The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Burma’s Kyat at Weakest Since Float on Strong Dollar, Trade Deficit
- Rangoon Court Rejects Bi Mon Te Nay Appeal
- Police Charge Activists for Protest Against Journalist’s Killing
- Thai Power Firm’s Business Tactics ‘Use Burma’s Weak Laws’
- Death of an Activist-Reporter
- Red Panda Filmed in Burma for First Time
- Indian Tribes People Duped Into Leaving Forest Homes for Tigers: Rights Group
- Party is Over on Thai Islands Though Full Moon Bash Avoids Ban
- China, Vietnam Say They Want Lasting Solution to Sea Dispute
- ‘Our Standpoint Is Cooperation’
Burma’s Kyat at Weakest Since Float on Strong Dollar, Trade Deficit Posted: 28 Oct 2014 06:19 AM PDT RANGOON — A strengthening US dollar on global currency markets, coupled with Burma's growing trade imbalance, has pushed the local currency's exchange rate above 1,000 kyats per US dollar this week. Since Burma's reformist government floated the kyat in April 2012, the currency has dropped nearly 23 percent. Burma's Central Bank put the exchange rate at 1,004 kyats to the dollar on Tuesday, up from 818 kyats/dollar when the local currency was floated on April 2, 2012. Than Lwin, the vice chairman of Kanbawza (KBZ) Bank, said the US currency has made a stronger showing as its economy has bounced back from the global financial crisis of 2008. "The US dollar value's rise in the market is not due to the local economic situation, it's following the world markets," Than Lwin said. Since Oct. 28, 2013, the US dollar has risen 7.9 percent against a basket of currencies known as the US Dollar Index, according to Bloomberg. The dollar's rise on the index indicates strong performance over the last year across six major currencies meant to gauge the greenback's value globally. Than Lwin said Burma's trade deficit was also influencing the kyat's weakened position. "Another factor in the local market is that the import volume is higher than the export volume currently, so US dollars are being demanded more than in the past," Than Lwin said. As the country's economy has undergone major changes following the installation of a nominally civilian government in 2011, total trade volume has increased, but a widening trade imbalance has emerged. In the first half of the current fiscal year from April to the end of September, Burma ran a trade deficit of about US$3 billion, importing some $9 billion in goods and exporting only $6 billion, according to local media, which cited the Ministry of Commerce. "Imported goods are rising so US dollar demand follows," Than Lwin said. Burma's main imports are electronics, agriculture-based equipment, automobiles, refined oil products, processed foods and machinery. The country's biggest exports are rice, timber, jade and gems, oil and gas, and beans and pulses. The kyat was floated in 2012, prior to which the government set the rate at a laughably inaccurate 6.4 kyats to the US dollar. Despite the official rate, the black market put the kyat much closer to the rate it was officially floated at, though it was as weak as about 1,400 kyats to the dollar on the black market at the height of anti-government protests and the political turmoil that accompanied them in September 2007. Maw Than, a senior economist and retired professor from the Yangon Economic Institute, said the trade gap between imports and exports was a major factor in the US dollar demand's growth in the local market. "Businesspeople will pay in US dollars for imported goods … so as long as imports are increasing, the local [dollar] demand will also rise," he said. Central Bank spokesperson Set Aung could not be reached by The Irrawaddy for comment on Tuesday, but he told Reuters that the weak kyat was following regional trends. "The kyat is very strong compared to other currencies," Set Aung told Reuters. "Since the kyat is floating, it will move in accord with the trend in the international market." The kyat's fall against the dollar will negatively impact consumers of imported goods, who will see their local currency purchasing power shrink. But purveyors of Burma's major exports, including rice and garments, will benefit from the weak kyat on global markets. Additional reporting by Thit Nay Moe. The post Burma's Kyat at Weakest Since Float on Strong Dollar, Trade Deficit appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Rangoon Court Rejects Bi Mon Te Nay Appeal Posted: 28 Oct 2014 05:39 AM PDT RANGOON — A district court in Rangoon on Monday rejected an appeal by three journalists and the two owners of the defunct Bi Mon Te Nay journal, who were trying to overturn the two-year sentences that were handed down to each earlier this month. The group's lawyer, Kyaw Win, told The Irrawaddy that the district judge heard their statement of appeal and "he decided to reject the case." Reporter Kyaw Zaw Hein, editors Win Tin and Thura Aung, and the journal's owners Yin Min Htun and Kyaw Min Khaing were sentenced by Rangoon's Pabedan Township Court under Article 505(b) of Burma's Penal Code on Oct. 16. The controversial article broadly criminalizes statements that could "alarm the public" or "whereby any person may be induced to commit an offence against the state." Kyaw Win said the court handed down the maximum sentence for the charge, and recommended that the verdict be overturned and the case be reviewed under provisions of a Media Law that was enacted in March 2014. "I appeal to the court because my clients received the maximum punishment. The reporter was writing news, and there is a new law that has been approved by the president to address disputes about the media," said Kyaw Win, explaining that the charges levied against his clients were inappropriate and resulted in a punishment that is disproportionate to the offense. The three journalists and two owners were investigated and arrested in July 2014 after the journal ran a front page story about a statement containing false information. The story was based on a statement by activist group Movement for Democracy Current Force, which claimed that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi had formed an interim government. The modest operations of the Bi Mon Te Nay journal ceased shortly after its staff were detained. Kyaw Win said that he will wait for his clients' families to decide whether to appeal to the regional judiciary. Appellants have 60 days to decide whether they will bring the case to a higher court, he said. If an appeal to the Rangoon Regional Court is similarly rejected, they will still have the opportunity to take the case to the Supreme Court. "I still haven't decided [whether we should keep trying to appeal] and I feel very sad," said Khin Aung, father of convicted reporter Kyaw Zaw Hein. "The judge rejected the appeal within a day." Minister of Information Ye Htut met with media representatives on Oct. 21, when he assured them that he would discuss the case with President Thein Sein. Members of the Myanmar Journalist Network, a Rangoon-based journalists' support group, urged the minister to facilitate presidential intervention in the case. Ye Htut told attendees of the meeting that, "[the] president cannot interfere in the judiciary sector, but he does have the authority to consider the cases after verdicts are given at the courts," according to state media. Appeals to regional courts have resulted in some successes for journalists facing legal charges. Earlier this month, five media workers of Unity Weekly journal were granted a reduced sentence after appeals to Magwe Divisional Court. The five were convicted in July of trespassing and violation of the colonial-era State Secrets Act after publishing an investigative report about a mysterious military facility. The four reporters and CEO of the journal, who initially faced 10 years in jail with hard labor, have had their sentences reduced to seven years. The group plans to appeal again to the Supreme Court for an additional sentence reduction. The post Rangoon Court Rejects Bi Mon Te Nay Appeal appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Police Charge Activists for Protest Against Journalist’s Killing Posted: 28 Oct 2014 05:29 AM PDT
RANGOON — Rangoon police said they filed a criminal lawsuit against the organizer of a demonstration that called for an inquiry into the killing of a journalist. Organizers of a similar protest in Mandalay could also face criminal charges. Police told The Irrawaddy that youth activist Moe Thway of Generation Wave is being charged under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly, which bans holding an unauthorized protest and can result in a prison terms of up to six months. "We filed a lawsuit against Moe Thway and party under Article 18, but we are still analyzing which of the protesters will be charged," an officer at Kyauktada Township Police Station said on Monday, before declining further comment. On Sunday, some 200 representatives of activists groups and civil society organizations, including the prominent 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, gathered in front of Rangoon's City Hall to demand justice in the case of the recent killing of reporter Aung Kyaw Naing. Last Friday, the Interim Myanmar Press Council said it had been notified by the Burma Army that the freelance journalist, also known as Par Gyi, had been arrested by the military in Mon State on Sept. 30, interrogated and later killed. Moe Thway said he sent a letter to Kyauktada Township Police Station on Friday asking for permission to hold the protest, but received no reply. He said he went ahead with the event as planned regardless. Moe Thway said he called Kyauktada police on Monday and learned that he had been charged. He added that he had not yet received official notification of the lawsuit. In Mandalay on Monday night, about 200 activists and demonstrators also assembled to call for justice in the case of the slain journalist. Organizers said authorities had turned down their request to hold a protest, but they had gone ahead anyway. "We informed the police about the protest on Sunday. The police gave back the letter and replied that they don't allow it at such short notice," said Thein Aung Myint, a Mandalay-based activist with the Myanmar Democracy Continuous Force. Thein Aung Myint said he feared that those who sent the letter and some of protestors could face criminal charges, adding that during the event police had shown up to question the demonstrators and discourage them from protesting. Moe Thway said he had noticed how Kyauktada police a week before had needed only one day to grant permission for a protest calling for fair treatment of two Burmese migrants in Thailand, who are being accused of killing two British tourists. He said he believed this indicated that police were using the Peaceful Assembly Law to thwart politically sensitive demonstrations. "They permit the protest depending on the cause of the protest. It is not good, it seems like they can do with the law whatever they want," he said. The post Police Charge Activists for Protest Against Journalist's Killing appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Thai Power Firm’s Business Tactics ‘Use Burma’s Weak Laws’ Posted: 28 Oct 2014 05:21 AM PDT One of the chief financiers of hydroelectric dams planned on Burma's Salween River is accused of investing in countries where there is "oppression and limited transparency" in order to achieve its objectives. Having been restricted in its activities at home, the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) wants to use Burma and Laos as proxy suppliers of electricity via environmentally damaging river dams, the US-based NGO International Rivers told The Irrawaddy. EGAT is already funding a highly controversial hydropower dam on the Mekong River at Xayaburi in Laos, which is meeting opposition from downstream countries Cambodia and Vietnam, worried about fish losses, and now also Thai communities bordering the river. "The way this electricity giant is expanding to neighboring countries where there is oppression and limited transparency … shows us very clearly that [it] needs to be reined in and held accountable," said Pianporn Deetes, the Thailand coordinator for International Rivers. The warning comes as military tensions and some fighting has erupted in Karen State, through which the Salween River runs, between the Burma Army-backed Border Guard Force (BGF) and ethnic Karen rebels. The root cause of the fighting is the Naypyidaw government's bid to secure areas where several river dams are planned, said the chairman of the Karen National Defense Organization, Gen. Ner Dah, in a statement carried by Salween Watch, an international NGO campaigning to preserve the river. EGAT is the chief financier of the planned Hat Gyi dam, one of the biggest of several proposed along the Salween. Hat Gyi would have a generating capacity of 1,300 megawatts. This volume of new electricity should be a boon to Burma, whose overall national capacity is only about 4,500 megawatts. However, most of the power to be produced at Hat Gyi will be pumped to Thailand under the terms of the existing agreement. "What EGAT have done on the Salween is part of a general trend to push Thai power projects outside Thailand into neighboring countries, for they cannot easily do this inside Thailand due to strong resistance from Thai communities and civil society," a legal adviser for EarthRights International, Songkrant Pongboonjun, told The Irrawaddy this week. "Both the Xayaburi hydropower dam in Laos and the Hat Gyi dam in [Burma] are essentially Thai projects, since EGAT is a key stakeholder of both projects and most of the electricity from the projects will be sent to Thailand. "All they care is to invest in the area where they are met with least resistance," Songkrant said. Ner Dah said the Burmese Army is using BGF troops and also supporting them logistically to "clear the area so that they can start [the] dam project." "Karen civilians do not support [the hydropower project] because they feel they will not benefit," he said. EGAT is under pressure to find alternative sources of energy because the military-led government in Bangkok is concerned that the country has become too dependent on expensive natural gas. Gas fuels about 70 percent of Thailand's electricity generation and about 25 percent of this is imported from Burma. The level of imports will increase over the next two years as the Zawtika offshore field in the Gulf of Martaban operated by Thailand's state-owned PTT Exploration of Production reaches full output. More than 90 percent of electricity produced by the Xayaburi dam on the Mekong will be bought by EGAT, according to its agreement with the Lao government. The dam is scheduled to have a generating capacity of 1,280 megawatts. But opponents say the Xayaburi dam will disrupt water flows and the migration and breeding of fish, which hundreds of thousands of people depend upon for food. A study of business risks in Laos by British assessors Maplecroft spotlighted "pervasive corruption" within the political system and the economy. Although the environment was coming under growing pressure from natural resource exploitation—as is happening in Burma—there was also a "suppression of freedom of expression" in the country. "Laos performs poorly on most indicators regarding the protection of basic human and labor rights," Maplecroft said. But while little can be achieved in Laos to stop Xayaburi, an international coalition of opponents under the banner Save the Mekong is seeking an injunction in the Thai courts to suspend EGAT financing of the dam. The coalition alleges that EGAT failed to consult Thai communities along the Mekong and has ignored safety standards. In its most recent assessment, Salween Watch identified the Chinese state-owned Sinohydro Corporation in a partnership with EGAT that had been given renewed approval by Naypyidaw to proceed with the Hat Gyi dam. Dams on the Salween were first discussed at the end of the 1990s. "Very little information about the [Salween] projects has been disclosed to the public. Unrest in the ethnic states of Burma has also hampered independent efforts to gather information," Salween Watch said. Calls to EGAT in Bangkok by The Irrawaddy to clarify the state agency's current involvement on the Salween failed to obtain any answers. Calls were repeatedly lost during inter-office transfers. "The lawsuit filed against EGAT's involvement in purchasing electricity from the Xayaburi dam on the Mekong River in Laos demonstrates that EGAT cannot continue these actions without consequences," International Rivers' Pianporn told The Irrawaddy. "The company needs to examine its behavior as it might [soon] need to comply with Thai laws when operating abroad." The post Thai Power Firm's Business Tactics 'Use Burma's Weak Laws' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Posted: 28 Oct 2014 03:56 AM PDT Aung Kyaw Naing was a simple and honest person, his friends recalled at a small, quiet Buddhist religious gathering in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand. After the ceremony, Aung Kyaw Naing's daughter, Suu Pyi Naing, 23, who studied at Chiang Mai University, told me that her father and mother, Than Dar—herself a former political prisoner and activist—were about to reunite in Thailand after years apart. "But he can no longer come back to see us," she said. The family doesn't even know where his body is and so cannot hold a formal religious ceremony. The last time Suu Pyi Naing saw her father was in 2012 in Mae Sot. Better known as Par Gyi by his friends, Aung Kyaw Naing, 49, was shot dead while in custody of an unnamed military battalion in Mon State, according to a letter reportedly sent to the Interim Myanmar Press Council by an aide to Burma Army Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. Aung Kyaw Naing was a veteran political activist. His early activism began during the 1988 democracy uprising and he was one of the leading members of the National League for Democracy (youth wing). He was also part of the Tri-Color (Thone-Yaung-Chae) student organization and briefly served as a bodyguard for Aung San Suu Kyi. To escape the regime's crackdown on activists, he travelled to Mae Sot, a Thai-Burmese border town where ethnic rebels, activists, and politicians often sought refuge. Friends recalled him as a quiet person who devoted most of his time to political activism and the democracy movement. He was always happy to assist his fellow colleagues and never sought any credit. For Aung Kyaw Naing, Mae Sot was like a second home. He met former dissidents who set up offices there and learned about the lives of migrant workers, prostitutes and ethnic refugees who had fled Burma. Perhaps, like many of us, these experiences inspired him to pursue his future vocation: reporting. On Nov. 7, 2010, the same day the regime held shamelessly rigged elections—the first in two decades—10,000 refugees fled Burma as fighting between Karen and Burma Army forces broke out. Aung Kyaw Naing went to help refugees. Equipped with a camera that he had recently received from a friend in Japan, he also took photographs. It was the day he began his career as a freelance photographer and reporter. As the country was opening up in 2012, Aung Kyaw Naing was gathering information in conflict zones and sending photographs and news stories to be published in local papers in Rangoon. His pen name was Aung Gyi. When conflict flared up between the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) and the Burma Army in Karen and Mon States in September this year, Aung Kyaw Naing tried his luck again and travelled to the conflict zone. The situation was tense and many reporters were stopped, searched and interrogated. Irrawaddy reporters who travelled to the area were stopped and asked to erase the photographs they had taken. Than Dar spent years in prison for her political activism while Aung Kyaw Naing was living in Mae Sot and often crossing the border back into Burma to report. Last week, she was one of two Burmese women activists who, along with an advocacy group, received awards from the N-Peace Network in Bangkok. Before collecting the award, Than Dar was in Chiang Mai with her daughter waiting to see her husband. But he never showed up and she eventually called a press conference to bring attention to his disappearance. According to friends and relatives, Aung Kyaw Naing was possibly returning to the border to see his family, after taking photographs in the conflict zone, but was caught and arrested by police and soldiers. However, a statement sent to the Interim Press Council accused Aung Kyaw Naing of being a "communications captain" with the Klohtoobaw Karen Organization (KKO), the political wing of the DKBA. It also made the incredulous claim that Aung Kyaw Naing was shot because he had tried to seize a soldier's weapon. The unsigned statement was accompanied by a photograph of Aung Kyaw Naing allegedly sitting with other KKO members. It was published in the Voice Journal—once known to advocate the military regime's seven-step "roadmap to democracy." He was detained on Sept. 30 by the army's Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 208 in Mon State's Kyaikmayaw and had not been heard of since. LIB 208 is notorious in the area for carrying out the arrest and detention of many suspected rebels and some possible disappearances and extrajudicial killings. The army officers implicated in the killing of Aung Kyaw Naing evidently thought they would get away with it this time too. Aung Kyaw Naing was tall and well-built but it was believed that he was badly beaten and tortured in army detention. His wife reached out to him through opposition and official channels but was not allowed to see him. The first news that arrived in dissident circles indicated that he had been detained so some thought the army would eventually free him. Than Dar discovered that he had been badly tortured. Some sources close to the local police and army claimed that his physical condition was in such bad shape that there was no way he could have tried to escaped and seize a gun, as claimed in the army statement. Around the same time Aung Kyaw Naing was awaiting death in army detention, Burma's "reformist" President Thein Sein travelled to Europe to petition European leaders to stop submitting annual reports on the human rights situation in Burma. During the Asia-Europe Meeting in Milan, Italy, Thein Sein told European leaders that while Burma's transition to democracy was at a "delicate" stage "the government is committed to overcome the challenges and to continue the reform process without backtracking." Citing the creation of a National Human Rights Commission and the establishment of a reporting mechanism for human rights violations, the President's Office issued a statement saying that "considerable progress in human rights protection has been made in Myanmar but the international community has not recognized the progress enough." But on the ground, the situation looks markedly different to the government's rosy portrayal. Many activists feel that the space afforded to them a few years ago has shrunk and journalists covering conflict and hard hitting political stories are getting nervous. The media is coming under increasing pressure and the same people who have governed the country over past decades continue to run the show. Closer to the truth was a UN report on Burma released last week that suggested the government was showing signs of backsliding. Many in the human rights community would no doubt agree. In the report, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Yanghee Lee, called the arrest of journalists and protesting activists in Burma "troubling" and noted allegations of ongoing rights abuses in areas of ethnic conflict and "systematic discrimination" against Rohingya Muslims in western Arakan State. "The important transition and far-reaching reforms in Myanmar must be commended," the report states. "Yet, possible signs of backsliding should be addressed so as not to undermine the progress achieved." The death of an activist-turned-reporter, as well as increased government scrutiny of reporters and journalists, comes just weeks before US President Barack Obama's visit to Burma to attend the ASEAN Summit and the East Asia Summit. The West would like to see and hear a more positive spin on Burma ahead of Obama's visit, but the reality on the ground is not promising. In an attempt to keep the media onside, Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing recently met a group of editors and journalists who are part of the Interim Myanmar Press Council. The group was a mix of pro-regime figures with strong links to former regime leaders and a small number of independent-minded journalists. During the three-hour meeting, the group discussed the media's access to, and safety in, conflict areas. The commander-in-chief agreed to collaborate, but how? The killing of Aung Kyaw Naing is a stark reminder of the dangers that journalists continue to face in Burma and of the official attitudes that paint the press as a potential threat and thus help enable such abuses. On Oct. 27, the Director-General of UNESCO Irina Bokova urged Mexican authorities to investigate the recent killing of citizen journalist María del Rosario Fuentes Rubio and bring those responsible to justice. The international community, including Western leaders and UN agencies like UNESCO, should do the same for Aung Kyaw Naing. The post Death of an Activist-Reporter appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Red Panda Filmed in Burma for First Time Posted: 27 Oct 2014 11:44 PM PDT RANGOON — Fauna & Flora International (FFI) researchers announced that they have captured the first film footage of wild red pandas in Burma in the mountains of northeastern Kachin State. The red panda was first seen in northern Burma in 2009 and FFI said in a statement released on Monday that it had now shot footage of a pair of red pandas at Imaw Bum (Imaw Mountain) in the far northeast of Kachin State. The group said the area, which is part of the Eastern Himalayas, "seems to be a hot spot for red pandas." "The footage shows a pair of red pandas crawling slowly on a rocky landslide caused by Chinese logging up to the ruined forest to feed on bamboo leaves," the environmental group said. Saw Soe Aung, FFI's field biologist who shot the film, said, "When we encountered the two red pandas, we felt two emotions at the same time; incredibly happy for the direct sighting and for obtaining this first exciting footage, but terribly saddened seeing the state of their habitat and threats to the species' survival." The red panda is listed as vulnerable on the IUCN Red List, with fewer than 10,000 mature individuals estimated to survive in the wild in the temperate mountain forests of the Eastern Himalayas, which range from Western Nepal to China. The Himalayan forests of Kachin State and its wildlife, which includes other species such as the critically endangered Myanmar Snub-nosed Monkey, are under threat from poachers and illegal logging by local loggers and Chinese companies that are supplying high grade timber to traders across the border in nearby China. In April, FFI announced that it was working with Burma's Forest Department to create a new national park named Imaw Bum in Hsalaw Township in order to protect the unique mountain forest and its wild life. "We hope that the national park designation, combined with Myanmar's recent raw log export ban, will encourage the Chinese government to stop loggers venturing into Myanmar," said Frank Momberg, FFI's country director for Burma. The planned park area is under control of a pro-government militia called the National Democratic Army of Kachin, according to FFI, which has said that the area is not directly impacted by the ongoing Kachin Independence Army insurgency, although the rebels control an area south of the park. The post Red Panda Filmed in Burma for First Time appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Indian Tribes People Duped Into Leaving Forest Homes for Tigers: Rights Group Posted: 27 Oct 2014 09:54 PM PDT BHUBANESWAR, India — Hundreds of tribal people in eastern India have been duped out of their ancestral forest homes by authorities in a bid to conserve the country's endangered tiger population, the rights group Survival International said on Monday. Ninety-four families, mostly from the Khadia and Ho tribes, have been relocated from their homes deep inside the Similipal Tiger Reserve in Odisha state, and another 124 families are due to be resettled in the coming months. The London-based charity said there was no evidence that tribes people were causing harm to wildlife, and said many of them desperately wanted to stay in the reserve's forests where their families have lived for generations. Members of the Munda tribe living in what is designated as a "core area" of the reserve met with officials from India's Forest Department in September, Survival International said, having received assurances their rights would be respected. "But the villagers reported to Survival International … that they felt 'threatened' and 'cheated' into signing an eviction document drawn up by the foresters," the group said, adding that many tribes people did not understand the document, as it was in the Oriya language, which they could not read. The statement added that some 32 families from the Khadia tribe who were relocated in December 2013 did not have proper housing or access to forest produce, which they rely on for their livelihoods, and were instead dependent on government handouts. Local authorities denied the accusation, saying resettlement had been voluntary and that land, financial compensation and other benefits have been provided to affected communities in the reserve, which is home to 25 tigers. "The allegation is absolutely false. Nobody can evict people forcibly. We have offered compensation and a host of facilities. People are coming on their own to our office and expressing their willingness to be relocated," Anup Nayak, director of Similipal Tiger Reserve, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "For the conservation of tigers, the core area is to be inviolate. The core area is absolutely necessary for wildlife and for the survival of tigers." Despite a slew of "pro-poor" policies, India's economic boom has largely bypassed India's tribes, who make up more than 8 percent of its 1.2 billion population, living in remote villages and eking out a living from farming, cattle rearing and collecting and selling fruit and leaves from the forests. Levels of literacy among tribal people are among the lowest in the country, and rates of child malnutrition and maternal mortality among the highest. Neglect by the authorities and a Maoist insurgency in the country's central tribal belt have exacerbated their plight. The Forest Rights Act, a law aimed at recognizing the right of indigenous tribes to inhabit the forests where their forefathers settled centuries earlier, was enacted in 2008. But some environmentalists fear it is hindering efforts to stop big cat poaching. India is home to half the world's surviving tigers, with 1,706 living in the wild, compared to 100,000 at the beginning of the 20th century, according to a 2011 census. Experts say the country is losing the battle to save the big cats, citing poaching in its 28 tiger reserves as one of the main causes. The post Indian Tribes People Duped Into Leaving Forest Homes for Tigers: Rights Group appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
Party is Over on Thai Islands Though Full Moon Bash Avoids Ban Posted: 27 Oct 2014 09:37 PM PDT BANGKOK — Thai authorities have banned beach parties on some holiday islands to stop gatherings that can get out of control and lead to violence after the murder of two British backpackers last month, an official said on Monday. The bodies of Britons Hannah Witheridge, 23, and David Miller, 24, were discovered on a beach on the tourist island of Koh Tao, or Turtle Island, on Sept. 15. Two male migrants from Burma have been arrested and charged with the murders. Chatpong Chatputhi, governor of Surat Thani province which includes Koh Tao, said all beach parties would be banned with the exception of a Full Moon Party on Phangan island, following negative publicity after the murders. "We've reached a point where we need to clean up the image of tourism in the province including beach parties that can get out of control and lead to violence," Chatpong told Reuters. "This is aimed at tourists' safety. Sometimes these parties are held at secluded locations that are difficult to reach and where we cannot offer adequate protection." The ban on parties covers all islands in the province which, as well as Koh Tao and Koh Phangan, includes Koh Samui. Chatpong said authorities on the islands were taking down posters advertising parties. "Some people who come to the islands want peace and quiet but there are all sorts of parties," he said. "This is also because of the killings on Koh Tao… It's time to put things in order." Police say Witheridge and Miller had been out drinking and went to a secluded stretch of beach where they were killed. Their murders have dented Thailand's tourism industry, which accounts for nearly 10 percent of gross domestic product, at a time when the sector is struggling to recover from months of political unrest and a May 22 coup. The police investigation has been tainted by suspicion the two migrant suspects may have been tortured during interrogation. Thailand's human rights commission has opened an inquiry into allegations of police torture. But the Full Moon Party that attracts thousands of young foreigners every month, as well as its share of bad publicity, had dodged the ban as it was well organized, Chatpong said. The post Party is Over on Thai Islands Though Full Moon Bash Avoids Ban appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
China, Vietnam Say They Want Lasting Solution to Sea Dispute Posted: 27 Oct 2014 09:32 PM PDT HANOI/BEIJING — China and Vietnam agreed on Monday to use an existing border dispute mechanism to find a solution to a territorial dispute in the South China Sea, saying they did not want it to affect relations. The two countries have sought to patch up ties since their long-running row erupted in May, triggered by China’s deployment a drilling rig in waters claimed by the communist neighbors, which lead to confrontation at sea between rival vessels and violent anti-Chinese protests in Vietnam. After a meeting between China’s top diplomat, State Councilor Yang Jiechi, and Vietnam Foreign Minister Pham Binh Minh in Hanoi, China’s foreign ministry said they had agreed to "appropriately handle the maritime problem". The two exchanged smiles and warm handshakes in contrast to Yang’s last visit in June, which ended in acrimony with Yang accusing Vietnam of "hyping up" their dispute, which was the worst breakdowns in their relations since a brief border war in 1979. The rapprochement began in late August, a few weeks after Vietnam started courting other countries embroiled in maritime rows with China, including the Philippines and China’s biggest investor, Japan, which will provide boats and radar equipment to Vietnam’s coastguard. Most significant for Vietnam has been improvements in its defense ties with former foe the United States, including an Oct. 2 U.S. decision to start easing a three-decade arms embargo, which would strengthen Vietnam’s coastguard capability and in future lead to weapons sales, ships and airborne systems. China and Vietnam would "properly use a border negotiation mechanism between the two governments to seek a basic, lasting resolution both sides can accept", the Chinese foreign ministry said. 'Crucial Stage' They also agreed to "manage and control maritime disputes, not take any acts to complicate or expand the disagreement". "At present, Sino-Vietnam relations are at a crucial stage of improvement and development," the ministry cited Yang, who outranks the foreign minister, as saying. The Chinese statement made no mention of the $1 billion rig, Haiyang Shiyou 981, which China moved out of the contested waters on July 15, saying its activities were complete. Last week, Chinese and Vietnamese leaders met on the sidelines of an Asia-Europe summit in Italy and agreed to "address and control" maritime disputes. Communist parties rule both countries and their trade has swelled to $50 billion annually, but Vietnam has long been suspicious of its giant neighbor, especially over China’s claims to almost the entire South China Sea. A warming of ties would be favorable to Vietnam’s leadership, which found itself in a tricky spot domestically, needing to contain simmering anti-China sentiment over perceived bullying while not provoking a neighbor crucial to its far smaller economy. Analysts say the issue is likely to have been a hot debate within Vietnam’s secretive Communist party, where members are believed to have mixed opinions about ties with China. Vietnam’s Foreign Ministry said it was important for both sides to "seriously" and "urgently" fulfil their commitments. "Vietnam-China relations developing healthily and stably is suitable with the desire and fundamental interests of the two countries, benefiting peace, stability and development," it said in a statement. "Both sides will together make an effort to seriously implement the agreements." The Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan also have claims to parts of the potentially energy-rich waters, and China has looked on with suspicion at what it sees as U.S. moves to "provoke" tension by supporting its regional allies, such as the notably the Philippines, as well as Vietnam. The post China, Vietnam Say They Want Lasting Solution to Sea Dispute appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
‘Our Standpoint Is Cooperation’ Posted: 27 Oct 2014 05:00 PM PDT Efforts to sign a nationwide ceasefire appear to have stalled in recent months, despite several meeting between ethnic leaders and the government, raising concerns about Burma's peace process prospects. Divisions are also emerging among ethnic rebels. In late August, the Karen National Union (KNU) suspended its membership in the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 12 ethnic armed groups. Meanwhile, the possible formation of a united Karen force, the Kawthoolei Armed Forces (KAF), has sparked internal tensions among Karen armed factions. Kwel Htoo Win, general secretary of the KNU as well as the secretary of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), recently spoke with The Irrawaddy about the KNU's views on the KAF, the ceasefire process and Karen unity. Question: What is the KNU's take on the formation of the Kawthoolei Armed Forces (KAF) as a united Karen force? Answer: We started discussing how to build unity among all Karen forces at the 15th congress [in November 2012]. We then formed the Karen Forces Unity Committee to adopt and implement the policies concerned. Our chief of staff chairs the committee, which is formed of stakeholders from Karen forces. The committee is set to meet every three months and has met leaders and devised plans to address internal conflicts and eliminate drugs. Then joint committees were formed and were joined by Border Guard Force (BGF) and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) representatives. We have thought of building unity among Karen forces in principle but have not yet thought about detailed plans to form a united armed force. We have yet to progress toward forming such a force. Q: What does the KNU think about its membership in the UNFC? A: We have just suspended our membership in the UNFC. We'll discuss carefully about the standpoint and organizational structure of the UNFC at our central executive committee meeting this month. Then we'll decide whether or not to continue our membership in the UNFC. Q: For what reason has the KNU suspended its membership in the UNFC? Is it true that there has since been a row within the KNU leadership over the issue? A: There is no row. We, the KNU, have had freedom of expression from the very beginning. The KNU is built on the consensus of all members. We have suspended our membership in the UNFC just to review. Q: National unity has been questioned after the KNU suspended its membership in the UNFC. What would you like to say about it? A: It [the KNU's decision to suspend its membership] does not put national unity in harm's way. We have always tried to strengthen national unity. We will not let it break up and won't break it up either. Q: What would you like to say about renewed fighting on Karen soil? A: It is the result of misunderstandings between soldiers at lower levels on both sides. Meanwhile, the fact that there is no clear designation of areas [controlled by] government troops and areas for ethnic armed groups makes it difficult to avoid engagement. What I am sure about, is that no armed group is fighting as a matter of policy. The fighting is the result of misunderstandings between both sides at the lower level. There is still no code of conduct formulated for the lower-level [soldiers] to follow. Q: The KNU has said it represents the entire Karen people and also has a very close relationship with the government? Would you make the standpoint of the KNU clear? A: We have fought with the government for almost six decades. What we demand is a ceasefire and political dialogue. Political issues can't be solved militarily. Fighting will lead to nothing unless the fundamental problem is resolved. We signed a truce with the government in 2012 and have been working toward a political dialogue. Each ethnic armed group has its own standpoint. It is said we are close to the government. In fact, we are cooperating with the government to be able to sign the nationwide ceasefire deal. We are also cooperating with ethnic armed groups. Q: The KNU has met both with the president and the military's Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. What is the KNU's view on the army chief's role in the ongoing peace process? Some suggest that fighting is being prolonged because of his hard-line attitude. A: No doubt, it takes two to fight a battle. But some [clashes] are not intentional, just accidental. While the ceasefire is still under negotiation, there is no clear designation of areas for both forces. Under these circumstances, government troops enter the region of ethnic armed groups while patrolling for security. Ethnic groups shoot at them to defend themselves. Again, it is also attributable to the attitude of the commanders on the ground. Fighting is inevitable if there is no understanding. Some engagement happens because of emotion. Some can't control their emotions. Fighting is partly attributable to individuals. Q: Is the commander-in-chief a hardliner? A: Personally, I think he wants peace too. Q: What do you think about the involvement of the government and the military in the ceasefire process? A: It is important that the military plays a role in the peace process. They have made pledges and so have we. There has been certain progress. The most important thing is to have understanding. If there is understanding, we will be able to make it. Q: It is said that the military is making a U-turn in ongoing negotiations. What would you like to say about it? A: My view is they are making sure of [certain] pledges. They are reviewing our demands at present [which] I see as a positive sign. Q: The KNU once took up arms to defend its own beliefs and was described as hardline. Now, it is trying to achieve peace through negotiation. By which means exactly does the KNU wish to make peace now? A: We took up arms for more than six decades for nationalism. But, we could not annihilate each other. It is the people who were hit hardest by the fighting. Now, we wish to bury the hatchet and make peace with our foe. Fighting has only led to hatred and the suffering of the people. Therefore, we choose to negotiate because we finally realize that finding the solution peacefully is best after years of fighting. The post 'Our Standpoint Is Cooperation' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
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