Democratic Voice of Burma |
- Experts urge transparency in Burma’s businesses
- ‘Band aid’ for displaced Kachin
- Activists plant seeds of Flower Speech campaign in Pyapon
- Controversial campaign guidelines drafted
- DVB Debate: Freedom to report
- Mandalay villages’ river water polluted with toxic waste
- ‘Trespassers will be shot!’ says fishery firm
Experts urge transparency in Burma’s businesses Posted: 12 May 2014 05:36 AM PDT Most companies operating in Burma and Southeast Asia fail to meet international standards for transparency, according to a survey by the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre (BHRRC). The London-based organisation, with offices and research fellows in 180 countries, deals with about 5,000 companies with both positive and negative images on human rights. One of its main goals is to obtain responses about misconduct allegations made by civil-society groups. The BHRRC noted that when it sought public responses from companies about specific allegations of human rights violations in Burma, the response rate was 47 percent, compared with a global average of more than 70 percent. The sectors approached most frequently in Burma are oil, gas and coal (almost half or 47 percent of all approaches), along with finance, banking and insurance (19 percent). The high number for the latter illustrates their potential exposure as financiers or insurers of projects linked to human rights abuses. Other problem areas included tourism (10 percent) and dam-building and hydropower projects (8 percent). Telecommunications and internet providers are also likely to come under increased scrutiny – including calls to ensure affordable access and to protect privacy and freedom of expression, the group said. The centre called on companies doing business in Burma and in Southeast Asia to make vital information about their policies and operations publicly available, especially those related to their human rights practices. The organisation emphasised that investment in Burma must be accompanied by responsible practices and respect for human rights: for example, some areas of greatest concern include people displaced for hydropower, mining and agribusiness projects who should be adequately consulted and given fair compensation; and workers who should be guaranteed a living wage and the right to organise. It referred to the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights as a source of guidance on how companies should communicate externally. The goal is to provide a measure of transparency and accountability to individuals or groups, including investors, who may be affected by their business activities. "Transparency is an essential first step to underpin economic reforms, fight corruption and improve companies' respect for human rights," said Phil Bloomer, the BHRRC executive director. "It is vital to companies' social licence to operate, especially in contexts that pose risks of severe human rights impacts." BHRRC sees the corporate response process as one of the most effective tools to combat abuses by companies. When the organisation receives allegations that a company has abused human rights, its researchers contact the company immediately and invite a public response, before making both the allegations and response available on its website. Over the past 10 years that it has been covering Southeast Asia, the organisation has observed that seeking responses from local and regional companies has been more challenging, due to the lack of publicly available information about the companies themselves, as well as their failure or neglect to recognise the importance of responding publicly to human rights concerns. Mr Bloomer said that with the dramatic increase in investment in Burma, communities and workers could benefit enormously, but there was an equal danger of substantial abuse, such as forced displacement of people from their homes and land, poverty wages, and dangerous conditions at work. "The first action all companies must take is to communicate with affected communities and other stakeholders by providing public information about their plans and human rights policies," he said. "Only with this basic first step can there be hope that growing investment will bring shared prosperity and shared security to the people of Burma." One very large foriegn-invested project— the Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) — is now being watched with concern by the civil society because of displacement of local communities surrounding the port. According to an NGO called Burma Partnership, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), which is financing the SEZ, is "treating the communities currently living on the site area with undisguised disdain, drawing ire from local and international organisations, including on their home turf." Covering around 2,400 hectares of land, the Thilawa SEZ is located outside Rangoon and will include factories, a deep-sea port, housing developments and other infrastructure for transport and communications. The project is a joint effort between Japan and Burma, with the Burmese government and domestic businesses holding a 51 percent stake and the Japanese government and businesses owning a 49 percent stake with funding being channelled through JICA as part of Japan's overseas development assistance. Phase one of the project, which has already started, has involved the relocation of 300 villagers. However, the new site consists of inadequate housing, no alternative farmland, lacks a clean water supply and has very few livelihood opportunities, leaving people in debt just a few months after moving, the Chiang Mai-based Burma Partnership said. The group said it had made repeated requests for meetings with the JICA, and sent letters to outline its concerns over local residents' new living conditions, but that the Japanese agency had evaded responsibility, claiming it was the Burmese government's job. "Yet this is the same government which, in August 2013, forced villagers to sign relocation agreements with the threat of destroying their homes, while the villagers were not provided a copy of this agreement," the NGO said last week. The Japanese NGO, Mekong Watch, pointed out that such behavior violates the JICA's own social and environmental safeguards. "JICA incorporates stakeholder opinions into decision-making processes regarding environmental and social considerations by ensuring the meaningful participation of stakeholders in order to have consideration for environmental and social factors and to reach a consensus accordingly," Mekong Watch said. Thilawa is not the only megaproject in which JICA is involved with in Burma. In October 2013, the agency published a study it conducted in eastern Burma of a framework for development, including industrial estates and free trade zones, development of towns, and resettlement sites and economic opportunity for returning refugees and internally displaced persons. What the study assumes is that peace in this area, which has been suffering from effects of armed conflict for decades, will be achieved through development, the NGO said. The worrying part of this framework is that eastern Burma is still a very fragile place, with ceasefires only tentative and long-standing issues yet to be addressed, it said. "If JICA plans to bulldoze ahead with projects such as industrial estates and infrastructure, all the while ignoring concerns of local stakeholders just as it has done with Thilawa SEZ, the consequences are potentially hugely destructive and the outbreak of active conflict a very real possibility," warned Burma Partnership. Without genuine and transparent dialogue with local communities, as well as ensuring local communities are part of making decisions that will permanently affect their future livelihood, Japan's reputation in Burma will be sullied permanently, the NGOs say. Thilawa SEZ, rather than being a showcase of sustainable development and prosperity, will be a symbol of disregard for the rights of local people, they concluded.
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‘Band aid’ for displaced Kachin Posted: 12 May 2014 04:53 AM PDT Musicians and activists united in Rangoon on Sunday for a series of concerts benefitting Kachin war refugees. Much-loved musical group Shwe Thanzin teamed up with Pan Ye Lan and the Action Times Foundation for the three-day event from 11-13 May. Pan Ye Lan is a charity founded by musicians in 2012, known for performing in teashops and on the street, to raise relief funds for internally displaced persons (IDPs). The Action Times Foundation specialises in disaster and conflict relief, and has operated in Kachin State and in Meikhtila in the wake of violence. Thar Htwe, a singer for Pan Ye Lan, said the team plans to expand the campaign to other parts of Burma. They hope to perform in Mandalay, Maymyo [Pwin Oo Lwin] and Muse before donating the funds to six IDP camps in Man Waing Gyi, Kachin State. They expect to wrap up the campaign and deliver funds in June. He said that while past fundraisers have brought in about 3-400,000 kyat (US$3-400), awareness of recent events in Kachin State has perhaps made people more supportive. "Now we're getting, like, 5-600,000 kyat," he said. The group is scheduled for performances at several of Rangoon's well-known teashops, including Seik Tin Kya and Thone Pan Hla. Aid workers have estimated that more than 3,000 people have been displaced by recent fighting in Kachin State, though many more were already displaced. Since the June 2011 breakdown of a 17-year ceasefire between the Kachin Independence Army and the Burmese military, more than 100,000 people have fled their homes in northern Burma. Many IDP camps are located in remote, isolated areas that receive little or no humanitarian aid and are highly susceptible to disaster caused by extreme weather and lack of medical supplies. |
Activists plant seeds of Flower Speech campaign in Pyapon Posted: 12 May 2014 01:16 AM PDT Activists representing a new anti-hate speech campaign travelled to Irrawaddy Division's Pyapon on Saturday to promote religious tolerance, following an invitation from local youth groups. The Flower Speech campaign, or Panzagar as it is known in Burmese, is the brainchild of Nay Phone Latt, a well-known blogger who was imprisoned for four years for his anti-government writings. Speaking to DVB, he said, "We explained the message of our campaign to local youths, then we all walked around Pyapon, distributing leaflets, posters and stickers. "We also performed a song we wrote, titled 'We are all just humans'," he said, "which we played on guitars at intersections in the town. Many local residents were supportive." He said the Flower Speech campaign was promoting its slogan: "Let's moderate our speech to prevent hatred between human beings." Nay Phone Latt said that, if possible, he would like to take the campaign nationwide. To date, the fledgling campaign, which was founded in early April, has only toured in Rangoon, Mandalay and now Pyapon. "We would like to export the campaign far and wide across Burma, but we don't yet have the manpower for that," Nay Phone Latt said. "Also, we have to cover our own travel expenses." He said that, in the meantime, the Panzagar group will work to raise awareness with people from all faiths, and try to convince people to embrace Burma's multicultural diversity.
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Controversial campaign guidelines drafted Posted: 11 May 2014 11:27 PM PDT Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) last week announced that new campaign guidelines have been drafted. The UEC is scheduled to meet with party leaders next week to discuss the draft, which has already received criticism from several political figures. In the past few months the commission has signalled plans to curb campaign periods, restrict campaigning to a candidate's constituency, and limit representative campaigning. Khin Maung Swe, chairman of the National Democratic Force, said that the draft manual severely "restricts our manoeuvrability with election campaigning," by requiring party representatives to register with the District Election Commission before campaigning on behalf of a candidate. The guidelines require parties to give prior notice to authorities about campaign details, such as location, route, time and full event schedule, conditions that Khin Maung Swe said are reminiscent of military rule. "There are too many restrictions," he concluded. The new guidelines also cut the election campaign period down to one month before the vote. The UEC is chaired by Tin Aye, a retired lieutenant-general in the Burmese military and former leader for the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party. Burma's 2010 elections are almost universally dismissed as flawed and invalid. Tin Aye notably criticised the last round of by-elections, held in 2012, for being too free, claiming that they resembled the demonstrations of the 1988 uprising and gave unfair advantage to opposition candidates. |
Posted: 11 May 2014 11:21 PM PDT In the past few years, many restrictions on Burma's media have been relaxed, censorship has been lifted, and dozens of new independent media originations have emerged. But journalists are still facing ongoing risks and restrictions, and they continue to demand genuine media freedom. On DVB Debate's panel this week: Zaw Thet Htwe from Myanmar Press Council; Myat Khine from Snap Shot weekly journal; Thiha Saw from the Myanmar Journalist Association; and Thiri Zaw from The Voice weekly journal. Thiri Zaw warned that with one hand the government is giving the press greater freedom, but with the other they are trying to remain in control. "Now we can see a degree of freedom in the media industry compared to the past, but if the current freedom is going to be controlled, then it won't work. It would mean that, in one way, the government is allowing freedom, but at the same time it is trying to take back control," she said. Myat Khine discussed the fact that several journalists have been arrested and charged for just doing their job. "Even though there is no official censorship at the moment, many media outlets are facing court cases," he said. Last month DVB journalist Zaw Pe was sentenced to a year in prison under charges of "trespassing" and "disturbing a civil servant on duty" as he attempted to interview an education official for a story. Audience member Myint Zaw said the government is attempting to control the media by invoking these laws against journalists. "These are not just guidelines for the media industry, these laws act as threats. [The government] are attempting to influence the media by using these existing laws," he said. Maung Maung Win, lawyer for the Zaw Pe case, stressed the importance of having an independent judiciary. "The judicial system is vital for a functioning society. It needs to be free and fair in order to see real freedom in the press industry," he said. Even government officials acknowledge there are still limitations for journalists. "There is no absolute freedom in the press. Due to demands from society, restrictions exist in many forms," said presidential spokesperson, Ye Htut, in a separate interview with DVB. Panellists debated the importance of journalists being reliable, as well as free. The audience raised concerns about the influence of wealthy backers and newspaper owners over content in a newspaper, but others insisted that reliability is already a priority. "Concerns over ownership are not a problem when we have editorial freedom. And if we have braver and more competent editors who are faithful to the industry, then ownership will not be a problem at all," said Aung Thura from 7 Day News. The studio then discussed unreliable news sources, and questioned who should assume responsibility for one-sided and subjective reports on issues such as the religious clashes in Arakan State. "There are 'spies' that exist within the media who want to diminish people's trust, so they create fake news. This can be seen in today's print and online media. The government uses this situation as a reason to legitimise retaking control of the media," said Nay Phone Latt from PEN Myanmar. In January, Associated Press (AP) broke the story of a massacre in Duchira Dan village, in northern Arakan State's Maungdaw, but a government-backed investigation to look into the massacre found no evidence that it ever took place. Esther Htusan from AP said local media have a responsibility to question government statements. "In the case of Duchira Dan, did the local media investigate this? As soon as the government issued a statement the local media just started to criticise certain groups based on that. How much do people really know about what is really happening inside this country?" she asked. Several voices on the panel agreed that Burma had a long way to go before it will achieve true media freedom. As current media laws actually prevent journalists from doing their job, reporters continue to risk being arrested on spurious charges at the whim of a government official. You can join the debate and watch the full programme in Burmese at dvbdebate.com Or share your views with us by commenting on our website at dvb.no
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Mandalay villages’ river water polluted with toxic waste Posted: 11 May 2014 10:46 PM PDT Fifteen villages in Amarapura, Mandalay Division, have no alternative but to bathe in and drink polluted water due to the release of industrial toxins by factories in the city of Mandalay into the Dokhtawaddy River, also known as the Myitnge River. "Mandalay industrial zone has been releasing waste into the river for between five and 10 years. The pollution means water from the river is unsafe to use," said Kyaw Kyaw Oo, a resident of Kankyae village. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has recently provided US$ 2 million for community development projects in Mandalay, which include the upgrade of drinking water infrastructure. Research undertaken by the Mandalay City Development Project in connection to the ADB's funding scheme revealed that 97 local factories discharge 400,000 gallons of untreated wastewater every day. That pollution is having a devastating effect on the health and economy on villagers downstream. Speaking to DVB last week, Satoe Village administrator Aung Kyi said, "The industrial water is now flowing into the Dokhtawaddy River, east of Satoe village. The water comes to the river through Ta-Bouk stream. "The waste from industrial zone goes into [Mandalay's] South Lake and North Lake, before reaching the Dokhtawaddy. In the past, people bred fish in the lakes. Now due to the polluting waste water from industrial zone, people cannot breed fish." Those who can afford to dig deep wells have been able to access drinking water. However the majority of villagers are forced to rely on river water, which Aung Kyi says is giving their children skin problems. Despite the dire situation that the Mandalay villagers are facing, they say they have not yet received any donations of water. The Dokhtawaddy River has its source in China's Yunnan Province and is one of the main tributaries of the Irrawaddy, officially spelled the Ayeyarwady, which is Burma's second largest waterway, providing water and livelihoods for millions of people. |
‘Trespassers will be shot!’ says fishery firm Posted: 11 May 2014 08:57 PM PDT Farmers in the central Burmese town of Madaya are in hot water after protesting at the site of a fishery company whose land, they claim, is rightfully theirs. Twenty residents from four villages in the town marched onto the land, ignoring signs that read, "Trespassers will be shot", and began to plant rice paddy. They also tore down the barriers of one of the fishponds to allow the water to irrigate their fields. Armed police intervened, and now the Sanpya Fishery Company, who occupies the land, is suing the villagers for the damage. "There are around 100 police deployed and they have been harassing us by various means – raiding our villages and such to make our lives difficult. The so-called "People's Police Force", said Sandar Oo, one of the original owners of the land who is now facing charges. Sanpya Fisheries leased 300 acres of land from the Burmese army in the early 1990's. But the army had allegedly confiscated that land from the Madaya villagers. The residents feel they were not compensated adequately, and have tried to reach out to the company and local authorities four times to discuss their ownership claims – but have been repeatedly ignored. "The company built a fishery pond in the area and did nothing to compensate us. Therefore, we want our land back," said Mya Hnin from Thabyaythar village. Farming confiscated land has become a popular form of protest in Burma as farmers feel it shows that they have rightful ownership of the land. This isn't the first time the Madaya villagers have run afoul of the authorities. In March, 19 farmers were charged with sedition and trespassing after staging a plough protest on the contested land. The farmers were pressed with various charges of Burma's Penal Code, including criminal intimidation, (Article 506), abetting a crime, (Article 114) vandalism, (Article 427) and trespassing (Article 447).
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