Thursday, November 20, 2014

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Burma Army Says Deadly Shelling of Rebels Was ‘Unintentional’

Posted: 20 Nov 2014 05:11 AM PST

Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army, pictured, and the Burma Army peaked in early 2013 around Laiza in Kachin State. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army, pictured, and the Burma Army peaked in early 2013 around Laiza in Kachin State. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

MYITKYINA, Kachin State — The Burma Army announced that yesterday's deadly shelling of a rebel military academy was "unintentional," speaking to reporters in Kachin State capital Myitkyina on Thursday.

Col. Than Aung, Minister of Border Security in Kachin State, said the Burma Army launched the artillery to "send a warning" after the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) allegedly attacked government troops while they were building a road near Mansi, which is about 70km south of where the shelling occurred.

The official said the Burma Army was unaware that officer training was in session at the academy and that the site was not their intended target.

"We feel very sorry for this loss of life, and we hope the peace process will not be affected," he said.

La Nan, spokesperson for the KIA, denied the official's claim that Kachin troops had attacked Burmese soldiers, adding that the Burma Army had not informed Kachin officials of the road construction.

"They are lying," said La Nan.

Burmese troops launched several artillery missiles onto a military training academy near the KIA headquarters in Laiza shortly after noon on Wednesday. Twenty cadets were killed in the initial blast and three more have since succumbed to injuries. An additional 20 cadets are being treated for injuries in Laiza General Hospital.

The incident is believed to be the most deadly attack on Kachin troops since a 17-year ceasefire with the government broke down in mid-2011.

Wednesday's attack, which La Nan referred to as "an ambush," sent shockwaves through Burma's ethnic communities, especially among their leadership. Local media reported that the government recently reaffirmed its commitment to securing a nationwide ceasefire agreement by the end of this year, though observers have questioned their confidence.

The KIA is one of only a few major ethnic armed groups that has not secured a bilateral ceasefire with the Burmese government. The KIO is currently engaged in peace negotiations with the government and is represented on the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), a 16-member ethnic bloc working toward a nationwide agreement.

Other members of the NCCT, most notably the group's Vice Chairman Nai Hong Sar, have expressed concern that Wednesday's attack "could greatly ruin trust-building" during an already fraught moment in the peace process.

Khun Oo Reh, General Secretary of the United Nationalities Federal Council—the nation's most recent permutation of an ethnic coalition—refuted the military's statement. Khun Oo Reh insisted that the act was "deliberate" and questioned why the government would undertake such a deadly attack just a week after global leaders wrapped up their visits to Burma, and days after announcing that constitutional amendment would not be implemented until after elections in late 2015.

"We believe that the attack was deliberate, and we wonder why they did it at this time," said Khun Oo Reh, adding that the incident could become a serious obstacle on the course to securing lasting peace. "It is inappropriate to allow such a thing to happen while we are building trust."

The post Burma Army Says Deadly Shelling of Rebels Was 'Unintentional' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Chronology of the Kachin Conflict

Posted: 20 Nov 2014 04:21 AM PST

Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army, pictured, and the Burma Army peaked in late 2012 and early 2013 around Laiza in Kachin State. (Photos: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army, pictured, and the Burma Army peaked in late 2012 and early 2013 around Laiza in Kachin State. (Photos: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has been at various points of engagement with the Burmese army since 1961 when the Kachins first demanded independence. Later, it called for Kachin autonomy within a federal system—another aspiration which was never fulfilled. In 1994, it reached a ceasefire agreement with the ruling military leaders, this time with a call for no more than development in their region.

Since then, the mountainous terrain of Kachin State has seen much development, including the development of controversial Chinese mega-project investments, such as the Myitsone dam, as well as rampant logging and destructive jade-mining operations.

These projects, which right groups say will extract an enormous social and environmental price from the region, have generated much animosity in KIA circles and among the Kachin public. KIA officials said they were never consulted about these projects, but have instead experienced Burmese military encroachment into their area.

After the KIA rejected a 2010 government order to transform into a border guard force under the central command of the Burma Army, tension began building. Nerves finally snapped on June 9 when fierce and bloody fighting broke out between the KIA and Burmese government forces.

More than 100,000 civilians, mostly ethnic Kachin, Shan and Lisu, are displaced in the months following the outbreak of the conflict.

Fighting peaked in late 2012 and early 2013, with the Burma Army carrying out air strikes against the lightly-armed rebels. In February 2013, fighting slowly quieted down as the KIA and the government began ceasefire negotiations that thus far have failed to produce an agreement.

Timeline of the Kachin conflict:

February 1947—Kachin leaders signed the Panglong Agreement with the Burmese government, which laid the foundation for the creation of a fully autonomous Kachin State.

February 1949—Naw Seng, a Kachin military officer in the Burmese army, defected to the Karen rebels along with his battalion. He then led the first Kachin rebel army in the fight for Kachin independence.

February 1961—Parliament under then Burmese Prime Minister U Nu declared Buddhism as the state religion, infuriating the mostly Christian Kachin population.

February 1961—A group of educated young Kachin men founded the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and pledged to fight for a free Kachin republic. Intense fighting with the Burmese army ensued.

August 1963—Burmese Gen Ne Win, who came to power after staging a military coup, held peace talks with ethnic armed forces, including the Kachin. However, negotiations broke down after the ethnic representatives rejected Ne Win’s demands, which included a condition that their armed forces must be concentrated in designated zones and their activities must be disclosed to his regime.

October 1980—Brang Seng, the chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the KIA’s political wing, went to Rangoon and met with Ne Win for peace talks. He asked the Burmese government for Kachin State autonomy with self-determination.

December 1980—The Burmese government rejected the KIO’s demand for the inclusion of autonomous rights in the Constitution, saying the demands had not been accepted "by a vote of the people." Peace efforts broke down and fighting resumed.

July 1993—KIO delegates negotiated with Burmese military leaders over a ceasefire in KIA-controlled areas in Kachin State and Shan State. The KIO’s major demand was regional development.

February 1994—The KIO signed a ceasefire agreement with the ruling military regime of the State Law and Order Restoration Council.

September 2010—The KIO formally rejected the Burmese government’s plan to accept the Border Guard Force plan which would subjugate the KIA under Burmese military command. The KIO called for the emergence of a genuine federal state. Naypyidaw subsequently forced the closure of KIA liaison offices in Kachin State.

September 2010—Burma’s Election Commission rejected the registration of three Kachin political parties from running in the country’s first national elections in 20 years, saying the party leaders were linked with the KIA.

May 2011—The KIO sent a letter to the Chinese government to withdraw its investment from a massive hydropower dam project in Kachin State, warning that local resentment against this project could spark a civil war.

June 9, 2011— Fighting erupted between KIO and Burma Army troops on, when government forces broke the ceasefire and attacked KIA positions along the Taping river east of Bhamo, Kachin State, near the Ta-pein hydropower plant.

September 15, 16 2011—The KIA clashed with troops from Infantry Battalion 37 and Light Infantry Battalion 438 in Winemaw Township. The fighting left two KIA soldiers dead and three others injured, there were no casualty figures for the Burmese side, but KIA troops who seized weapons after the attack said they saw around six dead bodies.

September 30, 2011—President Thein Sein informs Parliament that the Myitsone dam project is suspended for the duration of his government because of widespread public opposition to the Chinese project. Weeks before, the KIA had blown up two key access bridges to the project site, effectively bringing it to a halt.

December 10, 2011—President Thein Sein announced that he had instructed the Burma Army on December 10 to cease its offensive against the KIA and only act in self-defense.

December 15, 2011—Burma’s army begins us using helicopters to move troops around, according to Kachin sources.

May 3, 2012—Amid escalating tensions in northernmost Burma, a government helicopter carrying weapons, ammunition and food to frontline troops reportedly started shelling several bases of the KIO.

August 2012—KIO reported several clashes with Burma Army troops in Hpakant, Kachin State. The clashes reportedly drove people from more than 20 villages to take shelter in 23 churches, monasteries and relief centers in the town of Hpakant, sources say. Local residents estimate the number of refugees at around 6,000.

September 14, 2012—A schoolgirl was killed and at least five other children were injured by a stray artillery shell when two Burmese army units mistakenly exchanged fire with each other for nearly three hours on Thursday near the Kachin State jade mining town of Hpakant, according to local sources.

October 17, 2012—Two Kachin civilians were killed and another three were wounded by 81mm mortar shells when Burmese government troops based in Hpakant Township attacked the village of Maw Mau Bum with artillery fire earlier this week, according to Kachin sources.

December 9-10, 2012—Scores of Burmese soldiers were injured or killed during fighting in different places controlled by KIA Brigades 1, 2 and 5.

December 28, 2012— Five jet fighters and two helicopters gunships have launched heavy attacks against the KIA outposts in Lajayang region, about 11 kilometers from Laiza.

January 2, 2013—The Burmese government confirmed that it carried out airstrikes a few days earlier against the ethnic rebels in northern Kachin, in response to attacks by the KIA.

January 13, 2013—Without warning, the Burma Army fires artillery shells into the civilian neighborhoods of Laiza, killing three civilians and injuring four.

January 18, 2013—Immediately prior to the first international donors conference in Burma, President Thein Sein announced a unilateral ceasefire in the war between the army and the KIA, but heavy government attacks on KIA positions continue regardless.

February 4, 2013—Burmese government and the KIA meet in Ruili, China and agreed to reduce military tension in Kachin State and hold further peace talks later. The event marks the beginning of a significant reduction in fighting.

May 30, 2013—Burmese government and KIA hold another meeting and say agreement are reached, but no ceasefire is signed.

June 24, 2013—Fresh hostilities between the government and ethnic Kachin rebels break out in the Mai Ja Yang region of Kachin State, the latest of more than 20 such flare ups between the two parties since peace talks concluded late last month.

August 17, 2013—Clashes reportedly occurred between the government-backed Kachin Border Guard Force and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State.

November 18, 2013 — Fighting between the Burma Army and the KIA breaks out in southern Kachin State's Mansi Township, where fresh clashes displace about 2,000 villagers, according to Kachin aid groups.

February 13, 2014—Government troops held an operation that killed several Kachin troops and seized a KIA outpost near rebel headquarters in northern Burma.

April 21, 2014 — A week of fighting between KIA forces and the Burmese Army troops has left more than 5,000 people displaced in eastern Kachin and neighboring Shan states, according to an aid group.

April 28, 2014—The Kachin Independence Organization sent a letter to the Burmese government requesting a meeting on May 10 in order to lessen tensions between the sides.

May 13, 2014— The Kachin Independence Organization and the Burmese government have agree to set up a peace monitoring commission during a ceasefire meeting in Myitkyina, Kachin State, but no ceasefire agreement is reached.

June 15, 2014—Fighting between the Burma Army and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), a KIA ally, intensifies in northern Shan State and hundreds of Palaung civilians are forced to flee. In the months before, the KIA and TNLA have increasingly working together, broadening their cooperation in northern Shan State, including with Shan State Army-North and an ethnic Kokang rebels.

June 26, 2014—Intense fighting between the Burmese military and the KIA has reportedly killed at least four government soldiers this week, Kachin rebel sources say.

July 18, 2014—The TNLA, a KIA ally, announce they have killed 178 Burma army soldiers in 2014 alone during escalation in northern Shan State, which is also home to Kachin minority villagers.

October 15, 2014—The Burma Army orders more than 1,000 civilians near the jade-mining town of Hpakant to vacate the area because growing tensions with the KIA.

November 16, 2014—Troops from the KIA clash with Burma army forces on in eastern Kachin state.

November 19, 2014—The Burma Army fires artillery shells into a KIA training ground during the midst day, instantly killing 22 KIA cadets and injuring 15 others who were attending training at Hka Bhum base.

(Research by Ba Khaung, Thet Ko Ko and Paul Vrieze) 

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Thai Army to Observe Burma Ceasefire Meetings in Thailand

Posted: 20 Nov 2014 03:37 AM PST

NCCT committee members Pado Kwe Htoo Win, Nai Hong Sar and Gen. Gun Maw (from left to right) at a meeting in Chiang Mai in April 2014. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

NCCT committee members Pado Kwe Htoo Win, Nai Hong Sar and Gen. Gun Maw (from left to right) at a meeting in Chiang Mai in April 2014. (Photo: Kyaw Kha / The Irrawaddy)

CHAING MAI, Thailand — The Thai army has asked Burma's ethnic armed groups to inform authorities of any ceasefire meetings held in Thailand so that the Thai army can observe the discussions, according to ethnic representatives.

Khu Oo Reh, general secretary of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), said ethnic organizations had been informed in recent days that they are to notify respective local Thai army commanders about their planned meetings, workshops and training events.

"They said they want to follow and be aware of news on Burma's peace process, which we are working on. They want to study it closely. So, we are supposed to inform them officially. But, they will make their own decision whether to attend and observe our activities," he told The Irrawaddy.

Khu Oo Reh said the UNFC, an alliance of 12 ethnic groups, did not object to the request.

Thai intelligence officers have long observed the ethnic groups' meetings on Thai soil, although they are not allowed to attend the events.

Nai Hong Sar, the head of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which conducts ceasefire negotiations with the Burmese government and represents 16 ethnic groups, said the Thai military government that came to power in a May 22 coup has shown a greater interest in Burma's peace process.

Nai Hong Sar said the NCCT and the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee, led by Minister Aung Min, plan to hold a meeting in Chiang Mai in the coming weeks to discuss the stalled negotiations over a nationwide ceasefire.

The Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) reported that Lt-Gen Sathit Pittrat, the commander of the Thai Third Regional Army, which oversees security along the Thai-Burmese border, had recently given the order for Thai officers to observe the ceasefire meetings.

SHAN quoted an unnamed Thai army officer as saying that ethnic groups would now "be required to give a written notice [of meetings] and allow one or two of our officials as observers. We will be happy to accommodate the peace process. Burma's peace is in our interests."

The officer added that the ethnic armed groups should be aware of the fact that Thailand and Burma agreed to "cooperate closely against drug trafficking and arms smuggling" along the border.

Ethnic armed groups, many of which have bases near the Thai-Burma border, have long held gatherings in Thailand, often meeting in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai in northern Thailand, or in Mae Sot, located across the border from Burma's Karen State.

Since nationwide ceasefire negotiations began in mid-2013, the ethnic groups have regularly met in Chiang Mai with Burmese government officials.

Numerous ethnic NGOs and Burmese human rights groups have also long based themselves in the Thai border regions during the decades of repression under the former Burmese junta.

Contacted staff of several ethnic NGOs in Thailand said they had so far not been approached by the Thai army with requests regarding their meetings and events.

The Thai military regime has been quick to reach out to the Burmese government and has said it wants to boost security and economic cooperation with Burma. It has also indicated that it is keen to see the repatriation of the roughly 100,000 Burmese refugees living on the Thai-Burma border in coming years, a plan that is contingent on the success of the peace process.

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United Wa State Army Denies Anti-Aircraft Purchase

Posted: 20 Nov 2014 03:31 AM PST

The United Wa State Army on parade. (Photo: SYCB)

The United Wa State Army on parade. (Photo: SYCB)

RANGOON — Burma’s largest ethnic armed group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), has denied reports that it recently acquired a "large number" of Chinese-manufactured anti-aircraft weapons.

A Nov. 18 report by Jane's Defence Weekly stated that the UWSA had come into possession of the third-generation FN-6 shoulder-mounted surface-to-air missile launchers.

"We are not people who wanted to go to war," Aung Myint, a UWSA spokesperson told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. "But, this foreign media has reported several times about we bought anti-aircraft weapons and even that we bought aircraft. And so, many people in our country have exaggerated about our people, and say we are people who wanted to go war. Because of this, we have a big name in the country.”

“They [foreign media] need to make sure what we have when they report about it. Of course, we bought aircraft—and two submarines. But there are no engines inside them. We put those machines beside the road to grow gardens in them,” he said.

Aung Myint's comments refer to the UWSA's earlier denials about the extent of its military hardware.

In April 2013, Jane's Information Group reported that the Burmese government and ethnic minority sources believed China had sold helicopter gunships to Wa rebels, a claim promptly denied by the UWSA and Beijing.

The following month, Burma's state-run Myanma Ahlin newspaper revealed that the UWSA had purchased an unspecified "water craft", a Fokker aircraft and a helicopter—all engineless—for the ostensible purpose of placing them in a Shan State national park to "raise general knowledge among local people."

Despite the denials, in August 2013 an ethnic Kachin military leader reported seeing two helicopters at a UWSA base near the army's headquarters in the Shan State town of Pangshang, a claim corroborated by several other sources and leaked documents. Aung Myint told media at the time that the claim was groundless, as no one in the UWSA was capable of flying a helicopter.

In February of this year, however, a senior officer of the Karen National Liberation Army told The Irrawaddy after a visit to Pangshang that UWSA officials had informed him of the selection of 30 soldiers to receive pilot training in China.

The UWSA remained steadfast in their denial of the Jane's Defence Weekly report on Thursday.

“Some people talked about us, saying that we bought the best anti-aircraft weapons from China," Aung Myint said. "But, if we bought it, where do we use it and for what? It is very surprising to hear the report from foreign media, but I have nothing to say. We have heard about aircraft, which fly in the sky, but we have not considered how to use them and get them to fly."

The Jane's Defence Weekly report was based on a "reliable military source in northeastern Shan State," according to the publication.

The FN-6 surface-to-air missile launcher is effective at ranges of up to 3,500 metres (11,500 feet) and is primarily used against helicopters. According to Jane's, the HN-6 constitutes a "significant improvement over the first-generation Chinese HN-5," a weapon it says the UWSA has fielded since 2001.

The UWSA is the largest ethnic armed group in Burma, with an estimated 20,000 well-equipped fighters and an extensive cache of advanced weaponry. The group renewed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in 2012, after rejecting a proposal to serve as a border guard force under the command of the Burmese military.

The UWSA has asked the Burmese government several times to establish a Wa State out of a swathe of territory in north-eastern Shan State with a predominantly Wa population.

Currently, the military-backed 2008 Constitution allows the Wa to operate an autonomous zone comprising six townships between the Salween River and the Chinese border, substantially smaller than the proposed Wa State and the UWSA's actual field of operations.

Additional reporting by Sean Gleeson.

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Child Rights in Burma Spotlighted on World Children’s Day

Posted: 20 Nov 2014 03:25 AM PST

Children participate in an event in Rangoon to celebrate World Children's Day on Thursday. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Children participate in an event in Rangoon to celebrate World Children's Day on Thursday. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — More than 200 civil society organizations sent an open letter to Burma's President Thein Sein on Thursday, calling on the government to promote child rights and draw up effective laws to protect the country's youth from abuses.

Aung Myo Min, executive director of Equality Myanmar, said the letter was sent to coincide with the 25th anniversary of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), with 234 civil society organizations both foreign and local signing on.

"Burma was one of the countries that signed the CRC but the government's performance on child rights has been weak. So we, civil society, want to remind the government about their promises regarding the convention," he said.

In the letter, the civil society groups said child labor issues, sexual violence, human trafficking and humanitarian conditions at camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) were among the most acute problems facing children in Burma.

"We have noticed that the sexual violence against children is severely rising," said the civil society coalition, listing 11 requests in the letter including more government spending on education, health care and social welfare for children; legislative protections for violence against children including child soldiers; and encouraging a more inclusive education for all, including those with disabilities, as part of an overall effort to promote child rights.

"Some disagree about prioritizing child rights, but child rights abuses are problems that we need to solve immediately," Aung Myo Min said.

Burma signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991. While some progress has been made under the reformist government that took power in 2011, child soldiers remain within the ranks of the military and child laborers are still a common sight on the streets of Rangoon and among the country's largely agrarian populations.

In Rangoon and Mandalay, celebrations to mark the 25th anniversary of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and World Children's Day were held.

Around 20 civil society organizations in Rangoon held an event to mark World Children's Day at the National Races Village on Thursday. More than 500 children joined the event, which included discussions by children on child rights issues, as well as youth performances and games.

"We reduced the adults' participation in today's event. We mainly targeted children's participation and arranged things based on the children's decisions," said Aung Myo Min.

He said the aim of the celebration was to raise awareness among parents and the broader public about child rights, and to encourage children to express their feelings. Organizers also hoped the event would encourage greater government attention to child rights issues.

In Mandalay, more than 1,000 children celebrated four days earlier on Sunday.

"We targeted street children, orphans, and children from philanthropic and monastic schools and the disabled, because they face discrimination more than other children and we wanted them to be happy at the event," said Naing Naing from the Mandalay branch of Equality Myanmar.

He added that the government should implement the commitments laid out in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child as soon as possible.

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Thai Fishermen Convert Boats to Cash in on Rohingya Smuggling

Posted: 20 Nov 2014 01:56 AM PST

A Thai fishing boat plies the invisible maritime border between Thailand and Burma, with the hills of Burma visible in the background, on Nov. 1, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

A Thai fishing boat plies the invisible maritime border between Thailand and Burma, with the hills of Burma visible in the background, on Nov. 1, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

RANONG, Thailand — The smuggling of Rohingya Muslims fleeing persecution in Burma is so lucrative that Thai fishermen are converting their boats to carry humans, police and officials in southern Thailand said.

In recent weeks, thousands of Rohingya, a mostly stateless people, have sailed across the Bay of Bengal to the west coast of Thailand, from where human-smugglers deliver them to neighboring Malaysia, a Muslim-majority country where they can find jobs.

Some boat operators in Ranong province, which has a large fishing industry, were adapting to profit from the exodus, said Sanya Prakobphol, chief of police in Kapoe district.

"The fishing business isn't so good so the fishermen make their boats people-carrying boats," Sanya told Reuters. "Some converted Ranong boats can carry up to 1,000 people."

Boat operators can earn up to 10,000 baht (US$300) per person by ferrying illegal migrants from Burma to Thailand, he added.

The Royal Thai Navy told Reuters last month that most smuggling and trafficking ships plying the Bay of Bengal were from Thailand. The navy also said it had increased patrols.

According to the Arakan Project, which plots migration across the Bay of Bengal, about 100,000 Rohingya have left Arakan State since 2012. Violent clashes with ethnic Arakanese Buddhists that year killed hundreds and left 140,000 homeless, most of them Rohingya.

Ranong's provincial capital, which goes by the same name, is a port city just 40 minutes by boat from Burma. Migrants have historically formed the backbone of its seafood industry.

Hanif, who uses only one name, said he had helped a fellow Ranong fisherman strip the interior of a boat to hold people.

"He is getting very rich," said Hanif as he sorted shimmering piles of ribbon fish and mackerel. "He wanted to make as much room as possible to carry more in one trip."

Many locals saw nothing wrong with transporting boat people, said Manit Pianthong, chief of Takua Pa district in neighboring Phang Nga province.

"Villagers and fisherman have been living with migrants coming in and out of Thailand for more than 30 years because of our proximity to Myanmar," he said.

"That's why we need to educate them slowly and show them that this is wrong."

Thailand is the world's third-largest exporter of seafood. It is also one of the worst centers for human-trafficking, according to the US State Department, which in June downgraded Thailand to its lowest ranking for "not making significant efforts" to tackle the crime.

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The Lady’s Legal Hurdles

Posted: 19 Nov 2014 11:43 PM PST

India Hands Dossier to Bangladesh on Terror Plots

Posted: 19 Nov 2014 09:27 PM PST

Female personnel of India's Border Security Force patrol along the fencing of the India-Bangladesh international border ahead of India's Independence Day celebrations, at Dhanpur village in Tripura

Female personnel of India’s Border Security Force (BSF) patrol along the fencing of the India-Bangladesh international border ahead of India’s Independence Day celebrations, at Dhanpur village in India’s northeastern state of Tripura August 11, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

DHAKA — India has handed Bangladesh a list of 11 men suspected of plotting attacks including one targeting its prime minister, officials said on Wednesday, as the two countries tighten security cooperation against Islamist militants.

Indian security officials uncovered the plot against Sheikh Hasina last month after two members of a banned Bangladesh group were killed in an explosion while building bombs in India’s West Bengal state just over the border from Bangladesh.

The men were believed to be members of the outlawed Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh who were using India as a safe haven to plan the attacks.

The plot deepened concern in India that jihadist groups were setting up bases in the east of the country while security forces have been focused on the threat from Pakistan-based militants on the more heavily guarded western flank.

A team headed by the chief of India’s National Investigations Agency, the main counter-terrorism arm, held talks with Bangladeshi officials in Dhaka and handed over the list of suspects thought to be hiding there, Mufti Mahmud Khan, an official of the Rapid Action Battalion said.

Under Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh has been working closely with India to tackle militant groups including handing over people that India suspects of stirring trouble in the remote northeast region.

Khan said Bangladesh had given the Indian team its own list of wanted men – 51 in all, most of them suspected of criminal acts who had slipped across the porous border into India.

The Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen was thought to have been lying low since authorities cracked down on it after it detonated nearly 500 bombs almost simultaneously on one day in 2005 across Bangladesh, including in the capital, Dhaka.

Its militants later carried out suicide attacks on several courthouses, killing 25 people and wounding hundreds.

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Whose News?

Posted: 19 Nov 2014 04:00 PM PST

The government plans to turn The Global New Light of Myanmar and its other print publications into so-called

The government plans to turn The Global New Light of Myanmar and its other print publications into so-called "public service media." (Illustrator: Bagyi Lynn Wunna)

YANGON — On a sunny late monsoon day in September, Myanmar's Information Minister U Ye Htut was taking questions from local journalists and international media observers who packed the Chatrium Hotel's ballroom in Yangon.

Many in the audience on the opening day of the two-day "3rd Conference on Media Development in Myanmar" expressed skepticism over the government's plan, first canvassed in 2012, to transform state-owned daily newspapers into public service media. The state-owned Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) is also to be transformed into a public service broadcaster.

When one gentleman said that "there is no public service print media in other countries," the former lieutenant colonel responded: "No, what you said is not true. They exist but are just not successful. But here in Myanmar, we are determined to make it a success."

However, independent media representatives, including the country's Interim Press Council, have raised concerns over the newspapers plan and have labeled it unnecessary. They see it as a way to keep the military regime-era propaganda papers afloat, and they seriously doubt the minister's intentions.

After five decades of strict media censorship since Gen. Ne Win staged a military coup in 1962, Myanmar's Ministry of Information (MOI) abolished pre-publication censorship of the press in 2012. A year later, the ministry also allowed the publishing of private daily newspapers, while it kept publishing its state-run dailies.

At present, there are three state-owned dailies: two in the Myanmar language—Kyemon (The Mirror) and Myanma Alinn—and one in English, The Global New Light of Myanmar. The English-language paper was relaunched as a joint venture with Myanmar firm Global Direct Link in October. All three papers are under the control of the MOI.

A Bad Legacy

In the past the papers made no disguise of their role as government mouthpieces, especially during the period of the former military dictatorship that ran the country for more than two decades after 1988. Until U Thein Sein took office in 2011, the papers were known for their uninhibited views on political matters. Sustained media salvos were launched against political dissidents and armed ethnic rebels who were portrayed as "destructive elements" that were trying to "disintegrate national solidarity and the Union."

Unsurprisingly, thanks to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's rising popularity at home and abroad after 1988, the Myanmar democracy leader was frequently personally attacked. For a time, serialized articles about her appeared almost daily in the papers. In an example of how petty things could get, in a July 7, 1996 story about the opposition leader that appeared in Kyemon, the author, Sein Jittu, refused to use the Nobel Laureate's full name. She was referred to only as "Daw Suu." "She is not entitled to use her father's name," the author contended, contrasting how Gen. Aung San fought for the country's independence from Britain, while his daughter went on to marry a British man.

In another article published the same month, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was addressed as "Myo Pyat Ma" (meaning a woman who causes disgrace and has no loyalty to her race) in reference to her marriage to a foreigner. Another writer said that "she has become part kalar [a derogatory term for foreigners, especially those of Indian descent] by marrying a kalar, joining his family and behaving like a kalar."

Ethnic armed groups were also a top target of the military government's propaganda attacks. For three straight months in 1995, following Myanmar Army attacks against the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the military wing of the Karen National Union (KNU), the state-run newspapers published cock and bull stories under the title "What is KNU?" A total of 33 stories hammered out the standard message that ethnic armed struggle was undermining national solidarity and would lead to the disintegration of the Union of Myanmar. Then KNU leader Bo Mya was addressed as "Nga Mya." Nga is an archaic Myanmar prefix that was mostly used by Myanmar kings and high-ranking officials in the old days to denote a "servant" or "slave."

Beyond these propaganda articles, readers found few informative stories in the state-run papers. Front pages were often splashed with bland articles on humdrum events such as opening ceremonies for schools, roads and bridges by high-ranking military officials. Readers' patience was sorely tested by long paragraphs in which every official in attendance was named. As a result, many people tuned in to the Myanmar services from the BBC or VOA and exiled Myanmar media for alternative news. The state-run papers were useful mainly to check the "Obituary" section to learn of the death of friends.

A Bumpy Beginning

A proposed Public Service Media (PSM) bill was published in state-run dailies in May 2013. The then Deputy Information Minister U Ye Htut said that the proposed bill was drawn up with the support of international organizations including the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) and other local and foreign experts. Though the draft covered both print and broadcast media, it was the proposals regarding state print media that have most come under fire, especially from international media watchdogs, journalists and Myanmar's Interim Press Council.

In a June 2013 statement on Myanmar's PSM draft, London-based freedom of expression advocacy group ARTICLE 19 said there was no justification for spending public money on public service newspapers, since the aim of enabling a diversity of opinion and information would be better achieved by ensuring that newspapers operated freely.

Myanmar expert Bertil Linter told The Irrawaddy that the PSM model that the MOI seems to be following is that of Singapore, where the government controls news through its own paper, The Straits Times. "No country in the world with a free press has 'public service newspapers,'—that's just a euphemism for a government-controlled press," said the Swedish journalist, before adding that those international organizations helping the ministry, once infamous for its press censorship, to draft the PSM bill were "naïve and don't know what they are doing."

Members of Myanmar's Interim Press Council have rejected the PSM bill's stipulation that 70 percent of funding for public service media outlets would be derived from public funds (the other 30 percent is slated to come from advertising, assistance from development organizations, newspaper sales and donations). They also disagree with the inclusion of print media in the PSM draft, as they say there are few, if any, public service newspapers funded by governments in other countries.

"We don't need 'public service' newspapers," said U Thiha Saw, a member of the council. "It [creates] unfair competition because 70 percent of the budget is from the government, while private newspapers are struggling from their own pockets."

Since privately-owned dailies hit newsstands, most have struggled to stay afloat. Some have even shut down, thanks to high production costs, low advertising demand and smaller market-share compared with the state-funded government dailies of today. Government newspapers also have nationwide printing presses that allow them to distribute their papers to remote parts of the country. In contrast, private dailies are mostly restricted to selling papers in the main cities. The three state-run dailies have a combined circulation of more than 320,000 while the more popular private newspapers only sell about 80,000 copies per day, the Associated Press reported earlier this year.

U Pho Thauk Kyar, a veteran journalist and vice-chairman of the Interim Press Council, said state-funded public service newspapers were inappropriate for a country like Myanmar with a fledgling democracy.

"The government should cooperate with private dailies to promote press freedom. Instead, they are now trying to compete with them. It's totally wrong," he said. "If they want to create public service media, they could do it with broadcast media, like in other countries." Establishing public service broadcast media could be a positive development, the vice-chairman added, as these outlets could air content such as educational programs that private outlets often ignore.

Serving the People?

Despite the criticism, the MOI submitted the PSM bill to Parliament in March this year, but it still hasn't been discussed. A separate draft law, the Television and Radio Bill, which paves the way for public service broadcasting only, was approved by the Parliament's Upper House in mid-October and is now due to be debated in the lower house.

In defense of public service newspapers, U Ye Htut said during the media development conference in September that state-run papers have been in a process of change for the last three years and now cover a wider range of topics, including social issues such as labor disputes and HIV. Sometimes they even do a somewhat better job than private dailies, he claimed.

"Let me tell you frankly, when we uncovered a suspected Ebola case in Yangon in recent months, did any private newspapers report the health warning from the Ministry of Health for three days as we [the state-run newspapers] did?" the minister asked rhetorically.

Although U Ye Htut has trumpeted the state-run papers' capacity to serve the people, the papers have yet to be seen to fully follow some tenets of the government's own "Code of Ethics for Public Service Media," compiled by the government-appointed five member PSM overseeing body—the "Newspaper Governing Body"—established in October 2012. In particular, the government dailies appear to be falling short in their responsibility to "timely and accurately inform the public of the matters occurred in the human society," as described in the code of ethics.

In late August, when the Yangon Regional Government announced that its multi-billion dollar city expansion plan was to be led by a little-known Chinese company, the MOI-owned newspapers remained silent. It was only after the plan drew broader media criticism that the papers published a story, seven days later, which said that the project would reopen for tender. When the project was suspended on Sept. 26, this news was nowhere to be found in the state-owned newspaper editions published the following day.

When local and international controversy arose over Myanmar migrant workers' alleged involvement in the killing of two British tourists on Koh Tao in southern Thailand in September, all three government-owned papers were late to weigh in on a story that had become a hot national issue.

Though The Irrawaddy made repeated attempts to contact U Ye Htut, the presidential spokesman was unavailable for comment.

Skepticism

U Ye Htut's vow to transform the state-owned papers has failed to impress many journalists.

U Pho Thauk Kyar said such a transformation was impossible, even if U Ye Htut were the president. "Make no mistake, Myanmar people have lost faith in state media as it has cheated and pushed people into the information dark ages since 1962. Given their past coverage, does [anyone really] think the MOI could change it in the next 50 years?" asked the 83-year-old, who has spent the better part of his life as a journalist.

"I explain this to the country's president as well as to the Parliament speakers from both Houses whenever we meet," U Pho Thauk Kyar added, referring to the Interim Press Council's frequent meetings with the country's top leaders.

U Thiha Saw said that, looking at the current coverage in the state-run newspapers, it seems they are writing for the government rather than the people. "Though there have been changes, they are still putting out news that comes from upstairs."

That take was perhaps borne out in the way Myanmar's state media reported on the recent pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong. In the early days of Hong Kong's Occupy Central protests, the government dailies ignored the story. When an article finally appeared after public criticism, the piece was merely a compilation of pro-Beijing reportage under the headline "Critics Slam Unlawful Protests in Hong Kong."

Responding to online commenters who questioned the way state media was portraying the protests, U Ye Htut acknowledged on his Facebook page that he had issued a directive to state media organs on Oct. 2 that the news must be presented sensibly and in accordance with journalistic ethics. Part of that code of ethics was that news reporting must not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.

U Pho Thauk Kyar said that if the government wanted to develop public service newspapers, the aim was mainly to present its own point of view. "Don't forget what they said in the past: fight the media by the media," he said, referring to the former military government's mission to publish propaganda articles attacking unwanted international reportage on Myanmar.

ARTICLE 19 has recommended that the state-owned print media be privatized and that the PSM bill be reformed to only provide for a public service broadcaster. U Thiha Saw agrees. "What the government should do is to return the papers to the people. They were all private dailies before they were nationalized after 1962."

This article first appeared in the November 2014 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

The post Whose News? appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘I Consider Nothing to Have Changed’

Posted: 19 Nov 2014 09:11 PM PST

Dr. Thein Lwin of the National Network for Education Reform. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Dr. Thein Lwin of the National Network for Education Reform. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

The Union Parliament passed the National Education Law on Sep 30, amidst strident opposition from student unions and education professionals.

The National Network for Education Reform, a policy forum for scholars and educators, was founded in January 2013. It has held discussions and sought public feedback on the state of Burma's education system across the country, was consulted by the government during the initial drafting of the education bill, and has been vocal in its criticism of the final law approved by Parliament.

Dr Thein Lwin, a spokesman for NNER, recently sat down with The Irrawaddy to discuss the current state of Burma's education system, the shortcomings of the National Education Law, and possibilities for meaningful reform of the sector.

Question: Do you see any substantial change to Burma's education system at the moment, compared to the socialist government and the military years?

Answer: The Socialist Programme Party centralized the education system and so did the military regime that took power in 1988. And the education system remains centralized in the time of President Thein Sein. There is only nominal change and the tightness of the grip remains unchanged. [The government's] control over the curriculum and teachers remain the same. So, I consider nothing to have changed.

Q: What do you think of the government's actions during the reform process?

A: I remember something by cartoonist Ba Gyan. In one of his cartoon strips, a house is robbed, the house owner is tied and his belongs are taken away. In the second picture, police arrive and ask the house owner who says: "It is you who robbed me the other day and it is again you who investigates the case today in police uniform. What can I do?" It is those very people who destroyed the education system in the past and it is again those very people who are saying now they are reforming the education sector. So, I'd like to say it is like Ba Gyan's cartoon.

Q: What changes do you think should be made to Burma's current education system?

A: We need a complete shakeup of the education system. The entire education system must be democratic. A new education policy should be adopted with the input of teachers, students, members of the public and academics.

It is not reasonable that all parts of the country have to learn from the same school textbooks, either at the basic or higher education levels. The curriculum must be tailored to meet the specific requirements of different places. There must be freedom of syllabus.

There must be freedom to appoint teachers and learn languages both at basic and higher education levels. There should be academic freedom. Teachers must be provided with training in capacity building, and the examination system must also be overhauled.

Q: What do you think is the ideal framework for establishing academic freedom?

A: It should be democratic and inclusive. Students and teachers must be able to take part in decision-making at various levels. The education system should not be developed and deployed according to orders from someone above. There must be inclusion in every stage of decision-making. If universities want to reform, it should be reform brought about by faculty members and the government should not interfere.

Q: What fundamentals do you think are necessary to reflect the country's ethnic diversity?

A: It is mainly an issue of language. Students in ethnic regions are not happy at school and quit early because they are only taught in Burmese. As a result, they have no knowledge of mathematics and science.

We have suggested to the government that the curriculum should be taught in local languages in ethnic regions. We have studied and held workshops to establish the benefits of teaching in local languages as well as Burmese and English. The government has not taken these steps yet.

Q: Why doesn't the NNER engage more fully with government representatives from the education sector?

A: We met government representatives several times while the National Education Bill was being discussed. When the critical discussions were held in Naypyidaw, we were invited at first, and then we were left out. Since then, we have stopped engaging with government representatives. We represent public opinion. The fact that we are excluded means the government will not take public input and will do what they want.

Q: What do you think of the National Education Law passed by the Union Assembly?

A: There will be no change at all, as the education law incorporates the same old restrictions. It is not in compliance with democratic norms and human rights. It also does not provide freedom. Therefore, I'd say this law will not bear fruits.

Not only the education law—the farmland law, media law, labour law, and association law are also repressive. It is clear that the government wants to have its fingers in every pie.

Q: Do you think the allotted budget for the education sector is sufficient?

A: The budget is not sufficient at all. The international norm set by United Nations is that a country's education budget must be 20 percent of its total budget. Under the previous government, education received only 1 percent of total budget; now it is about 4 percent. It is still not enough.

I do not see the increased budget being used to improve teaching effectiveness. I do not see classrooms being expanded and the introduction of more teaching aid. The education budget has increased, but it is not being used effectively.

Q: What are the hurdles to future education reform?

A: The only hurdle is centralization. Only when that hurdle is cleared, an education system that satisfies the aspirations of the people can be implemented.

The post 'I Consider Nothing to Have Changed' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Protest Plan Derails Thai Showings of Hunger Games Movie

Posted: 19 Nov 2014 08:59 PM PST

Protesters against military rule gesture by holding up their three middle fingers in the air, during a brief demonstration at a shopping mall in Bangkok June 1, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

Protesters against military rule gesture by holding up their three middle fingers in the air, during a brief demonstration at a shopping mall in Bangkok June 1, 2014. (Photo: Reuters)

BANGKOK — A cinema chain in Thailand’s capital has canceled all screenings of the latest "The Hunger Games" movie after a student group planned a protest at a theater against the country’s military coup. Activists said Wednesday that police pressured the theaters to halt the showings.

Opponents of the May military coup have adopted a three-finger salute from the movie series as a sign of defiance. The military-imposed government has banned the gesture, which symbolizes rebellion against totalitarian rule in the film series.

Protest against unjust rule runs throughout the "Hunger Games" franchise. The latest installment in the popular series focuses on the mechanics of rallying support for imminent revolution.

A group of anti-coup students from Bangkok’s Thammasat University purchased about 100 tickets for an opening-day showing Thursday of the "The Hunger Games: Mockingjay – Part 1" at the Scala cinema and planned to attend together.

Ratthapol Supasopon, an organizer, said the group was informed by the theater management that the film’s showings had been canceled.

"The theater told us they were uncomfortable and wanted to avoid any problems that may arise. They said they did not want to be involved in any politics," he said. "The police contacted them and pressured them not to let us hold the event."

An employee answering the phone at the Scala who declined to identify himself said the movie had been canceled at all theaters belonging to Bangkok’s Apex chain. The film is still scheduled by some other cinema chains.

Lionsgate, "Mockingjay’s" Hollywood production company, had no comment on the situation.

Initial protests against the May coup largely died out because of crackdowns on dissent by the army and police, but there has been a small upsurge in recent days.

On Wednesday, five university students were arrested in northeastern Thailand after giving the three-fingered salute during a speech by Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, who led the coup as army commander.

The students, wearing T-shirts saying "Don’t Want a Coup," stood in front of Prayuth as he spoke on a stage in Khon Kaen, a stronghold of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in an earlier 2006 military coup.

Prayuth, who is usually prickly with critics, stopped his speech and smiled calmly when the students stood up. "Anyone else want to protest? Come quickly. Then I can continue with my speech," he said.

The students were taken to a police station and then an army camp, where they were questioned by soldiers, human rights lawyer Sasinan Thamnithinan said. She said they had not been charged.

Rights groups have criticized the government’s tight limits on speech and the media. Last week, public broadcaster Thai PBS dismissed the host of a TV program after a visit by army officers who complained that the show’s content was provocative. The government, which can shut the station under martial law, insists the officers merely expressed their concerns.

Several dozen Thai protesters and others carrying anti-coup banners and giving the three-finger salute attended the world premiere of "Mockingjay – Part 1" in London on Nov. 10.

In "The Hunger Games," the three-finger salute signifies thanks, admiration and good-bye to a loved one. Some Thai protesters say it also represents the French Revolution’s values of liberty, equality and fraternity, while others say it means freedom, election and democracy.

The post Protest Plan Derails Thai Showings of Hunger Games Movie appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Police Arrest Guru Ending India Standoff

Posted: 19 Nov 2014 08:49 PM PST

Supporters of Sant Rampal, throw pieces of bricks and stones towards police during a protest outside Rampal's ashram in the northern Indian state of Haryana on Nov 18. (Photo: Reuters)

Supporters of Sant Rampal, throw pieces of bricks and stones towards police during a protest outside Rampal's ashram in the northern Indian state of Haryana on Nov 18. (Photo: Reuters)

NEW DELHI — Indian police have arrested a controversial religious leader at his sprawling ashram in the northern part of the country, ending a days-long standoff in which six people died and hundreds were injured.

Jawahar Yadav, a Haryana state government spokesman, said police had arrested Sant Rampal and taken him away in an ambulance.

No violence or confrontation took place between his supporters and the police at the time of his arrest, Yadav told reporters.

Nearly 15,000 of his supporters were evacuated from the ashram before he was taken into custody, Yadav said.

The self-styled guru was taken to Chandigarh, the state capital, where he was to appear before a court Friday.

The 63-year-old Hindu guru is wanted for questioning in a 2006 murder case, but has repeatedly ignored orders to appear in court.

Police also have filed fresh charges against him and some of his supporters, including sedition, murder, criminal conspiracy and detaining people illegally in his fortress, he said.

More than 400 people have been arrested after Tuesday’s violence, Yadav said.

Riot police tried to storm the ashram in Haryana state on Tuesday, but Rampal’s followers, some of them using guns, rocks and batons, fought them off, authorities said. About 200 people were injured, including security forces.

On Wednesday, the guru’s followers handed over to police the bodies of four women who apparently died inside the 5-hectare complex, about 175 kilometers (110 miles) from New Delhi. Earlier in the day, a woman and an 18-month-old child died in a hospital after leaving the ashram.

The circumstances of the deaths were not clear and autopsies were being conducted.

Gurus and Hindu holy men are immensely popular in India, with millions of followers. People often consult gurus before making important personal decisions. But the enormous power wielded by the self-styled holy men has led to scandals in which they have been accused of exploiting devotees.

Shriniwas Vashisht, director-general of police in Haryana, said many of the thousands of people holed up with Rampal were held against their will or were used as human shields to prevent police action.

“They know that we will not allow innocent women and children to be caught in the crossfire and they are taking advantage of that,” Vashisht said.

Authorities earlier tried to flush out Rampal by cutting off electricity and water to the compound. Thousands of people began streaming out of the ashram Wednesday, and many said armed followers of the guru had prevented them from leaving earlier.

“They closed and locked the gates inside the compound and would not let us out,” said Birender Satya, who had traveled from central India with his mother to listen to Rampal’s preaching.

Rampal and 38 others have been charged with murder and other offenses after a clash between his supporters and another group killed one person in July 2006. He was freed on bail, which was canceled after his followers entered a courtroom and threatened lawyers in July.

Since 2010, Rampal, a former engineer, has ignored 43 court summonses, seeking exemptions each time. The court set a final deadline for him to appear in court on Monday, which he ignored.

His supporters said he was too ill to make the 250-kilometer (155-mile) journey from his ashram to the court in the state capital, Chandigarh.

The post Police Arrest Guru Ending India Standoff appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.
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