The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Myanmar Times Announces Launch of Daily Edition
- Karen Rebels Not Ready for Ceasefire, Officials Say
- Opposition Asks Tribunal to Review ‘White Card Holder’ Referendum Vote
- Despite Increased Police Presence, Student Protesters Continue March to Rangoon
- ‘There’s a Lot at Stake, Certainly’
- Senior Minister Says Student Protestors ‘Threaten Stability’
- A Monumental Home Stretch to 2015 Elections
- Downtown Rangoon’s Busiest Market
- China Seizes Toilet Paper Bearing Image of Hong Kong Leader
- HIV-Positive Migrants Denied Care at Thai Public Hospitals
- Philippine, Indonesian Leaders to Discuss Territorial Spats
Myanmar Times Announces Launch of Daily Edition Posted: 09 Feb 2015 05:45 AM PST RANGOON — Local weekly newspaper The Myanmar Times has announced it will launch a daily print edition on March 9, a move that would make it the only private English-language daily in Burma. The organization said in a press release that its daily would "feature 24 pages of local and international news, commentary and features and be available at newsstands Monday to Friday." "The launch of the daily is a milestone in the history of The Myanmar Times," said chief executive officer Tony Child. The plan would require the organization to step up its news-gathering operations and offer a test of the profitability of Burma's fledgling media market. Thomas Kean, editor of the Times' English edition, said, "The Myanmar language daily and weekly market is saturated, but there is significantly less competition in English." He said the daily will go on sale for 500 kyats (about US$0.50), while the Friday edition, which includes a weekend special with features, arts and culture, will cost 1,000 kyats. In recent years, President Thein Sein's nominally-civilian government has relaxed junta-era controls on the media, including lifting a ban on private dailies in April 2013. Since then, numerous weeklies and dailies have been set up, mostly in the local language, many of which struggled to stay afloat and compete with state-run newspapers, which are sold at low prices and benefit from existing distribution networks. Recently, Mizzima Media Group announced it will end print publication of its daily Burmese-language newspaper per March 1. Currently, there are about 15 local-language dailies in publication; the government-run Global New Light of Myanmar is the only English-language daily. Sonny Swe, who co-founded the Times and until recently was CEO at Mizzima Media Group, said there could be room in the market for an independent English daily. "There are no other competitors, so for them is good. But I heard some other publications are also trying to launch an English daily, for instance Weekly Eleven and The Trade Times. If The Myanmar Times can take market share before they launch, it will be good timing," he said. In 2013, The Myanma Freedom Daily became the first English-language daily to go into print in decades, but publication was suspended in March 2014. Its founding editor-in-chief Thiha Saw subsequently joined The Myanmar Times in order to help it go a daily, after local tycoon Thein Tun, who owns Myanmar Golden Star conglomerate, bought a majority stake in the company. The post Myanmar Times Announces Launch of Daily Edition appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
Karen Rebels Not Ready for Ceasefire, Officials Say Posted: 09 Feb 2015 05:39 AM PST CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Burma's longest-existing ethnic resistance group, the Karen National Union (KNU) announced that it will not sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement on Feb. 12, the date that government negotiators had hoped to reach an agreement. Following a three-day central standing committee meeting at its headquarters in Lay Wah, Hpa-an district, top officials from Karen State's military and political bodies discussed the KNU's political future and the possibility of reaching a peace accord. Mahn Mahn, a joint secretary of the KNU, told The Irrawaddy that members "reviewed sticking points and obstacles," identifying four problems within the existing draft ceasefire agreement. The establishment of a federal union and armed forces, repositioning of troops and implementation of a code of conduct need to be addressed before the KNU would be willing to sign the agreement, he said. He added that future discussions, which will resume after Feb. 12, can only succeed if they focus more on a roadmap to disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR). The KNU would also like to see implementation of agreements made under the current bilateral ceasefire, such as legitimizing the KNU as a polity and making other administrative and legislative changes. Mahn Mahn said that because of these shortcomings of the peace process and the current ceasefire draft, it would be "impossible to sign it soon," though the government had been aiming for a deal on Feb. 12, also known as Union Day, the anniversary of Burma's historic Panglong Agreement. He expressed some solidarity with other ethnic armed groups involved in the peace process, adding that, "the KNU won't sign [the ceasefire] alone." The KNU is Burma's oldest ethnic resistance group, formed in 1947. Its armed counterpart, the Karen National Liberation Army, was formed two years later, and has been at odds with the Burma Army for six decades seeking political autonomy. The KNU is now one of 16 non-state armed groups to reach bilateral ceasefires with the government since late 2011, having entered a new peace agreement in January 2012. The post Karen Rebels Not Ready for Ceasefire, Officials Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
Opposition Asks Tribunal to Review ‘White Card Holder’ Referendum Vote Posted: 09 Feb 2015 03:51 AM PST RANGOON — Arakanese lawmakers and a group of opposition parties, including Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), are asking Burma's Constitutional Tribunal to overturn a recent parliamentary decision to grant so-called white card holders the right to vote in a planned constitutional referendum. Pe Than, an Upper House lawmaker with the Arakan National Party (ANP), said 27 lawmakers in the house signed a letter asking the Tribunal to review Parliament's decision on Feb. 2 to grant white card holders, also known as temporary identity registration card holders, a vote in the referendum. "This is our last effort; we want the Constitutional Tribunal to check [the law]," he said. "We are waiting to hear the decision by the Constitutional Tribunal at the moment. We hope the best result will come out. But our Rakhine party decided already to protest throughout Rakhine State on Feb. 15." The 2015 Referendum Law automatically enfranchises hundreds of thousands of white card holders, who live in Burma but do not enjoy full citizenship rights. About 700,000 of them belong to the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority in northern Arakan State, an area that has been marred by conflict between Arakanese Buddhists and Muslims. Other white card holders include Chinese nationals living in Burma, families of Gurkha units that moved to Burma under British rule and members of the ethnic Kokang living on the Burma-China border. Pe Than said ANP chairman and Upper House representative Aye Maung had led the initiative, while the NLD, Myanmar Democratic Force and several ethnic opposition parties joined in. Under the Constitution's Article 322 (b), he said, 10 percent of the lawmakers of any of two Houses of Parliament could sign a letter and request the Tribunal to review whether laws violate Burma's charter. A referendum is expected to be held in mid-2015, when the public will be asked to approve amendments to Burma's military-drafted charter. A constitutional review committee has recommended a total of 95 revisions, though they have yet to be approved by Parliament or the president. Arakanese politicians are fiercely opposed to any legal recognition of the Muslim minority in northern Arakan State, who they claim are illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. Arakanese fear the Referendum Law will also allow the group the rights to vote in the general elections, scheduled for early November. Withholding Rohingya voting rights would boost the power of the Arakanese politicians, which otherwise dominate the state. The Rohingya, who lack Burmese citizenship status, were first issued white cards about two decades ago by the then-military regime. They were allowed to vote in the referendum on the 2008 military-drafted Constitution and the rigged 2010 general election. Muslim members of northern Arakan constituencies were also granted seats in Parliament to represent the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Parliament's recent decision, which was proposed by President Thein Sein, reconfirms the USDP's intention to again grant the group voting rights. The Rohingya face severe persecution and say they have been living in the region for generations and should be granted citizenship rights and voting rights. Mohamed Salim, a Rohingya spokesman for the unregistered National Development and Peace Party in Rangoon, welcomed Parliament's decision to let white card holders vote, adding that he believed that the group should get citizenship rights. He said the regime had taken away citizenship cards from some of the Rohingya in the early 1990s and replaced them with white cards. "We all are citizen of this country. Being a white card holder does not mean we are people from another country," he said. The international community had been deeply concerned about the plight of the Rohingya and has urged the government to grant the group citizenship. Minister of Immigration and Population Khin Yi told The Irrawaddy during an interview in Chiang Mai, Thailand, last week that letting white card holders vote did not imply citizenship rights for card holders, although he sidestepped questions on whether granting white card holders voting rights would contravene Burmese laws. "Our ministry is not involved in the issue of the right to vote or not. Parliament decided on this. We provide these cards to people undergoing the [citizenship] scrutinizing process," he said. Robert San Aung, a lawyer who has represented many rights activists, said Burmese law did not specify whether white card holders had voting rights, adding that the Election Law states that only those with citizenship have voting rights. He said the white card holders' vaguely-defined legal status was being abused by the USDP and government for political gains during voting. "This is just a plot by a powerful party in government. They created this policy since 2008 when the country had a referendum… They use it when they need it," Robert San Aung said. Additional reporting from Chiang Mai by Nyein Nyein. The post Opposition Asks Tribunal to Review 'White Card Holder' Referendum Vote appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
Despite Increased Police Presence, Student Protesters Continue March to Rangoon Posted: 09 Feb 2015 03:26 AM PST
RANGOON — Students demonstrating against the National Education Law in several locations across Burma's south are continuing their march to Rangoon, despite an ominous increase in the presence of security forces along protest routes. Around 400 police have been deployed to the Irrawaddy Division town of Dedaye, about 90 kilometers (56 miles) from the center of Rangoon. A protest group that set out from Pathein on Feb. 3 are now to the northwest in the town of Ma-ubin, where 200 students held protests at three local universities. The group is planning to detour through the south of the division through Kyaiklat and Pyapon and are expecting to arrive in Dedaye on Friday. "If they shoot, we will be hit," Kyaw Thet, one of the members of the protest's coordinating committee, told The Irrawaddy. "We have no plans to back down, but we want to say there is no benefit to anyone if violence is used against students. If government agrees to our demands, we will call off our strike and go home." Participants in the Irrawaddy Division march called for peaceful negotiations between the police force and students in the event of a possible confrontation. An officer from the divisional police force told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the police officers had been deployed to provide security, but not to obstruct the protest. To the east, a protest column traveling from Dawei arrived in Moulmein to join with a local group of students, awaiting the arrival of demonstrators from Pa-an before continuing the journey to Rangoon. The Dawei group was greeted upon their arrival by representatives of the Mon National Party and Moulmein locals. Min Lwin Oo, one of student protesters from Dawei, said the group would hold talks with local organizations and march the streets of Moulmein today with the assistance of a Moulmein student union. Students in Moulmein have yet to decide when to embark upon the 300-kilometer (186-mile) trek to Rangoon and expect a decision to be made in the coming days, based on the progress of other protest groups towards the commercial capital. The original student demonstration departing from Mandalay on Jan. 20, now comprising a core group of about 100 people, crossed into Bago Division on Monday and will spend the evening in the town of Prome, 270 kilometers (168 miles) from Rangoon. About 30 police officers were posted on the border between Magwe and Bago Divisions, but the duty officer told The Irrawaddy that they had not been deployed to impede the march, and the students proceeded into Prome without incident. The marchers received a warm reception on the outskirts of the town, with a group of locals standing ready with bags of watermelon slices to donate to members of the procession. In recent days, official denunciations of the protests have become increasingly strident. On Friday, students defied a broadcast carried on state-run television warning students to cease their activities. In interview aired on Saturday evening, Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko questioned the legitimacy of the demonstrators, accusing the protests of being masterminded by "ex-political hardliners" and foreign organizations. Meanwhile the National League for Democracy (NLD) has issued a statement announcing the suspension of Dr. Thein Lwin from the party's central executive committee. Thein Lwin, a spokesman for the National Network for Education Reform (NNER), had attended a meeting on Feb. 1 between students, government ministers, lawmakers and the NNER to discuss reform to the National Education Law. The NLD prohibits involvement in independent political organizations, which Thein Lwin had not sought before the meeting. "Thein Lwin's central committee membership has been suspended due to his breaking the party rules and not following restrictions," the statement read. On Feb. 2, the Democratic Voice of Burma reported that NLD chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi personally disapproved of Thein Lwin's participation in the meeting on the grounds that his actions could be interpreted as representative of party policy.
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‘There’s a Lot at Stake, Certainly’ Posted: 09 Feb 2015 03:05 AM PST The United States ended a decades-long era of isolation toward Burma when it restored full diplomatic relations about three years ago. Since that time, an ambassador was appointed for the first time since 1990, long-standing economic sanctions were eased and legislation has been amended to allow for more humanitarian aid and limited military engagement. A central figure in implementing those policies, Scot Marciel serves as the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs in Washington, DC, a position he began in 2013 after three years as the US Ambassador to Indonesia. During a recent visit to Burma, Marciel spoke with The Irrawaddy about the state of relations between the White House and Naypyidaw, and the future of US-Burma policy. Question: Please tell us a bit about your trip, what you did and where you went. Answer: I'm responsible for Southeast Asia at the State Department. So I travel a lot to the region, regularly, all of the countries in Southeast Asia, just to see what's going on, because I work on the policy back at home. We were up in Naypyidaw on Wednesday, mostly meeting government officials and parliamentarians. Then we went out to Shan State. For me it's useful—you know, usually it's just Yangon [Rangoon] and Naypyidaw—it's useful just to get out. It's like going to Washington and thinking that you know the United States. So it's useful to get out and see a place. And the ambassador wanted to get out and look at a couple of projects, USAID [United States Agency for International Development]projects. We were in Taunggyi, and [some areas] outside of Taunggyi. Q: You served as the US ambassador to Indonesia from 2010 to 2013. How has that informed your long-term vision for Burma? A: Well, first, they're obviously very different places. There are a few parallels that we're thinking about, for example, the democratic transformation, the movement of the military out of politics, dealing with separatism. I wouldn't read too much into it. I wouldn't say, therefore, do exactly what Indonesia did. You can see some things that worked and some things that didn't. Q: Some Burma policy analysts have been critical of the United States' early lifting of sanctions. Has the removal of sanctions been successful? A: The way we look at it from the administration point of view is that we know what this place was like from 1962 on, for 60 years. When there was an opening, an opportunity for this country to move in a better direction, we thought it was important to do all that we could to encourage that. That's been our policy from day one. In a response to positive developments here—significant positive developments here—we waived a number of the sanctions, which I think was absolutely the right thing to do. Q: In light of Burma's stalled peace process, recent allegations against the Burma Army and a series of attacks on ethnic minority rebels, particularly in Kachin State, how does the United States counter the argument that military-to-military engagement is premature and perhaps even dangerous? A: Well, I would say two things: First, the peace process is obviously critically important to the success of this country and something that we very much support. So we've continually urged the government and all the players to, even when you have incidents, to look into those incidents and investigate them, and try to prevent them from happening. But also to keep the talks going. On the mil-to-mil side, the truth is there's very little happening in the US military relationship with Myanmar [Burma]. There seems to be some perception that there's a lot, but there's a very minimal amount happening, and whatever is happening is designed to try to encourage reform within the military, to help the Burmese military become more appropriate for a democratic country. Q: I know it's very early in the engagement, but is there any sign of progress on that front? A: I don't know, to be perfectly honest. I think the way I would put it is that it's going to be driven mostly by what happens internally. We think that a certain amount of engagement, the right type of engagement—like courses on civilian control of the military and international rules on human rights—can play a helpful role as part of a larger process of encouraging reform within the military. I wouldn't exaggerate it, I wouldn't say that a few courses suddenly brings about a dramatic transformation; it's meant to contribute. But the main point is that it's a very small amount that's going on, it's not a significant mil-to-mil relationship. Q: There was an incident in northern Shan State a few weeks ago [in reference to the deaths and possible rape of two young women in an area reportedly occupied by the Burma Army, into which a government-led investigation is still ongoing]. A military-owned newspaper said the Army was not involved and that anybody who claimed otherwise [following the investigation] could face legal action. Could you comment on that? A: Sure. First of all, whether here or elsewhere, impunity is not a good thing and accountability is essential. That's a message we push in the region in general, and certainly here. In terms of this particular horrific attack, we have called [for] and stressed the importance of a credible, transparent investigation that results in justice. We have done that as recently as Wednesday with the government in Naypyidaw. It's important, and it's important not because America is asking for it, but because it's the right thing to do. But also, it's essential for beginning to build some trust. It's part of the peace process, it's part of the effort of moving forward. You've got to have trust, and to do that you've got to have some sense of accountability and justice. Q: When you have these discussions with the government about credible investigations, how are they responding? A:I don't want to speak on behalf of the government, but I think the people we spoke with certainly indicated that they recognize that. I won't make any predictions about what will happen, but they certainly listened and took the point. Q: Moving back to the region more generally, in light of Thailand's continuation of martial law, what role do you expect Burma to play as an American partner in Southeast Asia over the coming years? A: Whatever happens in Thailand—and we hope, certainly, that Thailand moves back to democracy as quickly as possible—but either way our hope is that we can build a good, solid partnership with this country. Working together on health and economics and regional issues, you name it. Q: That said, what is at stake in the upcoming elections? What happens if they aren't held in 2015, for instance? A: There's a lot at stake, certainly, for the country. This process of reform over the last few years has created a tremendous opportunity, but there's no question that there's a huge amount of work still to do. The elections won't finish that work, but I think credible elections, credible to the people of the country, are essential to begin building more trust and to give people throughout the country a sense that their voice counts, and gives them some faith in the process moving forward. So these elections are absolutely critical. There is no question that successful, credible elections, we would welcome, and would certainly make it easier for us to continue to build a relationship. Q: President Obama stressed the importance of timely elections, which seems to have become more of a priority than constitutional reform. Where does this fall in the list of priorities at this time? A: First, I think we try to look at what the people of this country are asking for. [You could] argue that, as you build a democracy, it's important to have a constitution that's appropriate for a democracy. The president spoke to that. At this point elections look like they're going to happen in November, maybe late October, so it's critical to make those as successful as possible. So we're not choosing between the two. I think what we see is elections with a pretty clear schedule, and it's very important that those happen. Constitutional reform is on a different track. I don't know when amendments may or may not be passed, before or after elections. Q: How is the US prepared to adjust its Burma policy in the event that the government doesn't fulfill those promises of timely and fair elections, or if the military asserts more dominance over the government? A: It's really hard to answer that because there are a million different scenarios. As Burma moves forward, has successful elections, continues reform, moves on the peace process, all those sorts of things, that absolutely makes it easier for us to build on our relationship. To the extent that those things don't happen, it makes it harder. Again, it's hard to know because there are so many scenarios that could happen. I wouldn't want to make a specific prediction. Q: Just one last question for you, Mr. Marciel. How would you characterize the policy views of Congress and the White House; do they share the same vision and benchmarks of success, or are they at odds? A: The points I'm making are the administration's position, and certainly reflect the White House's views. Congress consists of a lot of different people, so there's not a uniform view. I spent a lot of time talking to, particularly, staff in Congress, and I hear a lot of those views, as I know the ambassador does. So what I would say is that there's a huge amount of interest in Congress, a lot of people hoping that things will head in a positive way. I think generally there has been support for our policy since the reforms began. There's a lot of difference on the tactics, and how to respond to specific incidents, certainly, some differing views about how things are going, but I think a lot of interest overall in the success of the country. The post 'There's a Lot at Stake, Certainly' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
Senior Minister Says Student Protestors ‘Threaten Stability’ Posted: 09 Feb 2015 02:35 AM PST RANGOON — Burma's Home Affairs minister said over the weekend that protestors against the controversial National Education Law were threatening the country's stability and development, a high-level condemnation that comes as tensions rise between student demonstrators and the government. In an interview with state-run media that aired on Saturday evening, Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko said the ongoing protests were a political pretext for a movement masterminded by anti-government elements masquerading as students. "We've found that there are some political parties fanning the protests, while social organizations are helping the students," he said. "We also found that the protests are made up of student organizations and elderly people—people who are too old to be students, and married people. If you look at the situation closely, you will find that ex-political hardliners are behind the protests. They are using their children to take the leading role of the protests. "We've found out that some foreign organizations are encouraging them," added the minister, who was accused last year of war crimes and crimes against humanity by a Harvard human rights group, which said it had collected sufficient evidence to merit the issuance of an International Criminal Court arrest warrant. Nanda Sit Aung, one of the leaders of the student protests, rejected the accusations, calling them "classic" tactics used by Burma's former junta when confronting the country's long history of student activism and dissent. "We are not asking them for power. [We're] just asking them to fix the undemocratic education [law]," he said. Since last month, students have been on a 400-mile march from Mandalay to Rangoon to protest the National Education Law, which was passed last year. Protestors say the legislation was not drafted in an inclusive fashion and bans the formation of student unions. The students from Upper Burma have triggered similar marches originating in Irrawaddy and Tenasserim divisions, with the groups expected to arrive in the commercial capital sometime in the coming weeks. Earlier this month, student representatives and government officials held two meetings to discuss the law, but the talks bore no tangible results. The government last week postponed a third meeting until after Feb. 12, which marks Union Day in Burma. Political analyst Yan Myo Thein said he did not view the student protests as a threat to Burma's stability and security. "The protests are not happening without reason," he said. "They are just pointing out the government's weakness. If they think the protests are a threat for them, I have to say their mindset is not much different from their predecessors, the ex-military dictatorship." A proud tradition of student activism, dating back to Burma's struggle for independence from Britain, has been met by successive military governments with violent suppression, including crackdowns on pro-democracy protests in 1988 and during the 2007 Saffron Revolution. Authorities in both those incidents justified the suppression by claiming to be acting in the interest of the nation, the stability of which was said to be threatened by the protesting masses. Asked about the possibility of a confrontation between students and the government this time, Yan Myo Thein said it was unlikely thanks to the current political horizon. "We have both a general election and a referendum on constitutional amendments this year. It's a very politically sensitive year. If they take action very seriously [against student protestors], it will have a negative impact on their international image. "Plus, if there is any crackdown, popular votes will pour onto the side of the opposition. They know it very well. They will take a negotiation approach rather than confrontation," he added. The post Senior Minister Says Student Protestors 'Threaten Stability' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
A Monumental Home Stretch to 2015 Elections Posted: 08 Feb 2015 10:34 PM PST The post A Monumental Home Stretch to 2015 Elections appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
Downtown Rangoon’s Busiest Market Posted: 08 Feb 2015 04:00 PM PST RANGOON — In downtown Rangoon's Kyauktada Township, traffic on Anawratha Road lumbers along in fits and grinds to a halt for what feels like hours at a time. As the day wears on, stallholders gradually claim space on the boulevard between Seikkantha Street and Pansodan Road, spilling into the narrow residential laneways to the north. Soon, the traffic on the sidewalk slows down to the speed of the road, as people eke and jostle their way through produce sellers, young couples dining on noodle salad and idle shoppers. The post Downtown Rangoon's Busiest Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
China Seizes Toilet Paper Bearing Image of Hong Kong Leader Posted: 08 Feb 2015 09:41 PM PST BEIJING — Authorities in southern China have seized about 8,000 rolls of toilet paper and another 20,000 packages of tissues containing unflattering images of Hong Kong's pro-Beijing chief executive, according to an official of the small political party that placed the order. The items were to be sold at a market in Hong Kong during Lunar New Year celebrations later this month, said Lo Kin-hei, a vice chairman of the Hong Kong Democratic Party. The seizure came after Hong Kong was shaken by a massive pro-democracy movement in which demonstrators demanded greater electoral freedom than Beijing is willing to grant. During the demonstrations, protesters expressed anger at Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, calling him a puppet of Beijing, and asked him to step down. No reason was given for the seizure of the US$12,900 worth of goods in the city of Shenzhen, outside of Hong Kong, Lo said. "I guess [the Chinese authorities] don't like people mocking government officials, especially high-ranking government officials, after the movement. They have become more cautious about criticisms about them," he said. The party's 4,000 rolls of toilet paper with Leung's image sold out at last year's seasonal market, and it decided to get more this year from a factory in Shenzhen, Lo said. The images of Leung on the novelty products are cartoonish and unflattering. One has him bearing two fangs, and another has the word "lying" on his forehead. The sickle-and-hammer symbol of the Communist Party of China also appears on some products. The order was placed under the name of a friend to obscure the party as the true buyer, and all communications were done through the friend instead of the party, Lo said. Citing the need to protect the manufacturer, Lo declined to reveal the factory's name and said he had no information on the whereabouts of the factory owner. "We are worried about what has happened to him," Lo said. Calls to Shenzhen police rang unanswered on Saturday, and there was no official report about any seizure of toilet paper. Lo said he found the act worrisome because it indicates further tightening by Chinese authorities on freedom of speech, which is guaranteed in Hong Kong's constitution. "Many productions in Hong Kong rely on the mainland. This kind of tightening means in the future it will be more difficult to make products in the mainland," Lo said. "It's alarmful for Hong Kong people that they keep suppressing freedom in Hong Kong. We will become the mainland if this kind of mocking will be not allowed in Hong Kong." The post China Seizes Toilet Paper Bearing Image of Hong Kong Leader appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
HIV-Positive Migrants Denied Care at Thai Public Hospitals Posted: 08 Feb 2015 08:46 PM PST BANGKOK— Zaw, an illegal Burmese migrant dying of AIDS-related illnesses, spent a weekend hunched over in waiting rooms at three Thai hospitals near Bangkok—each denying him care as he gasped for breath, his lungs full of fluid. At a fourth hospital that admitted him, a doctor drove a large-gauge needle between his ribs, draining liters of fluid, but by then the 34-year-old was gravely ill. Zaw died 40 days later—a death the Bangkok-based HIV Foundation that was helping him says could have been prevented with timely care. Hospitals across the country are denying insurance and care to migrant laborers like Zaw despite an insurance scheme launched over a year ago, officials and rights advocates say. "That's the story we have once every six to eight weeks: people in this situation, and we can't get them the care they need in time," Scott Berry, an Australian adviser for the HIV Foundation, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "If we have a Thai, who has an identification card, we can pay for them to get them into a hospital, but if they're from another country, then we find that really difficult to do." Thailand hosts an estimated 3 million migrant laborers, mostly from neighboring Burma, Cambodia and Laos, and 1.6 million of them are legally registered with the government. The country has had a health package for migrants for more than 10 years, officials say, but an August 2013 policy expanded the migrant health insurance benefits—at a cost of 2,100 baht (US$64) per person—to include HIV prevention, care and antiretroviral (ARV) drugs. "If you are non-Thai… documented or undocumented, you are eligible for that health insurance," said Sumet Ongwandee, director of the health ministry's bureau of AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases. However, he and his colleagues acknowledge that many hospitals still turn away migrants because they do not understand how the insurance scheme works and worry they will have to cover the costly HIV care out of their own budgets. For each migrant who buys health insurance, 600 baht ($18) is put into a fund for treatment of people with HIV/AIDS, and 50 baht ($1.50) into a fund for "high cost" care, including AIDS-related opportunistic infections such as tuberculosis, pneumonia and encephalitis. Hospitals caring for HIV/AIDS patients need only to file claims and will be fully reimbursed, said Buncha Kakhong, head of the health insurance group in the permanent secretary's office at the health ministry. The ministry called in staff from the 800 hospitals around the country twice in the second half of last year to tell them how HIV/AIDS claims are made and how the central HIV/AIDS fund works, but some still may not understand, he said. Hospitals are obliged to let patients buy an insurance card, Buncha told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. The ministry is trying hard to improve awareness, but there are no punishments for those who fail to provide service, he said. HIV-Positive Migrants Rejected Thailand has made huge strides in fighting HIV, slashing the estimated number of people infected to 8,100 in 2013, from 143,000 in 1991, and last year extending free ARV drugs to all Thais with HIV. HIV prevalence is about 1 percent among Thais aged 15 to 49, and about 1 to 2 percent among migrants. Migrants, who do low-paying, backbreaking jobs across the country, face widespread exploitation and discrimination. In the past, when migrants with AIDS sought care at hospitals, the staff would hand them over to NGOs, who would help transport them to the border, where they would die, too poor or ill to cross the border to return home, said Promboon Panitchpakdi, head of the Raks Thai Foundation. Access to care for migrants with HIV has improved dramatically over the past decade, said Promboon, whose organization has long worked on HIV prevention and care for migrants. It is not clear yet if the migrant health insurance is sustainable and if its funds will cover the costs of care, he said. He urged Thailand to allocate part of its tax earnings to the health and welfare of migrants, and draft a law to back up the migrant insurance scheme. "You can't have a large health insurance without a law that enforces (it)… Who knows, the next government may say, 'Oh, let's not do ARVs any more,'" he said. Meanwhile, many hospitals remain reluctant to sell insurance to ill people, leaving those who are HIV-positive fighting for their lives. "Although the policy was clear, localities were confused on issues of reimbursement and who was responsible for these migrants," said Brahm Press, head of the MAP Foundation, an NGO in the northern city of Chiang Mai that works with Burmese migrants. "We then started hearing about discrimination where hospitals were rejecting migrants they knew were HIV-positive." Babies With HIV The denial of care has also endangered the lives of babies born to migrant women with HIV. Thailand prides itself on testing nearly all pregnant Thai women for HIV and providing ARVs to prevent mother-to-child transmission. The rate of HIV transmission from Thai mothers to their babies was 2.3 percent in 2013. For non-Thais, however, only 71.5 percent of the HIV-positive women who seek antenatal care get ARVs. The rate of HIV transmission from these mothers to their babies is 4.8 percent. The HIV Foundation, which has helped about 1,600 people since it began its work three years ago, has assisted six pregnant Burmese women with HIV, five of whom did not start ARVs until a month or so before their due dates. "That's very late," said Piyathida Smutraprapoot, who is in charge of HIV/AIDS prevention, care and treatment for the Bangkok metropolitan area. "We want pregnant women to get tested early, and… start treatment immediately." Early ARV treatment will reduce the risk of the child contracting HIV from her. One Burmese woman found out she was HIV-positive at her first antenatal visit, when she was six months pregnant. She told the Thomson Reuters Foundation that she pleaded in vain with staff at a public hospital in Bangkok to sell her health insurance—even padding the 2,100-baht ($64) fee with a 3,900-baht ($120) bribe. In her eighth month of pregnancy, with help from the HIV Foundation, she received ARV drugs to protect her unborn child from contracting the virus. The baby's first HIV test in October, at one month old, came back negative. The result of his second test in January is pending. He has a last test when he is nine months old. Only then can doctors declare him HIV-free. The post HIV-Positive Migrants Denied Care at Thai Public Hospitals appeared first on The Irrawaddy. | |
Philippine, Indonesian Leaders to Discuss Territorial Spats Posted: 08 Feb 2015 08:33 PM PST
MANILA — The Philippines will raise its concerns over China’s land reclamation in disputed reefs and discuss Manila’s new peace deal with Muslim rebels with Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, who arrived Sunday for a brief visit, an official said. The Department of Foreign Affairs in Manila said President Benigno Aquino will discuss with Jokowi how their Southeast Asian nations can strengthen defense and maritime cooperation and bolster trade and investment. Foreign Secretary Albert del Rosario said the Philippines’ concern over China’s land reclamation in disputed reefs in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea will be raised in the talks with Jokowi. The two nations are among the founding members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which has been helping resolve the long-unresolved territorial rifts involving China, Taiwan and four Asean member states—Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam. Last month, del Rosario urged fellow ASEAN foreign ministers to seek international support and demand that China immediately stop the land reclamation, warning the regional bloc’s credibility may be undermined if it remains silent on the issue. Del Rosario told the ministers that China’s massive reclamations could threaten freedom of navigation and the vast offshore region’s biodiversity. The Philippines, Vietnam and Malaysia have protested the reclamation, worried that China can transform the emerging islands into offshore military bases to reinforce Beijing’s vast territorial claims, according to Philippine officials. Indonesia and China have no formal dispute, though in 2010, Indonesia’s navy came close to a shooting encounter with Chinese vessels that had entered waters off Jakarta’s Natuna island gas field near the sea. Indonesian officials said the incident was an intrusion by fishermen and not part of a territorial dispute. Indonesia’s support to the Philippine government’s peace talks with Muslim rebels in the south will also be tackled in talks with Jokowi, del Rosario said. The Philippines signed with the largest Muslim rebel group a new autonomy deal for minority Muslims in the south of the largely Roman Catholic nation. The deal came under fire when some of the Muslim rebel group’s fighters were implicated in a Jan. 25 clash that left 44 Filipino police commandos dead.
The post Philippine, Indonesian Leaders to Discuss Territorial Spats appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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