life of veteran journalist and pro-democracy activist Win Tin, a man of courage and integrity who passed away on Monday morning while seeking care for several health ailments at a general hospital in Rangoon.

The 84-year-old was a founding member of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. She called him "a man of courage and integrity" and said he was instrumental in spearheading the country's democracy movement.

But for any oppressive government, Win Tin was a great enemy. Due to his political activities, the former regime put him in jail for nearly two decades, tortured him, withheld medical treatment and confiscated his home. When they eventually released him in 2008, they demanded that he remain on parole. Still, despite their pressure, he never backed down from his principles.

While in prison, Win Tin created a motto, known in Burmese as Suu Hlut Twe, which laid out a simple and suitable path toward democracy. If Burma's ruling leaders are even remotely serious about their current reform process, they would do well to take his message to heart.

Suu stands for Suu Kyi and the release of all political prisoners. Hlut, a shortening of the Burmese word Hluttaw, or parliament, refers to the assembly of a national legislature with representatives who were chosen in the 1990 election, which the NLD won by landslide. Twe, the Burmese word for "meeting," refers to political dialogue between the ruling government and opposition groups.

This motto was quickly embraced by political prisoners and opposition politicians, but calls for Suu Hlut Twe fell on deaf ears within the former military regime, led by dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Today under President Thein Sein, the dictator's hand-picked leader for a reformist government, some progress has been made on the first of Win Tin's three principles. Since 2011, nearly 2,000 political prisoners have been released from jail, although some remain behind bars.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of
the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

The second principle, Hlut, has never fully come to fruition. The results of the 1990 election were nullified by Than Shwe's regime, which subsequently rigged the 2010 elections to ensure that the majority of seats in Parliament were filled by representatives of the ruling party. Still, free and fair by-elections in 2012 saw Suu Kyi and other NLD members earn 43 seats in the legislature, moving somewhat closer toward Win Tin's vision.

Political dialogue, the last principle, is the most important. Opposition groups have called repeatedly to negotiate with ruling leaders over the past two decades, with support from the United Nations and others in the international community, but political dialogue has yet to occur. In dealing with ethnic groups, Naypyidaw continues to delay substantive talks about political issues, saying it must first secure a nationwide ceasefire. Meanwhile, Suu Kyi's requests for four-way talks with Thein Sein, the army chief and the speaker of Parliament have been ignored, in an embarrassing show of the government's shaky commitment to reform.

Perhaps we should look elsewhere for advice on these matters. In particular, the Burmese today can learn from South Africa's struggle to dismantle the apartheid system. During a speech in 2012 at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, former South African President F.W. de Klerk shared how he and Nelson Mandela worked to adopt their country's first fully democratic constitution in late 1993. He offered five lessons for transitioning to democracy.

"First, if you want to break out of the cycle of violence, if you want to lay the foundations for a more prosperous society, if you want to democratize, then the departure point is that leaders must become convinced that fundamental change is necessary," he said.

The movement to end apartheid eventually won support from both black and white leaders in South Africa. But in Burma, despite some progress over the past three years, the government does not seem convinced that fundamental change is necessary, especially since limited reforms have already won praise from the international community.

"Secondly," de Klerk said, "any new dispensation will best succeed if it is based on agreements forged in inclusive negotiations. Why do I put the emphasis on 'inclusive' negotiations? In most conflicts there are many parties involved in the conflict, with different agendas, with different concerns, with different fears and different aspirations.

"And only if you reach an agreement based on a broad consensus—one that is inclusive of an overwhelming majority of the population, who then say, 'We take ownership of this new constitution, of the principles of this agreement reached in negotiations'—can you be sure that it will last."

In a third and related point, the former president said, "Such negotiations, and the agreements reached as the result of negotiation, must accommodate the reasonable concerns and aspirations of the parties to the conflict. This means sacrifice from all sides. It means that the negotiation process should not end with victor and vanquished. The point I want to make is the negotiations must be on a give-and-take basis. Everyone has to have some pain, but everyone also has to get some satisfaction out of the negotiations."

In Burma, inclusiveness is scant. There is no give and take in negotiations, as the government allows only limited input from opposition and ethnic groups.

Fourth, de Klerk said it was necessary to "strike a balance between unity and diversity."

"The challenge is how to accommodate diversity, how to manage diversity. And if you want to resolve the problems, if you want to bring peace to those countries in transition, you need to strike a balance between unity and diversity," he said. "Important minorities need to feel that they are not marginalized, that they are recognized as important constituent parts of the whole."

This is a complicated issue for Burma, a country comprising many ethnic minority groups which have fought against the government for several decades. The ruling party remains unwilling to establish a federal system, as ethnic groups have requested.

Finally, de Klerk's spoke about finding a formula for dealing with past political crimes.

"In many countries there is one big stumbling block to successful negotiation. It is one that prevents leaders from taking initiative to change the situation, to move toward democracy, toward greater freedom. It can be summed up in two questions: 'But if I lose power, will I go to jail? Will there be retribution against me?'" he said.

Burma's former generals definitely live in a similar state of fear, as do the country's current military leaders, government officials and lawmakers from the ruling party. In this regard, the option of a mass amnesty might be discussed during political dialogue between the government and opposition groups, following in the footsteps of negotiations in South Africa. Opposition leaders here would likely be willing to let go of desires for retribution in exchange for full inclusion in a genuine reform process.

But again, this can only happen if political dialogue occurs, which brings us back to the third principle of Win Tin's motto: Twe. Without dialogue, this country will never reach democracy. And unless the ruling leaders, including military leaders, believe that fundamental change is necessary, dialogue will never take place.

Unfortunately, although the ruling leaders who viewed Win Tin as "hard-liner" might shed crocodile tears on his death, they will likely not take his political suggestions seriously. The past three years of reform have offered little indication that the country's military leaders believe in fundamental change.

As a pragmatist, Win Tin understood this, which is why he did not trust Thein Sein's government. During an interview at his home in 2012, the veteran journalist told me that leading members of the current government could be seen as "a bunch of thieves."

He added, "All of us, including journalists, are still in the tunnel. Journalists must break out if there is no exit."

Living alone for many years, even before his arrest, Win Tin seemed to have just one attachment in life: the fight for democracy. "I will try to dismantle the military dictatorship until my final breath, with all my remaining strength and power," he told The Irrawaddy before the 2010 elections.

Until the very end, he stayed true to that promise. With his passing, Burma has lost a great man.

The post Win Tin's Lessons for Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

My Prison Life With U Win Tin

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 10:56 PM PDT

Myanmar, Burma, Win Tin, U Win Tin, Aung San Suu Kyi, National League for Democracy, NLD, journalist, 1988, student uprising,

Win Tin poses in one of his prison issued shirts at his home in Rangoon in April 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

Veteran Burmese journalist and political activist Win Tin passed away Monday aged 84. The following account of a fellow political prisoner's memories of the elder activist, who spent almost 20 years in prison, was originally published by The Irrawaddy in April 2001.  

My name is Zin Linn (a.k.a.) Htay Aung. I am an editor and writer by profession. I was sentenced to two years in the aftermath of being a student unionist and activist in Rangoon during my student years in the 1960s. I served my prison term in the notorious Insein jail from 1982 to 1984. So I know very well about the military dictators' hellish dungeons.

In August 1988 I participated in the old Students' Union Association and protested against the dirty Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) regime. In 1989, I became an Executive Committee member of the Thingangyun Township branch of the National League for Democracy (NLD). Then I became an in-charge of the Rangoon Division NLD office. In 1990, I was assigned as the chairman of the Thingangyun township election campaign committee for the NLD candidate. After the election, the junta refused to acknowledge the NLD's victory, but I continued my political activities. I had contact with the All Burma Students Democratic Front's (ABSDF) Underground (UG) unit. Then I took on a clandestine duty to distribute the works of the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB) and the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB). As a result, I was arrested by the secret police on August 2, 1991 and sentenced to seven years by Military Court No.2. I was put into solitary confinement in the deadly Insein prison for the second round.

There I met Saya U Win Tin, the most valiant journalist in Burma. He is also an outstanding writer and critic. And he is one of the founding members of the NLD. He was arrested on July 4, 1989 and sentenced to three years imprisonment without valid evidence that he did anything against the law. The military regime put him in jail not because of any unlawful activity, but because he was an important consultant to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the NLD.

U Win Tin and I were put in the same building—Cellblock No.3. He was in Cell 2 alone. I was in Cell 9 with Dr. Zaw Myint Maung (MP for Amarapura) and Dr. Myint Naing (MP for Kantbalu). We got a chance to meet each other when the warden let the prisoners of conscience have a bath. If the warden was a good-natured one, we could have a chat for around 10 minutes. We often had a chance to exchange our opinions. U Win Tin occasionally told me of his experiences with the military intelligence personnel. The military agents came to see U Win Tin intermittently. They took him to their office in the jail and interrogated him on a lot of issues. They often tried to persuade him to join the junta. But U Win Tin always rejected their offer.

U Win Tin told me about an incident with the junta's men. "It happened in 1991," he said. "They took me out of my cell to an exhibition 'The Real Story under the Big Waves and Strong Winds' held at Envoy Hall on U Wizara Road in Rangoon. The aim of the exhibition was to denounce the 1988 uprising as a riot created by destructive elements and terrorists," said U Win Tin. He told me that there was a big character poster at the entrance of the show saying, "Only when the Tatmadaw [military] is strong, will the nation be strong." There were many galleries in the show. Each gallery highlighted the role of the army and emphasized that it was the only force that could safeguard the country. The show also described the junta's discrimination against the role of the democratic institutions and societies. "Sovereign power is only deserved by the generals. That's the final conclusion," said U Win Tin.

After witnessing the show, the junta's agents asked U Win Tin how he felt about the exhibition and inquired if he would like to join the junta. They gave him some paper and a pen and told him to write down his opinion about the show. "I wrote down my criticism. I used 25 sheets of paper. It was a blunt comment. I made my commentary in a sense of sincerity and openness. But it irritated them severely," he told me later.

First, he criticized the slogan, "Only when the army is strong will the country be strong." "It's the logic of the generals to consolidate militarism in Burma," he explained to me later. "Their logic tells us that they are more important than the people and they expose themselves as power mongers. That means they neglect the people caught in the poverty trap." Thus he wrote: "The slogan tells us that Burma is going against a policy of peace and prosperity."

He went on to explain his understanding of the role of the army. He said, "The real thing is that the military comes out of the womb of the people. Thus, the slogan must be like this: 'The people are the only parents of the military.' Anyone who does not care about his own parents is a rogue," he pointed out to the generals. He also emphasized that if the generals really loved peace and wanted prosperity for the nation, they needed to sincerely reflect on their limitations. The generals might want what's best for the country, but they did not know how to handle the whole situation. They are used to mismanagement. "Eventually, I came straight to the point: The army must go back to the barracks. That will make everything better in Burma," he said to me plainly.

The junta was very displeased with his criticism and accused him of advising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to defy the junta. Then, they made another lawsuit against him. The junta increased U Win Tin's sentence by 10 more years. They put him alone in his cell. The cell was 8.5 x 11.5 feet. There was only a bamboo mat on the concrete floor. Sleeping, eating, walking and cleaning the bowels were done in the very same place. He could not see the sun, the moon or the stars. He was intentionally barred from breathing fresh air, tasting nourishing food and drinking a drop of fresh water. The worst thing was to stay lonely in such a cage for years. That might cause anyone to have a nervous breakdown. There are many political prisoners who suffer from mental illness. In such conditions, a 72-year-old journalist has to face a lot of hardship and difficulties. The authorities created an atmosphere of persecution to pressure the writer's spirit to bow down. But it was in vain. U Win Tin would not alter his beliefs to escape this severe hardship.

Due to his blunt commentary, the junta seized the apartment he owned in Rangoon. Moreover, they did not take care of his health. The director of the Defense Services Intelligence, Col. Than Tun, once came to see U Win Tin and U Tin Htut (now in Australia) in Insein jail. I remember that it was in March 1995. At that time, U Win Tin was not healthy. When he met Col. Than Tun, U Win Tin was wearing a surgical collar as he was suffering from spondylitis. He also had a hernia problem. He always had to use one of his hands to lift his hernia. Besides this, he had already suffered from a stroke twice, and his eyes and teeth were in bad condition. The authorities neglected to arrange a general medical check-up.

Actually, Col. Than Tun came to U Win Tin to test his morale and soften his firmness. But U Win Tin remained unbowed. However, the colonel ordered his men to hospitalize the old journalist. The surgeons, who managed to operate on his hernia, said that the action was late by three years. Due to strangulation, the surgeons decided to remove one of his testicles. After the operation the doctors apologized to the famous writer for failing to save it. So he lost a testicle because the authorities did not take care of a dissident.

When they sent U Win Tin back to his cell, we, the NLD members, had already decided to gather some data on human rights abuses in prisons. We intended to submit a human rights report to the United Nations Golden Jubilee Assembly. We sent a letter of notification to fellow prisoners of conscience, inviting them to participate in the movement. There were over 300 inmates in the cell compound. We organized some wardens to assist us in our activities. Because of the influence of the great 1988 uprising, some wardens sympathized and helped us a lot.

Fellow prisoners from political parties and student organizations were actively involved in collecting data on human rights abuses. After collecting the data, Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, Dr. Myint Naing and I wrote a draft. When U Win Tin came back from the hospital all of us agreed to ask him to edit the report. In fact, it was time for him to rest because of his surgery, but there was no one else who could do the editing. The workload was so overwhelming that he got extremely exhausted. The task was not only heavy, but also dangerous. He had to stay in a corner of his cell all the time while finalizing the report. He had to keep his eyes and ears open at all times because of the guards intermittently patrolling the cells. It was a blessing that he came back from the hospital to help us prepare the report. The luckiest thing was that most wardens respected U Win Tin and did not want to disturb him.

U Win Tin is a staunch fighter for democracy. Before he finalized the report, he took the duty of writing reviews on the current political situation. He regularly delivered them to his fellow prisoners. And he welcomed everybody's comments on his opinions. Young students eagerly asked him about politics, economics, history, philosophy, literature and so on, writing their questions on plastic sheets with old nails. He replied to them daily without taking time to rest. Using plastic sheet that were once packing bags, he was always pleased to exchange his opinions with younger prisoners.

U Win Tin often said to us: "The nature of the dictators is that they want to wash our brains. To reverse this situation, we must be industrious to build up our brains with knowledge and ideas. They want to empty our brains. We shouldn't accept their aims. on the contrary, we have to build up our unity and assist each other. Unity alone can overcome the junta's brainwashing method.

"If we do not try to get messages and ideas from the outside world, we cannot understand the present situation," he continued. "Then we can't prepare well for the struggles ahead. That will lead us and our country into an age of darkness."

It was in first week of July 1995 that U Win Tin finished the final report. It went around among the fellow prisoners of conscience. They gave their consent to the human rights report by contributing their signatures. About 115 prisoners signed the petition. The rest could not give their signatures because of security concerns. We sent the final report with the signatures to Myo Myint Nyein, a fellow prisoner in Cell 17 of Cellblock No. 4 (Long). He was also an editor of the Pe-Phu-Hlwar magazine. He arranged for the assistance of a reliable warden. On July 15, 1995, the report, entitled "Human Rights Abuses in the Junta's Prisons," together with the petition, was successfully smuggled out through outside links. Within weeks, they were sent to Mr. Yozo Yokota, the UN Special Rapporteur for Burma, and it was eventually exposed to the international community. The release of both the report and the petition hurt the junta and made the generals extremely angry.

I would like to tell you about another important activity in our prison life. One of them was a fight for prisoners' rights, including the right to read books and listen to the radio. U Win Tin was the first prisoner of conscience who demanded these rights. Then others followed him. The authorities delayed any response. Time was running out and we had zero tolerance for this situation. Then U Win Tin suggested to us that we should strive to fight for these rights until the authorities allowed us our needs. Finally, we succeeded.

We received Time and Newsweek magazines by smuggling them in. Jimmy (a.k.a.) Kyaw Min Yu, one of our Media Committee Team members, managed to get a pocket-sized radio. Jimmy (of the Democratic Party for a New Society) and Myat Tun (NLD) were in Cell 8 of Cellblock No. 3. They listened to the radio with earphones at night and noted down the news from BBC, VOA and other radio stations. Then they sent the notes to Myo Myint Nyein in Cell 17 of Cellblock No. 4 (Long). Kyi Pe Kyaw (ABSDF) and Khin Maung Phu (a.k.a.) Tukky (of the Karen National Union) were with Myo Myint Nyein. They turned the notes into a weekly news bulletin.

There were six cell compounds and over 300 inmates. Through the help of wardens who sympathized with us, the news bulletin went around among the prisoners of conscience. Moreover, the students in Cellblock No 4 (Long) brought out a magazine called "Diamond Jubilee National Day Annual Issue" and the students in No 4 (Long) also made "The New Blood Wave," an annual magazine as a commemoration to Phone Maw, the first fallen student in 1988. Only a single, handwritten copy of each issue was produced and circulated among political prisoners, with great care and at even greater risk to those who contributed their energies.

I myself was on the editorial staff of Cellblock No 3. We managed to bring out a monthly magazine named "The Tidal Wave" and another commemorating the 50th birthday of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, called "The Democracy Mothers' Day Magazine." In every issue, U Win Tin contributed articles on current political questions as well as the contemporary history of Burmese political science. Everybody in the cells was eager to read his articles.

While we were struggling in our own way, the authorities were trying to uncover our secret activities and identify the responsible prisoners, especially those who took a leadership role in smuggling out the human rights report. They searched for our Achilles' heel, and at last they found it. Tin Win, one of our fellow inmates and a former army sergeant, who was serving a sentence of more than 50 years, was very depressed and wanted to appeal for release. The authorities enticed him to join the secret agents in the prison so that he could be released. In short, Tin Win became a collaborator and the whole network fell into the hand of secret agents.

At midnight on September 11, 1995, the authorities raided the prison's cell compounds for a surprise search. They dug up the concrete floors and found some underground casings, in which there were books, papers, pens, colored pencils, two radios, news bulletins and other small tools. Sixty-three inmates were arrested, handcuffed and put into solitary confinement. Eight inmates were sent to the hellish "dog cell." They were: U Win Tin, Dr Zaw Myint Maung, Dr Myint Naing, Dr Khin Zaw Win (a former UN staffer), U Nine Nine (NLD MP for Pazundaung, NLD), Myo Myint Nyein (a member of the NLD's information staff), Ko Tun Win (of the Arakan Communist Party) and me.

The secret agents interrogated us all day and all night for a week without letting us take a rest. At that time U Win Tin had just been released from the hospital after his hernia surgery. He was also suffering from a stomach disorder. But the authorities ignored this and forced him and the rest of us to sleep on the concrete floor without drinking water for two full days. Food was just some rice and vegetable soup. The worst thing was none of us were able to clean our bowels. Nor could we bathe for two weeks.

After a nearly two-month investigation, the authorities decided that 37 prisoners deserved charges. Then they split us into two groups to face charges. The first group consisted of 24 prisoners, while the second consisted of 13. But they didn't file lawsuits against the second group. Instead, the 13 prisoners in the second group were punished according to the jail manual. The first group of 24, including U Win Tin, faced lawsuits. During the trial, eight men in the "dog cell," including U Win Tin, encouraged each other and everyone remained steadfast. Eight of us held Diamond Jubilee National Day and U Win Tin delivered a National Day speech from his cell. He had to shout his speech in order for us to hear. We clapped our hands in praise of his speech and sang the national anthem in chorus.

On March 12, 1995, we celebrated U Win Tin's birthday, held in the "dog cell." All of us sang and prayed for him. We recalled his words: "The junta put us in the 'dog cell' to crush our morale, but by doing so our spirits have been hardened and tempered. It is a pity that they don't even know the law of nature."

I still remember some words from his speech. "A true politician will do his best, wherever he is, whether in parliament or in prison. His duty is to implement the will of his nation," he said. "To consider the nation's future is the most important duty of all of us, even while we are in prison. The dictators can detain only our bodies, but not our souls."

He added: "True politicians are like gardeners who grow a long-lasting tree. Although he may never have an opportunity to taste the fruit of the tree, he must tend to it for the benefit of future generations."

On March 28, 1996, twenty-four prisoners of conscience received their sentences from a summary court. They didn't have attorneys to defend them against the charges laid against them. Four were charged under penal code 5(J), which deals with threats to prison security, and penal code 6, which deals with the formation of anti-junta organizations in prison, and were each sentenced to an additional seven years in prison. Among those who were sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment were Dr Zaw Myint Maung, Jimmy, Ko Soe Myint and Ba Myo Thein. Two prisoners of conscience, who received five-year sentences, were Dr Myint Maing and Thet Min Aung. The rest of the 18 got an additional seven years each. They were: U Win Tin, Myo Myint Nyein, Phyo Min Thein, Htay Win Aung (a.k.a.) Pyone Cho, Zaw Min, Zaw Tun, Nyunt Zaw, Myat Tun, Soe Htet Khine, Tun Win, Win Thein, Sein Hlaing, Kyi Pe Kyaw, Aung Myo Tint, Ko Ko Oo (a.k.a.) Bo Bo, Aung Kyaw Oo, Hla Than and Yin Htwe.

After that incident, the authorities tightened up security. They built an extension wall for each cell and covered it with an iron grille. Then another iron-sheet door was placed so that prisoners could not see anything outside their cells. Moreover, the jail authorities refused to give real medical care to prisoners. So the situation of U Win Tin, the 72-year-old journalist, became even more critical.

In 1994, US Congressman Bill Richardson met four political prisoners in Insein jail. U Win Tin was one of them. At that time he suffered from various health problems such as spondylitis, hernia, heart disease, failing eyesight, and urethritis, as well as piles. And it is said that he also had tuberculosis. Each one of us was surprised how that valiant journalist was so tough even with so many health problems. For the junta, U Win Tin is really a rocky mountain. Although they wish to crush that mountain, they could never do it. But as tough as was with his oppressors, his tenderness towards his comrades and his people was boundless. He truly deserves great honor for his sacrifices.

The post My Prison Life With U Win Tin appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

During US Visit, KIA Leader Renews Plea for US Role in Peace Process

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 10:15 PM PDT

Kachin, KIA, ethnic issues, US, Washington, Obama, Thein Sein, Myanmar, Myanmar military

General Gun Maw visits the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. during his 12-day stay in the United States, where he met with Kachin communities living in the US and senior US officials. (Photo: Kachin Land News)

WASHINGTON — The largest ethnic insurgent group still fighting Burma’s government has issued a new plea for the United States to become involved in peace efforts in order to guarantee future minority rights.

General Gun Maw, deputy commander in chief of the Kachin Independence Army and a member of the insurgents’ main political committee, said he made the request to U.S. officials during a visit to the United States that began last week.

Gun Maw, thought to be the most senior KIA official ever to visit Washington, said the invitation was first extended to the United States, Britain, China and the United Nations in February last year.

"This trip, I reaffirmed that invitation," Gun Maw told Reuters in an interview on Monday.

"We would like to have the U.S. present at the peace process as a witness, so this agreement will become strong," he said. "At present, we are still asking the U.S. to be involved. Whether they will be, we don’t know yet."

The Kachin are due to hold another round of talks with the Burma government in May aimed at ending nearly three years of fighting. A 17-year ceasefire broke down in June 2011.

"The challenge is that from the government side they would purely like to sign a ceasefire, but from the KIO side, in the ceasefire agreement there has to be a future plan involved and what will follow after," Gun Maw said. The KIO is the insurgents’ political wing.

"For example, after the ceasefire, there will be a discussion on the building of a federal union and on the rights of the ethnic groups. We would like to have guarantees."

The U.S. State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

'Firm US Support'

After meeting Gun Maw last week, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Tom Malinowski said he had expressed "firm U.S. support for the post-ceasefire peace process, which will have to tackle long unresolved political grievances."

"The balance between central and local authority, inclusion for all in national and local political processes, constitutional reform, equitable sharing of natural resources, and humanitarian access to internally displaced people are just a few of the issues that must be negotiated in good faith for a ceasefire to lead to durable peace," he said.

Gun Maw said that since fighting resumed in 2011, the KIA had suffered more than 1,000 casualties, including 280 killed.

"The fighting and attacks continue from the Burma army," he said. "It’s not because of fighting that political dialogue doesn’t take place, it’s because of a lack of political dialogue that fighting takes place."

Gun Maw said that if the United States – which has adopted a policy of engagement with Burma and relaxed years of sanctions despite continued concerns about human rights – became involved in the peace process, "they will see the truth and by having seen that, they can also advise and provide some suggestions to the process."

He said it was "only natural" that ethnic groups had been affected by Western governments’ re-engagement policies, which have come under scrutiny because of religious violence involving majority Buddhists and minority Muslims in the country’s Arakan State.

"If the international governments engage with a government which doesn’t bring justice, then you may not find the right solution and it will affect the KIO," Gun Maw said.

While it was "hard to be optimistic," the KIO was committed to the peace process. Gun Maw said he hoped opposition leader and Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and others would become involved in the political dialogue.

He noted that the stated aim of increased U.S. military engagement was aimed at changing the mindset and behavior of the Burma Army and to make it a more professional force.

"That is what we have been told, so we are observing whether that is the case," he said.

The post During US Visit, KIA Leader Renews Plea for US Role in Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

As Nepali Sherpa Families Cremate Everest Victims, Anger Grows

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 10:49 PM PDT

Nepal, sherpas, mountaineering, Mount Everest

Family members comfort the daughter of Ankaji Sherpa, who lost his life in an avalanche at Mount Everest last Friday, during the cremation ceremony of Nepali Sherpa climbers in Kathmandu April 21, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

KATHMANDU — Nepali families cremated eight Mount Everest sherpas on Monday as anger grew over how much compensation should be paid to victims of the single deadliest avalanche on the world’s highest mountain.

The eight bodies, out of a total of 13 recovered at the weekend, were driven through Nepal’s capital city in open trucks, their coffins draped in yellow and cream cloth, before being cremated separately.

At one ceremony below Nepal’s famous Swayambhunath religious complex, relatives wept for their loved ones as four bodies were set on fire while Buddhist monks beat drums, crashed cymbals, blew pipes and chanted prayers.

Vern Tejas, a member of the Seattle-based Alpine Ascents hiking group, turned out to pay his respects after five sherpas working with his group died in the avalanche.

"We are here today to express condolences as well as my mourning for their loss. They were not only employees. They were dear friends," said Tejas, dressed in black glasses, hat and shirt. "Without them we can’t climb this mountain. Right now we are stunned and in a state of deep grief."

At least 13 guides were killed, three are missing and at least three others are under intensive care for broken limbs, ribs, blood clots and other injuries in Kathmandu hospitals after an avalanche swept the Khumbu Icefall, one of the most dangerous parts of the climb to Everest.

The men were trying to fix ropes and crack snow and ice to carve out a route for foreign climbers through the icefall, located not far above Everest Base Camp, when they were caught in the avalanche.

The accident has re-ignited debate on the risks sherpas take and on overcrowding on Everest. The number of fatal accidents has risen in the past decades as more and more commercial expeditions – the government has issued 334 permits this season, up from 328 last year – are launched.

Compensation Calls

After meeting at the base camp of the 8,850-metre summit on Sunday, sherpas with 31 foreign expeditions demanded $10,000 in compensation for the families of victims, a doubling of insurance cover for climbs, and agreed to launch protests if their demands were not met.

Ed Marzec, a 67-year old climber who was at the base camp, told Reuters that 350 of the sherpas had voted to suspend their work helping climbers on Everest, although this could not be independently verified.

The government has announced an immediate payment of $400 to the victims’ families to cover funeral costs.

But there is no provision for compensation for sherpas who are hired by international expeditions to carry gear, and in the past these groups have provided financial assistance on their own in the case of accidents.

Deputy Prime Minister Prakash Man Singh, who placed marigold garlands over the eight coffins driven through Kathmandu, declined to say whether the government would meet the sherpas’ demands for greater compensation.

"The government is positive about their demands. But the concerned (tourism minister) will come up with his recommendations on the demands for the consideration of the government," he told Reuters.

Besides the cash compensation, the mountain guides have demanded that the government pay for the treatment of the injured and raise the insurance cover to $20,000.

"If the demands are not met, we will be forced to launch strong protests for the sake of daily bread of the entire sherpa community," the sherpas said in a statement.

It was not clear what form the protests might take if the demands were not met. Some guides had asked for the mountain to be closed to expeditions during the popular climbing season that runs through May this year as a mark of respect for the dead.

Guiding foreign climbers is the main livelihood for sherpas, helping them make up to $5,000 a year in a country with an average annual income of just over $700.

Ang Tshering Sherpa of the Nepal Mountaineering Association said the guides had given the government seven days to fulfill their demands.

"There is a situation of conflict up in the mountain. It is serious and could have far reaching consequences for climbing in Nepal," he said. "So the government must act on their demands immediately."

The post As Nepali Sherpa Families Cremate Everest Victims, Anger Grows appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Death Count in Ferry Sinking Tops 100

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 10:43 PM PDT

South Korea, Sewol, ferry sinking, death count, fatalities, Jindo

Family members look at a noticeboard with descriptions of bodies recovered from the capsized passenger ship Sewol at the port in Jindo on April 22, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Kim Hong-ji)

JINDO, South Korea — One by one, coast guard officers carried the newly arrived bodies covered in white sheets from a boat to a tent on the dock of this island, the first step in identifying a sharply rising number of corpses from a South Korean ferry that sank nearly a week ago.

Dozens of police officers in neon green jackets formed a cordon around the dock as the bodies arrived Tuesday. Since divers found a way over the weekend to enter the submerged ferry, the death count has shot up. Officials said Tuesday that confirmed fatalities had reached 104, with nearly 200 people still missing.

If a body lacks identification, details such as height, hair length and clothing are posted on a white signboard for families waiting on Jindo island for news.

The bodies are then driven in ambulances to two tents: one for men and boys, the other for women and girls. Families listen quietly outside as an official briefs them, then line up and file in. Only relatives are allowed inside.

For a brief moment there is silence. Then the anguished cries, the wailing, the howling. They have not known for nearly a week whether they should grieve or not, and now they sound like they're being torn apart.

"How do I live without you? How will your mother live without you?" a woman cries out.

She is with a woman who emerges from a tent crying and falls into a chair where relatives try to comfort her. One stands above her and cradles her head in her hands, stroking her face.

"Bring back my daughter!" the woman cries, calling out her child's name in agony. A man rushes over, lifts her on his back and carries her away.

This heartbreak still awaits many families of those still missing from the submerged ferry Sewol, or at least those whose relatives' bodies are ultimately recovered. Families who once dreamed of miraculous rescues now simply hope their loved ones' remains are recovered soon, before the ocean does much more damage.

"At first, I was just very sad, but now it's like an endless wait," said Woo Dong-suk, a construction worker and uncle of one of the students. "It's been too long already. The bodies must be decayed. The parents' only wish right now is to find the bodies before they are badly decomposed."

About 250 of the more than 300 missing or dead are students from a single high school, in Ansan near Seoul, who were on their way to the southern tourist island of Jeju.

Bodies are being identified visually, but family members have been providing DNA samples in case decomposition makes that impossible.

The families, and South Koreans more broadly, have at times responded with fury. The captain initially told passengers to stay in their rooms and waited more than half an hour to issue an evacuation order as the Sewol sank. By then, the ship had tilted so much it is believed that many passengers were trapped inside.

At a Cabinet briefing Monday, President Park Geun-hye said, "What the captain and part of the crew did is unfathomable from the viewpoint of common sense. Unforgivable, murderous behavior." The comments were posted online by the presidential Blue House.

The captain, Lee Joon-seok, and two crew members have been arrested on suspicion of negligence and abandoning people in need, and prosecutors said Monday that four other crew members have been detained. On Monday night, prosecutors requested a court to issue a warrant to formally arrest these four people, a prosecution office said in a release late Monday.

A transcript of ship-to-shore communications released Sunday revealed a ship that was crippled with indecision. A crew member asked repeatedly whether passengers would be rescued after abandoning ship even as the ferry tilted so sharply that it became impossible to escape.

Lee, 68, has said he waited to issue an evacuation order because the current was strong, the water was cold and passengers could have drifted away before help arrived. But maritime experts said he could have ordered passengers to the deck—where they would have had a greater chance of survival—without telling them to abandon ship.

Emergency task force spokesman Koh Myung-seok said bodies have mostly been found on the third and fourth floor of the ferry, where many passengers seemed to have gathered. Many students were also housed in cabins on the fourth floor, near the stern of the ship, Koh said.

The cause of the disaster is not yet known, and only became murkier Tuesday, when a South Korean official said the ferry had not taken an unusually sharp turn shortly before the sinking as had been initially believed.

Data from the Sewol's automatic identification system, an on-board transponder used for tracking, shows that the ship made a J-shaped turn before listing heavily and ultimately sinking.

A ministry of ocean and fisheries official had said Friday that the vessel had taken a sharp turn. But on Tuesday a ministry official said in a phone interview that the AIS data had been incomplete. He says the true path of the ship became clear when the data was fully restored.

The official declined to elaborate or give his name, but provided a map that showed both the hard 115-degree turn originally estimated and the more gradual path the restored data describes.

It remains unclear why the ship turned around shortly before it sank. The third mate, who has been arrested, was steering at the time of the accident, in a challenging area where she had not steered before, and the captain said he was not on the bridge at the time.

Authorities have not identified the third mate, though a colleague identified her as Park Han-gyeol. Senior prosecutor Ahn Song-don said Monday the third mate has told investigators why she made the turn, but he would not reveal her answer, and more investigation is needed to determine whether the answer is accurate.

Most of the bodies found have been recovered since the weekend, when divers, frustrated for days by strong currents, bad weather and poor visibility, were finally able to enter the ferry. But conditions remain challenging.

"I cannot see anything in front … and the current underwater is too fast," said Choi Jin-ho, a professional diver who searched the ferry Monday. "Then breathing gets faster and panic comes."

Associated Press writers Hyung-jin Kim in Mokpo, South Korea, Minjeong Hong and Raul Gallego in Jindo, and Foster Klug, Youkyung Lee, Jung-yoon Choi and Leon Drouin-Keith in Seoul contributed to this report.

The post Death Count in Ferry Sinking Tops 100 appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Japan PM Makes Offering to Yasukuni Shrine, Angers China, South Korea

Posted: 21 Apr 2014 10:31 PM PDT

China, Japan, United States, shrines, Abe, Yasukuni Shrine, South Korea, history, World War Two,

A group of lawmakers are led by a Shinto priest as they visit Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo April 22, 2014. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has sent a ritual offering to the Yasukuni Shrine, seen by critics as a symbol of Japan’s past militarism, angering both South Korea and China on Monday and putting regional ties under further strain. (Photo: Reuters)

TOKYO — Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has sent a ritual offering to the Yasukuni Shrine, seen by critics as a symbol of Japan's past militarism, angering both South Korea and China on Monday and putting regional ties under further strain.

Adding to unease in the region, a Chinese maritime court in Shanghai seized a ship on Saturday owned by Japanese shipping firm Mitsui O.S.K. Lines, a move that Japan warned could have an adverse impact on its businesses in China.

The court said the company had failed to pay compensation stemming from a wartime contractual obligation. China's Foreign Ministry said the disagreement was a normal commercial dispute.

Japan said the ship seizure, apparently the first time the assets of a Japanese company have been seized in a lawsuit concerning compensation for World War Two, was "extremely regrettable."

"It is inevitable that this will have an adverse impact on Japanese companies in China," said Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga. "We strongly urge the Chinese government to make the proper response."

The spat over the ship was a "regular business contract dispute," China's Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang said, adding that the government would safeguard the rights of foreign investors.

"This case has nothing to do with compensation from the Chinese-Japanese war [World War Two]," Qin told a regular news briefing.

"Nothing has changed in the Chinese government's position on adhering to, and defending every principle in, the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement," he added, referring to an announcement in 1972 that the two countries were establishing official ties.

At the time, Japan also recognized the government in Beijing as the sole government of China and China gave up claims to Japanese war reparations.

"China will continue to protect the interests and rights of foreign investors in China according to law," Qin said.

"Mistaken Attitude"

The offering by Abe, who visited the shrine in December but did not go in person this time, was sent just before US President Barack Obama begins a three-day visit to Japan on Wednesday.

The United States has said it was "disappointed" with Abe's shrine visit last year, which infuriated Beijing and Seoul.

China protested on April 12 after internal affairs minister Yoshitaka Shindo visited the shrine, where 14 Japanese leaders convicted as war criminals by an Allied tribunal after World War Two are honored, along with Japan's war dead.

Abe made his latest offering to the shrine as a private individual so it was not the government's place to comment, Suga, the chief government spokesman, told a news conference.

"It will not have an impact on the U.S.-Japan leaders meeting," he said.

Qin, China's foreign ministry spokesman, said Beijing had already lodged a protest with Tokyo, adding that Abe's move reflected Japan's "mistaken attitude towards history".

"Slap in the Face"

China's official Xinhua news agency condemned Abe's offering as a provocative move that threatened regional stability and was a "slap in the face of the leader of Japan's closest ally."

South Korea's Foreign Ministry also responded angrily.

"We deplore the fact that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has romanticized Japanese colonialism and its war of aggression by paying tribute to the Yasukuni Shrine," it said in a statement, noting it had happened despite expressions of concern from the international community.

Abe has said that, like predecessors such as former premier Yasuhiro Nakasone who visited the shrine, he had high regard for Japan's ties with China and South Korea, which suffered under Japanese occupation and colonization in the 20th century.

A group of lawmakers is also expected to visit the shrine during its spring festival this week.

Several court cases demanding compensation for forced wartime labor have arisen in China and South Korea. In February, two Japanese firms were sued in what media said was the first time a Chinese court had accepted such a case.

A spokesman for Mitsui O.S.K. said the company had been informed of the seizure order but was still trying to assess what was happening at the port. It did not confirm that the vessel was in the hands of the court.

The ship, "Baosteel Emotion," is a 226,434 deadweight-tonne ore carrier.

Despite Tokyo's protest, one analyst said the impact of the seizure was likely to be limited, and noted that it seemed to be another case of China putting pressure on Japan, adding it was also unclear if this represented the policy of China's leaders.

"Companies that are currently involved with such issues will likely think twice about Chinese businesses, but I believe most Japanese companies have nothing to do with these problems," said Akio Takahara, a professor at the University of Tokyo.

"They might take this development as one factor when they think about investments in China, but I don't think this is a decisive factor at the moment."

In addition, a senior executive with Toyota Motor Corp said on Monday the company was considering expanding capacity in China significantly in its efforts to catch up with global rivals.

Obama's visit to Asia, which kicks off in Japan, will also take him to South Korea, Malaysia and the Philippines.

The post Japan PM Makes Offering to Yasukuni Shrine, Angers China, South Korea appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.
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