The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Eat, Drink, Explore at Off the Beaten Track in Yangon
• Burma, Thailand Renew Vows to Resume Dawei SEZ
• Smattering of Rangoon Protesters Greet Thai PM Over Koh Tao Murder Case
• Flickers of Hope, Shadow of Uncertainty for Muslims in Arakan Citizenship Pilot
• More Fighting in Karen State Forces Villagers to Flee
• Is Burma a ‘Global Leader’ of Corporate Transparency?
• Thai Minister Says US ‘More Confident’ of Military-Backed Rule
• Powerhouse Laos Offers Burma a Fix to Electricity Woes
• North Korea Leader Kim Is Still in Charge, Has Leg Injury: Source
• Hong Kong Protests Unresolved After Talks Collapse
• Myanmar’s Mother of Nursing

Eat, Drink, Explore at Off the Beaten Track in Yangon Posted: 10 Oct 2014 08:58 AM PDT Informal comfort at the travelers' restaurant Off the Beaten Track in Kandawgyi Nature Park in Yangon. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) Bringing together adventure and creativity, with a good dash of experience, Off the Beaten Track (OTBT) travel café on the strip inside Kandawgyi Nature Park is filling a need for more than just good food. Guests can chill over a wide selection of drinks and tasty snacks for reasonable prices while learning about Myanmar. Experienced tour guide Ko Nay Lin Htike and his partner Bryan Berenguer describe OTBT as a "not-only-for-profit business." After 5 pm they're around to welcome and share their knowledge of this country, down to detailed itinerary planning, free of charge. There's a tiny kiosk inside with maps, some loud yellow and black OTBT T-shirts, and a secondhand book exchange. We asked for the house special and were steered toward the rural Myanmar selection. Our choices of country-style chicken curry and dried snakehead fish with peanut oil (3,500 kyats each, or about US$3.50) were both fantastically strong flavored, but too salty for my palate and a little overdone. Still, the local fare on offer looks appetizing. Try the Kachin-style watercress (2,000 kyats) or spicy green mango salad (1,500 kyats), ginger or green tea leaf salad (1,000 kyats), chicken or prawn salad (3,500 kyat), or the seaweed or baked eggplant salad (2,000 kyats) for classic joy. There are also Chinese dishes of pork and chicken with paprika, capsicum or cashew nut (3,500 kyats) and fish specials include ginger-flavored fish in lemon sauce, British-style fish and chips, or fish fingers (3,500 kyats). Of course, chicken or pork fried rice or noodles (2,000 kyats) find their way onto the menu. Our exploration of the European cuisine found a truly disappointing salade Niçoise (4,000 kyats). Perhaps for Western fare we should have tried one of the sandwich selections, all served with French fries, including tuna (3,000 kyats), club (4,000 kyats) and cheese (6,000 kyats), as well as beef burgers for 4,000 kyats. Clearly plenty of thought went into the planning of this unusual alfresco dining place with atmospheric romantic lighting and cute gazebos with draped gauze curtains (no, not mosquito nets) dotted around. Another tiny gripe is the uncomfortably hard, narrow bench seating. Maybe it's to encourage diner turnover? Though that's hardly necessary, with monsoon-shy diners opting for indoor options until November, when this place should really take off in the dry, cool evenings. OTBT signature dishes include The Deltan, which is fried rice with dry fish and a gin and tonic (4,800 kyats); The Upper Burman, consisting of assorted dried beans and one Mandalay Rum and coke (2,500 kyats); The Yangonite, a tea leaf salad and small bottle of Myanmar Whisky (2,800 kyats); and The NGO Worker, a plate of French fries and a shot of vodka (3,000 kyats). Along the same vein, there are the OTBT owners' special sets. These are The Lin Htike (pickled tea leaf rice and one Johnny Walker neat for 3,900 kyats), The Bryan (garlic chili French fries and one Jack Daniels on the rocks for 4,400 kyats) and The Zin Zin (banana-flower salad and one bottle of Spy Wine for 3,900 kyats). Yes, a bit of fun. It's a fine spot to pull into after a park saunter, take some rest and enjoy refreshments—at anytime, as OTBT is open 11 am to 11 pm daily. The menu touts tempting caffeine-enhanced delights, juices, smoothies and cocktails. Special frappes or vanilla, blueberry, raspberry, hazelnut cappuccinos (2,200 kyats) invite the curious. The mango, pineapple, apple or strawberry smoothies just may be your pick-me-up. Or perhaps a chocolate, papaya or avocado milkshake would be more to your liking? For the tamer park stroller, there's a range of teas, from iced lemon or raspberry tea to good old English breakfast. Squeezed carrot, honey lime, mango or tomato juice (1,600 kyats) might get you back on your feet. But if you need something stronger, OTBT serves Myanmar or Tiger beer (2,200 kyats) and a-little-bit fancy cocktails for very reasonable prices. The whisky sours (2,500 kyats) and the Bloody Mary (3,800 kyats) are recommended. Once you're inside the park, you're there until they roll you out! This story first appeared in the October 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post Eat, Drink, Explore at Off the Beaten Track in Yangon appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma, Thailand Renew Vows to Resume Dawei SEZ Posted: 10 Oct 2014 06:54 AM PDT Dawei Development Company Managing Director Somchet Thinaphong shows a model of the proposed SEZ during an interview in Bangkok. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha met with Burma's President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw on Thursday, when the two military-turned-civilian leaders agreed once more to restart the Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project. No timeframe for the project has been set, but the president's spokesperson, Minister of Information Ye Htut, told The Irrawaddy that it will resume "as soon as possible." "The timeframe to restart the project was not discussed during the ministerial meeting," he said, adding that the president wishes to "reduce the steps" necessary to get things back on track. The billion-dollar project, planned for an undeveloped seaside area in Tenasserim Division, was envisioned as a port, industrial complex and transit hub that would connect Burma's southeastern coast with Thailand's eastern seaboard and capital city, Bangkok. The Dawei SEZ has seen a series of setbacks largely due to the initial managing contractor's failure to secure private investors. Thailand's largest construction firm, Italian-Thai Development (ITD), was taken off the project in late 2013 after reportedly spending about US$189 million on just the project's first phase. Both the Thai and Burmese governments have begun courting Japan as a potential investment partner. Japan is also developing a major port and industrial zone at Thilawa in Rangoon Division. The Dawei development was a major agenda item in talks between Prayuth and Japan's Vice-Foreign Minister Minoro Kiuchi in Bangkok on Oct. 2, according to Reuters, citing a spokesperson of the Thai junta. In addition to—and perhaps exacerbating—the difficulties of securing investors, the project has seen major public outcry over land rights violations and lack of community consultation. Coinciding with the meeting on Thursday, a group of community-based groups and local activists issued a damning public press statement urging the Burmese and Thai governments to directly address the complaints of affected farmers before proceeding with the project, and to only resume after settling grievances and demonstrating commitment to international best practices. The Dawei Development Association (DDA), the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) and leading activist Kyaw Thu, the director of NGO consortium Paung Ku, all signed off on the statement. DDA Director Thant Zin implored both governments "to solve the existing problems and take lessons from them, and think about the best way to proceed." Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Friday, presidential spokesperson Ye Htut responded that: "The government has organized a committee to solve land rights problems. Some people didn't own the land, started growing trees on it to increase the value, then asked for more money that isn't theirs. We had to pay the people who deserved compensation; we will deal with the opportunists according to the law." The Burmese NGOs opposing the Dawei SEZ filed an official complaint about the project with Thailand's Human Rights Commission last year and the activists are due to testify during a public hearing of the commission later this month. The post Burma, Thailand Renew Vows to Resume Dawei SEZ appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Smattering of Rangoon Protesters Greet Thai PM Over Koh Tao Murder Case Posted: 10 Oct 2014 06:44 AM PDT Protesters march with placards, one of which reads, 'Let the accused two Burmese receive the benefit of the doubt,' in downtown Rangoon on Thursday. (Photo: Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A smattering of Burmese activists held two days of protests against the arrest of a pair of Burmese migrants accused of murdering two tourists on southern Thailand's Koh Tao island last month, as Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha arrived in Rangoon on Friday for the second day of his first overseas trip since taking the helm of the military-ruled country. A group of about 20 Burmese led by the Movement for Democracy Current Force held a protest and prayer vigil at downtown Rangoon's Sule Pagoda on Thursday evening, holding placards that urged the former general turned prime minister "to let the accused two Burmese receive the benefit of the doubt." "We just want justice for them," said Ba Myint, one of the leaders of Thursday's protest. "We are not asking for their unconditional acquittal in the case." Another sign called for "the Burmese President and Thai Prime Minister to protect the two Burmese in accordance with the rule of law." A group led by Nay Myo Zin, a Burmese social activist, held a separate demonstration in front of nearby Mahabandoola Park on Friday morning. They were denied permission to protest in front of the Thai Embassy and at Rangoon International Airport after discussions with Rangoon Division's border security minister proved unsuccessful in securing the OK, Nay Myo Zin said. Friday's protest brought only a handful of activists out, with organizers saying turnout was affected by the short amount of time that they had secured for the event. "We urge them [the Thai government] to strictly investigate, from the start, the case of the two Burmese workers accused in the Koh Tao murder, with the help of an international investigation," Nay Myo Zin said. The murders of British nationals Hannah Witheridge, 23, and David Miller, 24, on Koh Tao in Thailand's Surat Thani province, have come under scrutiny both in Thailand and abroad, with Thai investigators being criticized for their handling of the case. Suspicions have mounted in recent days that the Burmese migrant workers in custody may be scapegoats, as allegations have surfaced that Thai police extracted their confessions by torturing them during interrogation. The two accused migrants, Zaw Lin and Win Zaw Htun, are both from Burma's Arakan State. Burma's commander-in-chief, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, reportedly pressed the issue with Thai Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister H.E. Mr. Tanasak on Thursday. "Senior General Min Aung Hlaing called for justice in the case of Koh Tao murder case in which two Myanmar migrant workers are being arrested as the suspects," read a report in the state-run New Light of Myanmar on Friday. "He also said that it is important that 'many guilty persons should escape unpunished, than one innocent person should suffer,' as he sought the help of Thai government to special investigation team of Myanmar Embassy in Thailand freely and transparently," the article continued. The post Smattering of Rangoon Protesters Greet Thai PM Over Koh Tao Murder Case appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Flickers of Hope, Shadow of Uncertainty for Muslims in Arakan Citizenship Pilot Posted: 10 Oct 2014 05:14 AM PDT Moe Rue Husom, who also goes by Min Aung, shows his recently obtained green ID card, indicating that he is a naturalized citizen under Burma's 1982 Citizenship Law. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) MYEBON TOWNSHIP, Arakan State — Similar to other camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Arakan State, tales of suffering are in no short supply here in Myebon, where the displaced have languished in hardscrabble living conditions for nearly two years. But these Rohingya Muslims have a little more hope than most. Here, at least, some members of the persecuted minority have had an opportunity that many others have not: the chance to receive government-issued ID cards, affording some of the rights of citizenship for the first time. All they have to do, the government says, is renounce any claim to an ethnic Rohingya identity. The Myebon IDP camp was selected by the government to pilot a national verification plan, the implications of which remain unknown for those formerly stateless individuals who, on Sept. 22, received citizenship cards. During a visit to the camp this week, residents showed The Irrawaddy their newly issued cards, admitting to their own uncertainty about what the cards might mean for them. For now, one thing is clear: 40 people out of more than 1,200 who have applied under the verification program so far have received pink cards, theoretically entitling them to the rights of full citizens of Burma. Another 169 people have received green cards, denoting their status as "naturalized citizens," which can be revoked. Min Aung, a 42-year-old Muslim in the camp, showed The Irrawaddy his green ID card, explaining that with it, he was told rights previously denied would now be his to enjoy. "During our swearing-in ceremony, where they [immigration officials] offered the ID cards, they told us that we had become citizens of the country," he said. "We can travel anywhere and can run our own businesses, but we cannot serve in Parliament as an MP, nor can we join the military." This is true, according to Khin Soe, the immigration officer in Sittwe who issued the initial batch of ID cards for the Muslims in Myebon. He added, however, that travel restrictions would remain in place for the time being out of fear that the situation remained unstable, given the local Arakanese community's opposition to the pilot project. "They have become citizens of our Myanmar," he said. "They have the rights of citizenship. But, there have been problems between these two communities. They can travel, but we are worried that there will be more problems. This is why we do not let them travel yet." He said it would be the duty of state- and Union-level resettlement departments to assist the newly minted citizens with housing and other measures to help restore their livelihoods. A total of 1,218 people living in the Myebon camp have applied for ID cards, according to the state Immigration Department, out of just over 3,000 camp residents in total. Those who can show that they are at least the third generation to live in Burma could receive pink cards. "Those 40 people who we granted full citizenship were found to have been born here before 1982. … They have full documents. We could not say that they came from another country," Khin Soe said. He said even people who could not provide documents might qualify for citizenship, subject to a ruling from "board members," a seven-person panel that has a major say in determining whether applicants in Myebon qualify for citizenship "There are people who can prove where they have been staying in the town, and even board members who knew their parents. In such cases, the board will approve it if they are found to be telling the truth," he said. Ethnic Arakanese leaders are not happy about the pilot project, which they say has lacked transparency. The Arakan State Immigration Department counters that two Arakanese community leaders were appointed as board members ruling on the citizenship applications. The Arakanese Buddhist population and the state's Rohingya minority have been embroiled in a sometimes violent communal conflict, with about 140,000 of the latter having been displaced by violence since 2012. Aye Maung, a senior member of the Arakan National Party (ANP) serving in the national Parliament, said that state and Union governments shared blame for the opposition that the pilot has stirred among the Arakanese. "They discussed with us their project, but they did not show their plan when they implemented it," the lawmaker said. "There should be transparency regarding the action plan for the national verification pilot." He said local grievances should be addressed before any effort by the governments is made to implement the verification program statewide. "They should show our people all information about why they gave those 40 people citizenship, or they should have copy papers and posted information about the 40 people—why they got ID cards—so our people will understand why these people got ID cards," he said, adding that it remained unclear what would happen to those who failed to qualify for citizenship. 'They Told Me All Muslims in Arakan Are Bengali' Ma Shee, who calls herself a Kaman Muslim, said immigration officials refused to accept her ethnic claim and forced her family to identify as "Bengali" during the application process. Burma's government does not recognize the term Rohingya and insists they are Bengalis, implying that they are illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. "I told them [immigration officials] that we are Kaman, but they responded to me that all Muslims in Arakan are Bengali," Ma Shee told The Irrawaddy. Aung San had a similar experience. "My father is Kaman, but they [immigration] disregarded this and forced us to be Bengali," he said, showing an Irrawaddy reporter a document testifying to his parents' ethnic Kaman identities, which he took with him before fleeing his home in the 2012 violence. "We do not need a lot of opportunities. We only want to be able to travel freely, so we can do some businesses for our family," he said. Daw Cho, while lamenting the government's decision to reject many Kaman Muslims claims, said she was nonetheless grateful for the chance to receive a degree of citizenship. "If we can travel freely, our people will be very happy even though they were recognized as Bengali. It is very important, freedom to travel. We wanted to have equal rights," said the Muslim woman. Regarding to case of complaints about Bengali, Khin Soe, the officer from immigration said that the government only recognized Bengali, and the government did not recognize Rohingya, therefor his immigration has to it according to the order from the government. Asked about any Myebon resident applying for citizenship as a Rohingya, Khin Soe repeated an oft-uttered government line that no such group existed, and that any applicant applying as such would not be recognized under the national verification pilot. Regarding the complaints of Kaman Muslims like Aung San, Khin Soe said that his Immigration Department would allow Kaman designations to individuals providing full documentation to support the claim, and that those failing to do so would be required to accept "Bengali" in order to have their application considered. More Applicants in the Pipeline As more citizenship applications are considered, stories of ethnic reclassification look likely to continue to underpin the national verification process. "We have 124 people that have newly applied, they applied recently. We cannot force them to apply, but if they accept Bengali, we will accept more if they come," said Khin Soe. "We are worried a lot about what we will get," said Hla Myint, who is awaiting word on the status of his application. Adding to the uncertainty, a "Rakhine [Arakan] Action Plan" recently publicized has revealed a government plan that would effectively force Rohingya to identify as Bengali or risk internment in temporary detention in camps. The plan has been condemned by human rights groups, who say it represents a continuation of systematically discriminant government policy. The government chose Myebon for its pilot because of the positive relationship between IDPs and local officials, according to Hla Myint. "The people who are here are polite. They have cooperated with the government," he said, adding that he believed the community's cooperation with authorities during census enumeration earlier this year was a factor in Myebon being selected for the pilot project. Not only are they polite. They are willing, it seems, to accept the government's terms when it comes to ethnic identity, if it means hope for a better future. "We need to agree to whatever they recognize us as, because we have two children … who have not been able to continue their education for the last two years," said Daw Cho. "They have lost educational opportunities. We have to worry for them. We are staying in a prison now." The post Flickers of Hope, Shadow of Uncertainty for Muslims in Arakan Citizenship Pilot appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

More Fighting in Karen State Forces Villagers to Flee Posted: 10 Oct 2014 05:04 AM PDT Snipers from the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) practice together on a firing range (Photo: The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Heavy fighting between the Burma Army and an ethnic Karen rebel group broke out in Kawkareik and Hlaingbwe townships in Karen State on Friday, forcing dozens of villagers to flee their homes. The fighting between government soldiers and the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) also forced the closure of a road linking Burma's commercial capital Rangoon to the border town of Myawaddy. Maj. Saw Zorro, liaison officer in Myawaddy with the Karen National Union (KNU), the largest ethnic Karen armed group, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the fighting began at 10 a.m. and lasted until around noon. "We were informed by our troops close to the fighting areas that villagers nearby, including from Kawkareik, have fled their homes and are hiding because shells landed on their villages." Heavy weapons including artillery were used in the conflict between government and DKBA troops, Zorro said. "For the safety of residents and civilians who travel by vehicle, the road from Kawkareik and Myawaddy is now closed. All transport has been shut down. Authorities worry that shells landing around the road might hit travelers." Villagers and traders mainly use the road that connects Rangoon via Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, from Myawaddy, to transport goods. Myawaddy is one of Burma's key border trading points with Thailand, with products from vegetables to vehicles daily transported across the border. The DKBA troops involved in the fighting near Kawkareik were led by Col. Kyaw Thet and Col. San Aung. In Hlaingbwe Township, DKBA troops were led by Col. Saw Bi, sources said. Tensions between various armed groups and government forces in areas of Karen and Mon states have been rising since September, despite bilateral ceasefire agreements signed between ethnic armed groups and Naypyidaw. In late September, heavy fighting between the DKBA and the Burma Army broke out in Myawaddy Township, Karen State, and Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State, forcing hundreds of villagers to flee their homes. Many of them are still too afraid to resume their daily work on farms and plantations. The post More Fighting in Karen State Forces Villagers to Flee appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Is Burma a ‘Global Leader’ of Corporate Transparency? Posted: 10 Oct 2014 04:58 AM PDT People drive near the construction site of a pipeline built to transport Burmese gas to China, outside of Pyin Oo Lwin on January 23, 2012. (Photo: REUTERS) RANGOON — Newly disclosed corporate ownership data has prompted one international advocacy group to label Burma as a "world leader" in transparency and urge the government to maintain pressure on industry stakeholders as the country moves toward achieving global standards. Transparency watchdog Global Witness on Friday published a 30-page breakdown of 25 foreign and domestic oil and gas companies operating in Burma that have—upon being solicited by the group—published full or partial information about their "ultimate beneficial ownership," which has been defined as the individual person or persons "right at the very top of the chain." "This is a global first in one of the places you might least expect it," Global Witness analyst Juman Kubba said in a statement. "All over the world, corrupt politicians and crooked businessmen hide behind secret companies to steal oil, gas and mineral wealth. If Myanmar [Burma] is to turn the page on a history of cronyism and corruption linked to natural resources, it has to crack this problem." While the disclosure is viewed by most stakeholders as a step in the right direction, some analysts argue that proclaiming the notoriously corrupt nation as a success story and a potential precedent may be premature, speaking more to the inadequate state of global transparency than to Burma's accomplishments. "It is too early to say whether the Burmese government is taking the lead on the issue of transparency," said Wong Aung, director of the advocacy group Shwe Gas Movement, which has devoted several years to promoting fairness in the gas and oil sector. "They have made promises, but we are still waiting for them to prove that they are committed to overcoming institutional challenges." The Global Witness report focused specifically on gas and oil companies freshly permitted to work in Burma, and does not yet examine the transparency of any other sector, which some suggest could offer misleading conclusions about investment and industry in Burma on the whole. Earlier this year, Global Witness began surveying the 46 companies that were awarded exploration deals for 36 gas and oil blocks in Burma during two rounds of tender bidding since October 2013. By late June of this year, only 13 of those companies representing three resource blocks had supplied the requested information, but subsequent pressure has led more than three quarters of the developers to begin answering questions about ownership. According to Global Witness, "a hard core of 18 companies" has not obliged as of today. Seven of those companies are domestic while the rest are foreign-owned. Canada's Pacific Hunt, India's Oilmax Energy Pvt. Ltd., CAOG s.a.r.l. of the Netherlands and Palang Sophon Offshore of Thailand were among those who did not participate. Global Witness tracked down corporate management using very basic information provided by the Ministry of Energy, with many companies proving harder to trace than others; hard-copy surveys were in some cases hand-delivered to those companies who failed to reply to several months of inquiries sent by post, email and fax. The questionnaires requested detailed information about the names of all ultimate beneficial owners and full disclosure of "politically exposed persons" who profited from the companies, which the group has defined as any person who holds a senior position in a government ministry or is related to or otherwise closely affiliated with a senior politician. Of the 25 respondents, only one declared such a connection. Global Witness lauded the cooperation of the 10 private and 15 publicly listed companies that did participate, but urged the government and other stakeholders to use an upcoming conference in the nation's capital to pressure the remainder to follow suit. On Oct. 14-15, extractives experts and industry aces will convene in Naypyidaw for an annual board meeting of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), an event meant to assess the overall global effectiveness and future procedures for the growth and success of the EITI, which is a relatively new and fast-evolving fiscal reporting protocol that was endorsed by the G-8 and has attracted 17 potential and 29 compliant signatories since it began in 2002. The Burmese government pleased many international observers when it was accepted for EITI candidacy in July 2014, but has not yet proven that becoming EITI compliant will translate into better resource management. The EITI board allows 48 months to complete an initial industry revenue report and meet other membership criteria required for fully compliant status. At the core of those requirements is the establishment of a tripartite "multi-stakeholder group" comprising government, corporate and civil society representatives. The multi-stakeholder group is designed to bind the government and corporate partners to be accountable to communities affected by extractive projects by publishing all payments and submitting them to independent auditors. Civil society stakeholders, in part, determine what kind of companies, products and revenues are subject to audit. While Global Witness has suggested that the upcoming meeting could be used as a golden opportunity to demand that ultimate beneficial ownership disclosure be a hard-and-fast requirement for all companies working in Burma's extractives, that goal may prove difficult to achieve. The inclusion of ownership is recommended by the EITI board but is not a compliance requirement. As Burma prepares to implement the protocol, many stakeholders have advocated for the provision but it is still unclear whether and to what degree it will be applied. "We have been pushing them [corporate stakeholders] to publish this information, however, there are challenges in identifying who the stakeholders even are," said Wong Aung, a member of Burma's EITI civil society steering committee and director of the advocacy group Shwe Gas Movement. "I do not believe that crony companies will disclose this kind of information," he added, emphasizing that the data is only meaningful to concerned communities if it is complete, inclusive, and applies especially to those corporate entities that are most reluctant to cooperate. "There are more than 100 [extractive] projects operating in Burma informally, illegally, with no contract and no accountability," he said. While no one yet has a clear solution for tackling the many companies operating completely outside of the law, such as those with informal agreements or no legal contract at all, Global Witness offered a few recommendations for making ownership information more useful. Those recommendations include coupling industry reform with legal protections related to freedom of expression, encouraging international donors to fund projects geared toward making industry data available in ethnic languages, and putting particular pressure on developers in conflict-prone ethnic states to publish ownership and other corporate data. At least nine of Burma's onshore gas and oil blocks are located in areas that are or have been affected by armed conflict. The post Is Burma a 'Global Leader' of Corporate Transparency? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Thai Minister Says US ‘More Confident’ of Military-Backed Rule Posted: 09 Oct 2014 10:33 PM PDT Thai Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha, center, is accompanied by his officers as he addresses reporters at the Royal Thai Army Headquarters in Bangkok on May 26, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thai Deputy Prime Minister Pridiyathorn Devakula said on Thursday that the United States has more confidence in Thailand's government, four months after the military seized power in a bloodless coup. Thailand's military government is seeking international legitimacy following the May 22 coup that was condemned by Western nations who downgraded diplomatic ties. The government has previously portrayed meetings with diplomats as endorsements. His comments came after a meeting with US ambassador to Thailand Kristie Kenney at Bangkok's Government House ahead of Kenney's return to Washington next month following the end of her Thailand posting. "Ambassador Kristie came to bid farewell. They wanted to know how this government works," Pridiyathorn told reporters. "We explained that we work sincerely. Once we talked they could see that we are serious about our work. After we explained our work I looked into her eyes and saw that she is more confident." The army declared martial law nationwide two days before it seized power following six months of sometimes deadly street protests that contributed to the ousting of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, whose populist government was opposed by the Bangkok royalist establishment. The US Embassy Bangkok said in a statement it would continue to evaluate its engagement with Thailand, its closest ally in Southeast Asia. "We continue to evaluate carefully our engagement with and assistance to Thailand, reviewing all military and senior level engagements on a case-by-case basis. We continue to urge Thai authorities to immediately lift martial law and restrictions of civil liberties, and to call for the speedy restoration of democracy under a freely and fairly elected civilian government," the embassy said in an emailed statement. Prayuth Chan-ocha, the army chief who led the coup, was appointed prime minister in August and heads an interim cabinet stacked with serving and retired military officers. He stepped down as army chief last month but remains leader of the junta, formally known as the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) and prime minister. Thailand has been deeply divided since 2006, when Yingluck's brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, was toppled by the army after being accused of corruption and republican leanings. The constitution was re-written under a military-backed government in an effort to limit Thaksin's political influence. But that failed to stop Yingluck from coming to power just a few years later, in 2011, after winning a general election. Yingluck was ordered to step down by a court days before the May coup after she was found guilty of abuse of power. Her supporters accuse the court of bias and of siding with the elite. Kenney, who began her duties in Thailand in 2011, came under criticism from Thai royalist groups during months of protests that began in November and saw parts of Bangkok occupied. At the height of the protests, hundreds of Thai royalists protested outside of the US Embassy in Bangkok calling for Kenney to get out of the country, claiming that she was pro-Yingluck and out of touch with the political situation. Kenney has called the coup a setback for Thailand. Washington showed its displeasure post-coup by blocking security-related aid to Thailand, and suspending visits by top military officers and a police training program. Thailand and the United States are co-hosts of the annual Cobra Gold joint military training exercise—one of the largest US military exercises in the world and a key element in its much-touted diplomatic "pivot" to Asia. Speaking to reporters in Thai, Kenney thanked the Thai people for their friendship on Thursday but did not comment on the May coup or the new military government. Additional reporting by Aukkarapon Niyomyat. The post Thai Minister Says US 'More Confident' of Military-Backed Rule appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Powerhouse Laos Offers Burma a Fix to Electricity Woes Posted: 09 Oct 2014 10:27 PM PDT A farmer works in a paddy field under the power lines near Nam Theun 2 dam in the Laotian province of Khammouane on Oct. 28, 2013. (Photo: Reuters) Burma's chronic lack of electricity to power its economic development could be solved from an unlikely source—underdeveloped Laos. Laos has just 6.8 million people and is mostly covered in forest, but is almost as big geographically as Italy, which has a population of 60 million. It also has numerous fast-flowing rivers, running from mountains in the north as high as 2,800 meters, and the communist government in Vientiane has drawn up plans to build scores of dams on them to harness their hydroelectric potential. If all the hydro-dam projects under construction or firmly planned and on the drawing board were built, Laos would have an electricity generating capacity of more than 17,000 megawatts, industry weekly Asia Power Monitor said. Burma has about 4,500 megawatts of power generating capacity at present. Laos is already selling large volumes electricity to neighbor Thailand and small quantities to Cambodia and Vietnam. China, which borders Laos to the north, is negotiating for electricity and now, too, Singapore. The idea of Laos becoming a regional powerhouse was discussed at a meeting in the Lao capital Vientiane of the energy ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) at the end of September. The idea of a transnational electricity grid within the 10-member Asean has been discussed before, but now it has been given impetus with a proposal by Singapore for cooperation on a pilot project to purchase 100 megawatts of electricity from Laos. This would mean Singapore importing the power via Thailand and Malaysia. The basic framework is already there: Laos is connected to Thailand's grid and Thailand is linked with Malaysia's, but there are likely to be political and legal obstacles to navigate, said Asia Power Monitor. However, the impetus for cross-border power exchanges involving Laos is coming not only from the Vientiane government but also the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and major investors in Thailand and China. The ADB is keen to promote a regional economic development program that includes China and an electricity-sharing grid. With some improvements in Burma's fragmented electricity transmission grid, it would be easier for Laos to hook up with the Burmese system via Thailand than selling power to Singapore, say industry observers. A meeting of energy officials from Laos, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore is scheduled for Bangkok in November to work out the practicalities for Singapore. "The move is aimed at enhancing regional energy security and could serve as a model for the rest of Asia in terms of electricity trading via neighboring countries' transmission networks," the Bangkok Post said. Thailand is already contracted to buy up to 7,000 megawatts from Laos from 2019. Some of this electricity will come from hydropower plants partially funded by the state-owned Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT). Using underpopulated Laos as a surrogate power supplier is both cheaper and hassle-free for Thailand, which has stopped building hydro dams because of fierce public opposition and cost. "Laos is now selling electricity at a unit price of more than 7 [US] cents per kWh to Thailand and more than 6 cents per kWh to Vietnam and Cambodia, while the unit price in Singapore is about 20 cents," the Vientiane Times reported in a rare disclosure on pricing revealed in an interview with the Laotian deputy energy minister, Viraphonh Viravong. But a number of the hydro dams now under construction or planned in Laos are the subject of considerable controversy over their potential impact on the region's environment, not least fishing stocks on the Mekong River, which feed hundreds of thousands of people in Burma, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and especially in the Mekong Delta in southern Vietnam. Both Cambodia and Vietnam have urged Laos to halt work on the 1,280-MW Xayaburi dam on the Mekong, which is partly financed by EGAT. The US-based NGO International Rivers, which campaigns against many river dams on environmental and social grounds, said its research had uncovered evidence that the Laotian government and its advisers have drawn up proposals for 120 hydropower projects. Laos is ranked in the United Nations' least-developed countries list, with a per capita GDP of US$3,100 in 2013. Funding for its dams is coming from a variety of sources, ranging from EGAT to the ADB, which has a policy of promoting clean energy projects to reduce hydrocarbons use, particularly coal-fueled power plants. More than 97 percent of electricity generation in Laos comes from hydro-dam systems. "There is an increasing trend of involvement from investment institutions from the Asean region [as well as] Japan, South Korea and China. Funds for regional power interconnectivity initiatives are also likely to be sourced from the ADB-established Asean Infrastructure Fund, China's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank [and] the World Bank," International Rivers' Tanya Lee told The Irrawaddy. The ADB drew sharp criticism from environmental and social welfare groups at the end of August for providing a $50 million loan to finance a 290-MW hydro dam on the Nam Ngiep River in central Laos. This dam is to be built by a consortium including Japan's Kansai Electric Power Company, EGAT and the Lao Holding State Enterprise. "Over 90 percent of the power generated will be exported to Thailand. More than 3,000 people, primarily ethnic Hmong and Khmu, will have to involuntarily resettle to make way for the project," International Rivers alleges. Asean, which has set an ambitious target of establishing a European Union-style trading bloc starting from the end of 2015, has discussed building a regional high-voltage power transmission system by 2020. Some other electricity swaps have already taken place or are planned in other parts of Asean. Malaysia bought power from Singapore to meet a shortfall in 2013, while Malaysia's Borneo state of Sarawak is preparing to sell electricity to Indonesia's neighboring province of Kalimantan. And the state power distribution monopolies of Indonesia and Malaysia are cooperating in building an undersea power cable linking Sumatra with southwest peninsular Malaysia. The post Powerhouse Laos Offers Burma a Fix to Electricity Woes appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

North Korea Leader Kim Is Still in Charge, Has Leg Injury: Source Posted: 09 Oct 2014 10:10 PM PDT Kim Jong-un, center, visits the Ryugyong Dental Hospital and Okryu Children's Hospital in Pyongyang in this undated photo released by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency in March 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING/SEOUL — North Korean leader Kim Jong-un is in firm control of his government but has hurt his leg, a source with access to the secretive North's leadership said, playing down speculation over the 31-year-old's health and grip on power. North Korea's state media, which usually chronicles Kim's whereabouts in great detail, has not made any mention of his activities since he attended a concert with his wife on Sept. 3, and Kim was absent from early state media coverage of an important political anniversary on Friday. In the previous two years, Kim marked the anniversary of the founding of North Korea's Workers' Party with a post-midnight visit to the Pyongyang mausoleum where the bodies of his father and grandfather are interred. Last year, that visit was covered about four hours later by the state's KCNA news agency, and by the daily Rodong Sinmun newspaper. As of about 9:30 a.m. (0030 GMT) on Friday, there was no KCNA report of an event at the mausoleum and a state television channel had not broadcast any new images of the young leader, instead running a documentary on his father and grandfather. The front page of Friday's Rodong Sinmun, a Workers' Party mouthpiece, featured a picture of Kim's father and grandfather and an editorial extolling the leadership of Kim Jong-un, whose name has remained a propaganda staple even during his absence. "Dear comrade Kim Jong-un's sole leadership system should be thoroughly maintained," the newspaper said. "Dear comrade Kim Jong-un is the symbol of dignity and invincibility of the Workers' Party and the banner of all victories and glory." Kim's father, Kim Jong-il, did not always attend the Oct. 10 memorial event when he was in power. The source with access to the North's leadership, who has close ties to Pyongyang and Beijing, said on Thursday that Kim had hurt his leg while inspecting military exercises. "He ordered all the generals to take part in drills and he took part too. They were crawling and running and rolling around, and he pulled a tendon," the source told Reuters on condition of anonymity. "He injured his ankle and knee around late August or early September while drilling because he is overweight. He limped around in the beginning but the injury worsened," the source said. Kim, who has rapidly gained weight since coming to power after his father died of a heart attack in 2011, had been seen walking with a limp since an event with important officials in July, which would imply he may have aggravated an earlier injury. Kim needs about 100 days to recuperate, said the source, whose information could not be independently verified. "Kim Jong-un is in total control," said the source. Kim's absence from public view is fueling speculation over the state of his health and whether he may have been sidelined in a power struggle. "The longer he remains out of the public eye, the more uncertainty about him, and the status of his regime, will grow," said Curtis Melvin, a researcher at the US-Korea Institute at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington. North Korean officials have denied that Kim's public absence since early September is health-related and a US official following North Korea said this week there were no indications he was seriously ill or in political trouble. It remains unclear why a leg injury would keep Kim out of the public eye for so long, although this is not the first time he has been missing from public view. In June 2012, six months after coming to power, state media failed to report on or photograph him for 23 days. He re-surfaced the next month at a dolphinarium. Speculation that Kim's unusually long absence from public view may be due to ill health was fueled by a North Korean television report late last month that said he was suffering from "discomfort." Some North Korea watchers also suggest that Kim may have been sidelined in a power struggle, a scenario they say was reinforced by the unexpected visit on Saturday of a high-level delegation to the closing ceremony of the Asian Games in Incheon, South Korea. Another interpretation of that visit holds that it was meant to convey stability in Pyongyang. The source with knowledge of Kim Jong-un's health said rumors of a coup were "rubbish." "It would have to be a very subtle coup indeed not to disrupt international travel plans," said Andray Abrahamian of the Choson Exchange, a Singapore-based group running a program for North Koreans in Southeast Asia. North Korea is a hereditary dictatorship centered on the ruling Kim family. Kim's sister, Kim Yo-jong, is known to have an official role within the ruling party. His brother, Kim Jong-chol, and his estranged half-brother are not in the public eye. Kim was absent from a Sept. 25 meeting of the Supreme People's Assembly, or parliament, the first he has not attended since coming to power three years ago. Abrahamian said it was unlikely Kim had been usurped. "Kim Jong-un has always shared power with other key figures and even if the internal balance of power has shifted, it is unlikely that they would want to remove him, given his unmatchable symbolic value. Again, though, everyone is guessing," he said. Additional reporting by Ju-min Park. The post North Korea Leader Kim Is Still in Charge, Has Leg Injury: Source appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Hong Kong Protests Unresolved After Talks Collapse Posted: 09 Oct 2014 10:05 PM PDT A pro-democracy demonstrator reacts during a speech after the government cancelled talks scheduled for Friday as protesters block areas around the government headquarters office in Hong Kong on October 9, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Carlos Barria) HONG KONG — A pro-democracy protest that has blocked main roads in Hong Kong for almost two weeks could drag on for days yet, after talks aimed at resolving a bitter standoff between the city's government and student demonstrators collapsed Thursday. The government called off the talks hours ahead of the scheduled time Friday, saying the dialogue had been "seriously undermined" by student leaders' call earlier in the day for supporters to turn out in force to occupy the main protest zone. "I truly regret that we will not be able to have a meeting tomorrow which will produce any constructive outcome," said Chief Secretary Carrie Lam. Even before the announcement, it was clear that the two sides hold vastly different positions over whether Hong Kongers could have more say in choosing the former British colony's leader. Student leaders vow not to retreat from the streets even as the number of protesters occupying the main thoroughfare and streets in two busy shopping districts has dwindled sharply this week. Protesters have occupied the streets since Sept. 28, when police used tear gas in a failed attempt to disperse tens of thousands of people in front of the government complex. The protesters are demanding the government of the semiautonomous Chinese region abandon plans to allow Beijing to screen candidates for the city's inaugural elections for its leader in 2017. They also want current leader Leung Chun-ying, who was approved for the job by a committee of mostly pro-Beijing elites, to resign. The government has suggested that it was impossible to meet the students' demands because Beijing had already set down the rules for the 2017 elections. It has also insisted that blocking roads and streets is illegal, and urged students to leave so the city can return to normal. Officials had nonetheless agreed to meet on Friday, proposing to focus the talks on legal technicalities. That angered student leaders, who said the government was using the talks as a delaying tactic to dodge their demands. Alex Chow of the Hong Kong Federation of Students, one of three groups coordinating the protests, said the city's students have been asking for dialogue with the government since they walked out of classes on Sept. 22 to press their demands. "During those days we gave our sweat and our blood, we faced tear gas and some of us were arrested and we may face imprisonment in the future," Chow said. "Even now, we are open to talks with the government anytime. They've shown they have no sincerity to shoulder their responsibility of facing the concerns of the Hong Kong people," he said. Pro-democracy lawmakers, who so far haven't played much of a role in the civil disobedience campaign, said they would join in by blocking all government funding requests in the legislature except for the most urgent. Student leaders are calling a rally Friday, urging supporters to redouble their efforts to occupy the main protest zone—a highway outside government headquarters that they have dubbed "Umbrella Square." Umbrellas used to combat police pepper spray and tear gas have become a symbol of the nonviolent movement. The protests have shaken the administration of Leung, the city's chief executive, who is also facing a secret payout scandal involving a previously undisclosed deal between Leung and an Australian mining company worth 4 million pounds (US$6.4 million.) The contract was dated December 2011—several months before Leung took office, but a week after he declared he would run for the post. Both Leung's office and the company, UGL, said it was a standard confidential contract. Hong Kong's Justice Department said authorities will investigate after the city's anti-corruption watchdog on Thursday received a complaint regarding the contract. The government's decision to call off the talks Thursday was greeted with sneers by the few hundred activists who continue to occupy the protest zone in Admiralty. "Two days ago they wanted to talk, now they won't talk," said Candice Heung, a university administrator who often joins the protest after work. "This doesn't matter at all." The reality, she said, is the government has no interest in sitting down with the students and is just dragging out the confrontation. "They don't want to talk," she said. Associated Press writers Tim Sullivan, Sylvia Hui and Joanna Chiu contributed to this report. The post Hong Kong Protests Unresolved After Talks Collapse appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Myanmar’s Mother of Nursing Posted: 09 Oct 2014 05:00 PM PDT Eileen Barbaro at her home in Yangon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) YANGON — At the end of War Oo Street in Yangon's Insein Township is a small but neatly built two-story house with a signboard in front that says "Eileen's Family." This is the home of Eileen Barbaro, a retired nurse who has been compared to Florence Nightingale. With its old furniture and only a few photos for decoration, the house testifies to the simple lifestyle of a woman who grew up as a child of privilege but later set out on her own and dedicated herself to serving others. Born in Kalaw, Shan State, in 1929, Ms. Barbaro has spent most of her life in Myanmar, where her father, a railway engineer of Italian descent, raised his children as members of the colonial elite. In her youth, she received an education befitting a young woman of her class, learning all the social graces and excelling in sports, especially golf and horseback riding. She was also exceptionally good at driving—in those days, a skill largely confined to the rich and their servants. But her views about her comfortable life began to change when, at the age of 17, she won a scholarship to go to university. Her father was adamantly opposed to the idea, believing that there was no need for her to further her education. "My father said that if I went to university, I would become a naughty girl," she recalled. "He thought that because we had money, I didn't need to study. And so I lost my chance to attend university." This setback only strengthened Ms. Barbaro's determination to grow beyond the confines of her upbringing. As soon as she was old enough, she left her birthplace for Yangon—this time ignoring the wishes of her father, who she never saw again before his death. There, with the help of a friend of her mother, she found work at Yangon General Hospital. After three years at the hospital, she knew that she had found her calling, and in 1950, she went to England for training as a nurse. She majored in pediatrics, and upon completion of her program of study, she received a license to practice nursing in England and Wales. At first, she considered remaining in England, where she would be able to earn more money and enjoy a better quality of life. But when her father died, her mother urged her to return to Myanmar. Still reluctant to go back, she finally returned to the country of her birth in 1955 after a senior nurse convinced her that she had a responsibility to care for her mother. Home Again As an eager young nurse, Ms. Barbaro discovered that her skills and energy were in great demand in her homeland. She soon found work again at Yangon General Hospital, where her friend Dr. Kyi Paw assigned her to the children's ward. Before long, England was just a distant memory. "When I returned to the hospital, I found there were many things to do. I could help people a lot here," she said. "So I buried my dream of returning to England." One of the high points of her time at the hospital was helping to deliver Ma Nang Soe and Ma Nang San, twin sisters who were born joined at the chest. But the constant struggle to provide adequate care for her young patients prompted her and her colleagues to push for the creation of a hospital dedicated to treating children. Their efforts were greatly helped when they won the support of former nurse Daw Khin May Than, wife of then dictator Gen. Ne Win, who seized power in 1962. The following year, Yangon Children's Hospital was established at its current location on Pyidaungsu Yeiktha Street in Dagon Township, but the current main building, built with Canadian aid, did not open until 1978. Not satisfied with this accomplishment, Ms. Barbaro next set her sights on establishing an institution for training nurses. This finally happened in 1986 with the creation of the Yangon Institute of Nursing (upgraded to the University of Nursing, Yangon, in 1991) with the support of the World Health Organization. Despite her service to the country, however, Ms. Barbaro was not spared the depredations of the ruling military regime. Three European-style homes that her father built in Kalaw were taken from her family to be used as part of the Defense Services Command and General Staff College. She never received any compensation for this loss, even after one of the houses was sold to a businessman by a corrupt military commander. She speaks of this now without bitterness, but it comes as no surprise to learn that she is a strong supporter of opposition leader and democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose mother, Daw Khin Kyi, was a close personal friend. "I believe that only she can significantly improve our healthcare system," she said of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who she knew during her days in England. "With her involvement, we could get the support we need." As one practical step toward improving the quality of healthcare, Ms. Barbaro—who has served as the president at the Myanmar Nurses' Association since her retirement in 1989—suggested drawing on the experience of nurses who are no longer active in the profession. "Retired nurses have skills acquired over long years of service that could be used to help with the care of the disabled or long-suffering patients. This would benefit both the patients and the nurses, many of whom struggle financially after they retire," she said. International Recognition One of the pictures hanging on the wall of Ms. Barbaro's Yangon home is a photo of her accepting the Princess Srinagarindra Award, given in honor of her lifelong service to the advancement of the nursing profession. This Thai award—named after Princess Srinagarindra Mahidol, a former nurse and the mother of Thailand's revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej, and given to Ms. Barbaro in 2012—marked a growing recognition of her efforts, and of the immense needs of Myanmar's healthcare system. Despite the work of dedicated professionals like Ms. Barbaro, healthcare in this country declined steadily under the former junta, which formally ended nearly 50 years of military rule in 2011 with the creation of the current quasi-civilian government. Over the years, countless Myanmar citizens, both rich and poor, have been forced to seek medical treatment in neighboring countries. The famous Mae Tao Clinic, in the Thai border town of Mae Sot, has for more than two decades provided essential services to thousands of refugees and others without the means to pay for treatment, while the world-class hospitals of Bangkok and Singapore have catered to those with money. To meet needs inside the country, Ms. Barbaro and others like her often had to think beyond the limits of the government-run healthcare system. Some of her initiatives, such as a home-based nursing care program that she started with support from the international NGO World Vision, have won special attention. "This home-based nursing care system is kind of new, so the program is known to Thailand through World Vision. That's why they honored me," she said. But her modest acceptance of this honor, like the modesty of her home, belies both her background and a lifetime of accomplishment that grew from a longing for independence and developed into a passionate desire to serve her chosen profession and her country. The post Myanmar's Mother of Nursing appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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