Sunday, December 14, 2014

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma

DVB Roadshow: The children of Bhamo’s brickworks

Posted: 14 Dec 2014 03:40 AM PST

On this week’s episode of DVB’s Doh Pyay Doh Myay Roadshow, the team travels to Bhamo, the riverside staging post between Kachin and Shan States.

The team finds a community which has not lost its sense of tradition despite living amidst a now three year civil war.

The team also finds young children working alongside their parents in a riverside brickworks, where families are struggling to make ends meet.

Watch the clip, then find more on Facebook at facebook.com/dvb.dpdm or at  dvbdpdm.com

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Michaungkan protesters light candles in front of Rangoon City Hall

Posted: 13 Dec 2014 11:33 PM PST

The Michaungkan villagers performed a peaceful candlelight vigil outside Rangoon city hall on December 12, in protest of the government's controversial land grabs.

Villagers who are protesting lost their land under government redevelopment plans have been occupying a protest camp near Maha Bandoola park for more than 260 days,

Protesters held placards protesting the government, police in full riot gear were on standby near the city hall. There has been no official response from the government.

This is the latest in a drawn-out saga in the dispute between the government and Michaungkan villagers over land claims. Hundreds have been protestors have been involved in sit-ins, hunger strikes and other demonstrations against the government’s land grabs in the eastern Rangoon suburb, Michaungka, in 1990.

Prior to this, local police had set a deadline of 3 October for the protestors to dismantle their camp which is situated 400 meters from Rangoon City Hall and leave the site, but this passed without incident and the protestors remained. In March over 100 residents were dispersed from a sit-in at Maha Bandula Park in downtown Rangoon.

Land rights activist Sein Than was sentenced to eight months in prison in August for violating Burma's Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act due to his invlovement with the Michaungkan protests.

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Hundereds protest against planned power plant in Mon State

Posted: 13 Dec 2014 11:00 PM PST

More than 500 locals at Aunden Village in Mon State protested against the proposed coal-fired power plant project on Sunday.

Villagers shouted slogans “No Aunden coal plant”, “Dismiss the Aunden coal power plant”, “We don’t want Toyo-Thai Company”, “We don’t want coal plant in our area” while marching through the town of Ye Township.

Thai company Toyo-Thai and the Myanmar Ministry of Electric Power signed agreed to implement Aunden coal power plant in Mon State in 2013, though this has provoked strong opposition from local residents and civil rights groups.

Many locals fear pollution and health issues if the planned power plant goes ahead, and several civil society groups have formed have united against the planned development.

Ye Township does not receive a power supply from the government, and many residents continue to rely on generators to fuel their homes. Toyo-Thai, one of the largest companies in Thailand, has been meeting with locals since April in an attempt to convince them the 1,200-megawatt power plant would be beneficial for the region.

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Election 2015 – fighting for the farmers and workers

Posted: 13 Dec 2014 10:05 PM PST

A new political party – the Myanmar Peasants, Workers, People's Party – was on 9 December was given a green light to register with the Union Election Commission. DVB interviewed the party's general secretary, Aung Myo Khine, regarding their aims, policies and plans for the future to promote labour and farmer rights.

Q: We learnt that your party has been approved to register. Will you only campaign in Irrawaddy Division or do you plan to address national politics?

A: We founded our party with an aim to serve the interests of the country, so we will be campaigning nationwide. Our headquarters are in Irrawaddy Division's Bassein.

Q: We see that we used the words 'Peasants' and 'Workers' in your title. Why did you choose to focus on those two groups?

A: Because farmers and workers are the poorest and most vulnerable people in Burma, but at the same time they are the main driving force for our country's development. We aim to serve the interests of all the people of Burma, while representing the workers and peasants.

Q: What are your party policies? Can you give us a summary?

A: As for policies, we presented quite a few to the Union Election Commission, including the importance of a disciplined and educated democratic system, and generating an all-inclusive political environment with a government whose main focus is the people. We aim to make this representative of all farmers and workers in the country.

We also aim to serve in our best capacity to bring about a transparent, independent and fair judicial system, and amend the farmland and labour laws to ensure fairness and rule of law. We see that it is necessary to have a free and fair judicial system supported by impartial laws, and Rule of Law must be implemented to ensure these laws are applied.

We also want to work in our best capacity towards maintaining the country's peace-making process; adopt peaceful and unbiased political policies in dealing with neighbouring countries and trade partners; ensure a smooth democratic transitional period; and overcome challenges through negotiations rather than attacking one another.

Q: It's safe to say yours is the first party that represents the working community in Burma. What labour issue do you think should be prioritised?

A: The livelihood, economy, education and health standards of workers in Burma – compared to their counterparts in other countries – is very low. Also, we have a percentage of unemployed people in the country and those who have jobs do not earn enough to sustain their livelihoods. In terms of their education, we have only seen rather weak support from the government and Non-Government Organisations. We plan to do what we can do contribute to these sectors through cooperation with international organisations, the government and civil society groups.

We learnt that there are around six million Burmese migrant workers overseas, who are often subjected to discrimination. As a party representing the working community in Burma, we will work together with civil society organisations, the ILO and others to promote their rights.

Q: Regarding the farmers who make up majority of the population in Burma, what would you prioritise?

A: The socio-economic standards of Burmese farmers, as well as education and health, are low. Burmese farmers are losing their rights to land ownership. When we look at the ratio of land ownership between the farmers who are actually working the land, and businessmen and those with official links, it is clear that we need to demand a higher percentage of direct land ownership for the farmers.

Moreover, it is very necessary to provide the farmers with technical assistance to allow them to make use of mechanised farming tools. The farmers often have to rely on loan sharks and the government's agriculture loan scheme to grow crops as they don't have much money to invest and get caught up in this repeating cycle of loans and debts without any improvement to their lives. We will work together with organisations representing farmers to find an answer to these woes, provide any assistance we can, and restore justice.

Q: As for the party's leaders? What are their political backgrounds? And who will be the party's chair?

A: Previously, we only focused on social activities outside of party politics. This is my first experience in a political party. Now that our registration has been approved, we are working to form our Central Executive Committee, and for now we are appointing Dr Aung Phyo as the party's chair. I will assume the role as general secretary. We will announce the names of 27 central executive members when we get approval from the UEC.

Q: Where do you plan to compete in the 2015 elections? In how many constituencies will you field candidates?

A: We are looking to focus competing in Irrawaddy Division as our stronghold, followed by Pegu and Rangoon. As we just formed the party, we have not yet decided how many constituencies we will compete for in the 2015 elections, but we are aiming about at least five.

Q: Is there anything else you would like to add?

A: The aim of our party is to provide for the interests of the country's political, economic, education and health sectors as servants of the country, and we are determined to serve to the best of our capacity.

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Two injured as Latpadaung protestors clash with police

Posted: 13 Dec 2014 09:50 PM PST

A confrontation between protestors and police left two villagers injured near the Latpadaung copper mine project in Sagaing Division on Saturday.

One villager was injured by rubber bullets while another was injured by a slingshot after protests broke out on Laikkhun Hill. Police were attempting to fence-off the land when they were confronted by locals who have refused compensation as part of government land seizures.

One villager, Paw Htay from Moegyopyin, was hit by a rubber bullet during the protest. "There was a loud noise and about 14 shots were fired. I was hit on the hip. I felt like I was burned with hot water, very sore. Now I've had an injection and feel better,” he told DVB.

Naung Naung, who was administering medical treatment to the villagers, said the wound looked like it had been caused by a rubber bullet. "The [rubber] bullet scratched and burned the skin,” he said.

District administrator of Sarlingyi, Zaw Myo Nyunt, refuted the claim that police had fired rubber bullets into the crowd. He said the protestors began firing stones from slingshots at the police, and to protect themselves the police returned fire with slingshots of their own.

The Latpadaung copper mine project has seen continued criticism, both locally and internationally. Last month Amnesty International called for work on the mine to be halted “until a thorough environmental and social impact assessment has been carried out, which genuinely consults all the people affected."

Thousands of local residents continue to face forced eviction and risks of pollution due to the construction of the Chinese copper mine. Campaigners say more than 7,800 acres of land has been confiscated from 26 villages across the nearby mountain range, which has caused violent clashes with police and protestors in the area.

Latest reports indicate that villagers were still gathering in front of the police post at Laikkhun hill.

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Blasphemy and offence in Burmese Buddhism

Posted: 13 Dec 2014 09:22 PM PST

It has been widely reported that a New Zealand citizen, Philip Blackwood, has caused offence by using an image of the Buddha wearing headphones in the style of a DJ in a trance-like state. This image was used as part of a promotion for a bar in Rangoon.

He and two Burmese citizens, Tun Thurein and Htut Ko Ko Lwin, have also been detained. The three managers of the VGastro Bar in Bahan Township have been charged under articles 295 and 295(a) of the Burmese Penal Code.

Monks from the ma-ba-tha movement (The Organisation for the Protection of Race and Religion) expressed outrage at what they perceived to be the misuse of an image of the Buddha. Some of the confusion in the reporting of this story is that blasphemy is not an idea usually associated with Buddhism. However, once we consider the idea of blasphemy being a credible and even prevalent notion in Buddhist culture, our understanding of this issue might be clearer.

There are a number of questions that arise from a consideration of these and similar episodes in Buddhist countries. There are also variations on this theme. For example in March 2014 Buddhist nationalists expressed fury at what they understood as the misuse of a Buddhist flag. Its handling was taken as an insult.

“On the one hand, the manipulation of the Buddha image is harmless and surely the Buddha, being free from all attachment would not have taken any offence. In another sense the Buddha was not simply an ordinary person …”

The Buddhist flag (sometimes called the sāsana flag) was designed by J.R. de Silva and Col. Henry S. Olcott to mark the revival of Buddhism in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in 1880. One could say it is in some ways an American invention. It was accepted as the International Buddhist Flag by the 1952 World Buddhist Congress. It is part of what scholars would term "Protestant Buddhism", a complex movement that is both a "protest" against (colonial) Christianity and a movement which adopts many features of Protestantism. The flag itself is an uncomfortable creation, if I can use these terms, involving many historical, political and religious ideas. As is well known, often superimposed on the flag are the Burmese numbers "969", expressing part of Burmese nationalist ideals of nation and religion.

I would like to consider some of these episodes in which some sort of insult is thought to have been made against Buddhism. The offence caused to Buddhism through a perceived misuse of the sāsana flag does not so easily fit into this discussion. I cite the example so as to draw attention to different levels and types of sacred objects available to us when considering blasphemous acts in the Burmese Buddhist context.

Articles 295 and 295(a) of the penal code under which the three have been charged read, respectively: "Injuring or defiling place of worship, with intent to insult the religion of any class"; and "Deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs".

If we want to find a textual basis for these laws and the idea of blasphemy in the Buddhist tradition, one could begin with the "Five acts with immediate karmic effect" (ānantarika-kamma), often simply termed the "Five heinous crimes". These are killing one's mother, father or an arahant (enlightened one), wounding a Buddha, or creating a schism in the Sangha (Buddhist monkhood). A manipulated computer graphic of the Buddha cannot be considered as a "heinous" act.

Moving closer to recent events, a related idea is that of the sanctity of the image of the Buddha and other sacred objects in Buddhism. It is often assumed in modern manifestations of Buddhism that the sanctity and holiness of the image of the Buddha is a cultural accretion and one that is not essential to the practice of Buddhism. In this understanding of the Buddhist path, nothing should become an object of attachment. The material culture and religious objects of Buddhism have no real sacred value. If they were to become an object of attachment then the images would be a manifestation of greed and suffering. One cannot, in effect, insult a Buddhist. On a certain level, such an understanding is perfectly reasonable and can be justified.

The textual basis for such ideas is a famous passage from the Brahmajāla-sutta where the following is stated: "If, bhikkhus, others speak in dispraise of me, or in dispraise of the Dhamma, or in dispraise of the Sangha, you should not give way to resentment, displeasure, or animosity against them in your heart. For if you were to become angry or upset in such a situation, you would only be creating an obstacle for yourselves."

There appears to be a relatively clear-cut message here: to become angry at misrepresentations of any type towards the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha will be an obstacle for those who take displeasure. Anger would distort the minds of those taking offence and this is far worse than the objects causing offence. This is all well and good as far as it goes. The Buddha certainly did teach a moderate path in which greed, hatred and delusion are the real problems. Those offending the sacred objects of Buddhism, such as images of the Buddha, should not cause anger to arise.

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That the image of the Buddha is sacred and has very real power appears to be lost in the form of Buddhism practiced in modern, urban Asian and Western cities. The power of Buddhist sacred objects is part of what has been termed "apotropaic Buddhism". This idea is often ignored in the modern understanding of Buddhism. The term "apotropaic" refers to object, texts and teachings that are regarded as having protective and even magical qualities. An image of the Buddha (which in a way is not simply an image, but is the Buddha, a surrogate Buddha, as it were), has the power to protect and avert danger.

And this is where the offence caused by the DJ-like Buddha image is lost on those producing such an image. The images are not only offensive to certain sensibilities but are primarily dangerous and inauspicious. The modern Buddhist might emphasise those parts of the Buddha's teaching that focus upon notions of freeing the mind of all forms of attachment, including attachment to sacred objects, but miss other important aspects of Buddhism that emphasise the protective power of the Buddha, Dhamma and the Sangha.

Neither side is right in its emphasis upon these two aspects of the Buddha's teachings, and there needs to be sensitivity on both sides.

Those using an image of the Buddha in a commercial way stress part of the teachings of Buddhism in which "letting go" and non-attachment are the central focus and then assume that the use of an image will not be offensive because the Buddhist is not attached to such things.

Most traditional Buddhists do not practice in this way. For them the stress is on protective and auspicious acts. Images, texts and chanting are partly concerned with averting danger. Primarily it is the Buddha (and images of Him), because of His great meritorious and ethical deeds, who accomplishes this.

Therefore, on the one hand, the manipulation of the Buddha image is harmless and surely the Buddha, being free from all attachment would not have taken any offence. In another sense the Buddha was not simply an ordinary person but someone who had strived for thousands of lifetimes generating ethical actions so that one day he could become a Buddha.

From an early point in Buddhist history His ethical actions were considered to have generated powerful qualities and it is this aspect of Buddhism which needs to be appreciated when considering the reaction to the use of the image of the Buddha in what is considered to be an inappropriate way. At the same time, those taking offence might also be prompted to reflect on the centrality of the idea of non-attachment and understand that their resentment is a hindrance upon the Buddhist path.

 

Dr Paul Fuller has taught Religious Studies at Universities in Southeast Asia, the University of Sydney in Australia and at Bath Spa University in the UK. His research interests include early Indian Buddhist philosophy and the Buddhist ideas of Aung San Suu Kyi. His book, The Notion of Ditthi in Theravada Buddhism: The Point of View (Routledge Curzon Critical Studies in Buddhism, 2004) explores the textual basis of discrimination and attachment in the Pali Canon.

 

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB editorial policy.

 

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