The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Intrigue and an iPad
- Dala Safe House Offers Refuge for Children in Need
- ‘Such Actions Severely Tarnish our Democratic Reforms’
- The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 9, 2015)
| Posted: 08 May 2015 06:30 PM PDT  Retired junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe is seen receiving instructions on how to use an iPad from his granddaughter. (Photo: Facebook) Is ex-senior general Than Shwe, the country's widely feared and reviled former head of state, still pulling the strings? As with most questions over the secretive former junta leader, the answer remains unclear. While some skeptics and dissidents believe he is still influential, others counter that he is no longer involved in politics. What is true is that the former State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) chairman has not made a formal public appearance since late 2011. In January 2013, Union Solidarity and Development Party vice-chairman U Htay Oo said the former senior general was in fine health and happily retired, although he continued to follow politics in the country. "Of course, he is interested in politics as he was the leader of a country. It is certain that he wants the [political] system that he established to be successful," U Htay Oo said at the time. Some observers have pointed out that local journals now dare to publish articles on Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe's past crimes, misdeeds and corruption and on his family since the political opening in Myanmar. If he was still powerful, they argue, he would have moved to stop them. Ministers who know and respect him have previously told me that whenever there are festive ceremonies in Myanmar, many in the government, military officials and cronies still go to pay their respects to him and his family—now living in a lavish compound in Naypyitaw built from gas money reaped during his time as head of state. One can still see armed officers and soldiers standing guard outside his house near Water Fountain Park. In March, just ahead of Armed Forces Day, the ex-general made a surprise appearance on social media. His grandson Ko Nay Shwe Thway Aung (also known as Pho La Pyae) shared a photo on his Facebook account of the former military strongman receiving instructions on how to use an iPad from his granddaughter in a well-furnished living room. It's difficult to confirm how recently the undated photo was taken. Many close to army sources suggest the photo was two or three years old. But aside from its date of origin, what was the motive behind its posting? Was it just to demonstrate the old man is still going strong? Or was there a deeper message? The Old Guard's Influence Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe ruled the country with an iron fist before convening sham elections in 2010. He handed over power to his people—men in uniform—and handpicked former general U Thein Sein, who served as SPDC prime minister and was a general staff officer in the country's war office in the early 1990s, as his successor. In a clever strategic move, the former army supremo appeared to have appointed U Thein Sein as someone who wouldn't rock the boat. He was not a fire-breathing dragon, was loyal to Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe and supported the 2008 Constitution (he was chairman of the National Convention Convening Commission) that guarantees the military's role in national politics.  Former junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe. (Photo: Reuters) However, whether the ex-dictator himself is still influential in politics continues to be hotly debated by Myanmar political observers. Last year, Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe, now 82, reportedly attended a funeral for the wife of ex-general U Tin Aye, the chairman of the Union Election Commission. According to some insiders, he was healthy and—just as U Htay Oo remarked two years ago—keeping abreast with politics and current affairs. Vice-Snr.-Gen. U Maung Aye who served as the second most powerful general in the previous regime was also there. The battle-hardened general who once served in Shan State suffered a stroke a few years ago. U Thein Sein and U Shwe Mann were also in attendance. It was a chance for the old junta members to reconnect, although the latter two, as well as U Tin Aye, are still active in politics. Reportedly, they discussed the national election slated for later this year and Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe asked: what if the lady and her party win a majority? What will happen to us? Dictators' Destiny Ahead of the elections, the fear factor will play on the minds of those junta leaders still alive today who are edgy about possible new political realities on the horizon. When Myanmar's strongman Gen. Ne Win resigned from the government and party he founded amid political turmoil in 1988, many believed he was still influential in steering the regime leaders to stage a coup and crush the historic democracy uprising. After ostensibly exiting the political stage, Gen. Ne Win regularly met his former subordinates and colleagues at home to discuss Buddhism, meditation and politics. He didn't entirely leave politics behind. In 1992, the former dictator asked that the chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council Snr.-Gen. Saw Maung, who suffered a nervous breakdown, be replaced. As a result, Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe became leader of the ruling junta. Two years after Gen. Ne Win's resignation, Myanmar held its first free and fair national elections in 28 years, which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won in a landslide. But the outcome of the 1990 elections was never honored; if power was handed to the NLD, what would happen to old socialist regime leaders, including Gen. Ne Win? Ironically, it was Snr.-Gen. Than Shwe in 2002 that ultimately sought to neutralize the influence of the former dictator, placing him under house arrest and jailing three of his grandsons for an alleged plot to overthrow the ruling regime. Gen. Ne Win died in December the same year and his grandsons served long prison sentences. They were released in a general amnesty in 2013. "The Royal Family" members now freely roam the town, dabble on social media and generally retain a public profile. No doubt today there is no love lost between the Ne Win and Than Shwe clans. It may be members of the latter family that have more cause for anxiety over the future, as age creeps up on the former regime leader and the uncertain twists and turns of power and political rivalry take shape in an election year. Whatever the real reason that Ko Nay Shwe Thway Aung posted his grandfather's photograph, at least one implication seems clear. As long as the now reclusive ex-dictator is alive, the intrigue over his influence will continue. The post Intrigue and an iPad appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Dala Safe House Offers Refuge for Children in Need Posted: 08 May 2015 06:00 PM PDT Click to view slideshow. DALA, Rangoon Division — When Daw Ni Ni left her native Chin state in early 2009, she hoped to find work and a new life as a longyi weaver in Dala, just across the river from downtown Rangoon. The region had been devastated by Cyclone Nargis only months before, but that did little to deter her dreams. Soon after her arrival, Daw Ni Ni's course took a sharp turn. A friend of her husband arrived at her home with an abandoned baby girl, asking her to care for the child. Despite her hesitation and a complete lack of food and resources at the time, she took the child in. The local community in Dala soon rallied around with support in the form of rice and vegetables. In a country where the United Nations children's agency, Unicef, estimates that one in three children are malnourished and 50 percent of under-five infant deaths are preventable, much of the nation's child welfare responsibilities fall to private citizens with generous hearts. Without such help, many of these children could become victims of child sexual assault, be left to beg on the streets, given grossly underpaid, physically punishing work for long hours in teashops and factories, or even find themselves recruited and exploited by unscrupulous armed forces. For Daw Ni Ni, that first young baby girl became the start of a steady flow of children arriving at her home—some orphaned, others simply abandoned or neglected by broken families, all in need of urgent help and protection. None were turned away, regardless of their faith or ethnicity, and with growing support her home slowly transformed into a child refuge center. The modest residence is now home to more than 17 boys and seven young girls ranging in age from 5 to 17 years, diverse in ethnicity, many from Chin, Naga and Shan backgrounds. Daw Ni Ni it seemed, had found her calling. Her husband, Zaw Zwa, is now a river boatman, and together they provide a home and—Daw Ni Ni readily admits—a sometimes patchy education to their ever-growing family. These days support comes from a variety of sources, although their mainstay is still the local community, supplemented by occasional help and interest from foreign visitors. Daw Ni Ni said that she does not meet the capacity threshold required to qualify for government assistance as an orphanage. Some of the older boys in her care now work in local repair shops to supplement the household income. The older girls pitch in around the house by cooking and cleaning. Each child is provided with a locker, and the boys sleep on mats on the ground floor, while the girls stay upstairs with Daw Ni Ni. When the Irrawaddy visited their home on Thursday, most of the children were happily engrossed in an animated movie on the television downstairs. With an ever-growing population of children at risk on the streets of Burma's cities, private children's homes, such as Daw Ni Ni's, provide an essential service in salvaging young lives and offering protection and hope for the future. The post Dala Safe House Offers Refuge for Children in Need appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘Such Actions Severely Tarnish our Democratic Reforms’ Posted: 08 May 2015 05:30 PM PDT  Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe is joined by Interim Myanmar Press Council member Myint Kyaw and Ko Nyan Linn, chief editor of Archives Magazine. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) On this week's edition of Dateline Irrawaddy, the panel discusses the Burma Army's announcement it would pursue legal action against media outlets which publish statements by Kokang insurgents, which the military has been battling in a renewed conflict since February. Kyaw Zwa Moe: On World Press Freedom Day on May 3, the Burma Army issued a statement which bans the publication on statements released by the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Kokang rebel group which has attended the ethnic summit in Panghsang, Wa State. It warns there will be legal action to outlets that disobey. This will be our topic for discussion, in which I am joined by Ko Myint Kyaw, a member of the Interim Myanmar Press Council and Ko Nyan Linn, the chief editor of Archives Magazine. I am Kyaw Zwa Moe, editor of The Irrawaddy English edition. Ko Myint Kyaw and Ko Nyan Linn, as we know, the Military's Accurate Information Unit released a statement that declares the Kokang rebels of the MNDAA an unlawful association, and news media are not permitted to broadcast or publish their statements from the conference at Panghsang. Such a statement was quite rare in the past. Why did the military issue such a statement, Ko Myint Kyaw? Myint Kyaw: The difference between the present and the past is that social media is playing quite an important role in current conflict with the Kokang. We've frequently seen propaganda and psychological warfare on social media. Sometimes, it is spread by one side and sometimes by both sides. This has a certain impact on mainstream media. The military probably can't tolerate news which exerts such an impact on their operations. I understand their feelings but I think their procedure and the way they responded is unacceptable. KZM: When we write a story, we write it based on information we gather from various sides. If one side is blocked, will it impact the quality of the news, and what can we do about biased reporting? MK: If one side does not release information, we may publish only the news and information from the other side. That information may not be 100 percent true. Once a war breaks out, it is usually followed by propaganda. Some may be half lies and half truth while some may be more lies than truth. The question is how to handle this. We journalists make reporting decisions depending on public interest tests. But the government, or in the case of the Kokang fighting, the military, sometimes tries to forbid and prohibit media from reporting, for reasons relating to their institutional interests or national security. We are on a path towards democratization and such actions severely tarnish our democratic reforms. I don't think the international community will consider it to be a good sign either. KZM: Ko Nyan Linn, I would like to your opinion as an editor. An editor will publish any report that has news value, should it be ethnic issues or economic issues or armed group issues. So did you still have the wish to publish the news after you had read that statement? Were you worried? KZM: Here we have come to the topic of legality. The army's statement uses the phrases 'existing laws' and 'communications with unlawful association.' There may be different forms of communications. If someone communicates with what an insurgent group to support or to share information, it is no doubt cooperation with that group. But then, if someone communicates with them either by phone or in person to gather news, is that against the law? For example, the US has eliminated Osama Bin Laden. Before that, journalists communicated with terrorist organizations to interview them. Those interviews were published worldwide, in which case, it's very different from the situation here. What is your assessment, Ko Myint Kyaw? MK: If they warn us by comparing the gathering of news by journalists with an ordinary citizen associating with an unlawful association, it is limiting the flow of news. People will no longer know anything about that group. These groups may be spreading propaganda but we still need to inform people about what they are doing, daily life in their area, and the political, economic and security situation there. For example, what is the security situation like in Kokang areas? What do they say? People who will go to that region and do business or work there need to know these things. The flow of news is important for ordinary people and we are here to make sure the news gets out. We are neither informants nor spies, and we do not want to disadvantage the government army. We are just trying to make sure people are given the right to know. Previously, reporters went to Laiza and made interviews with ethnic leaders in person. Legal action should not be taken against doing this. In the case of ban on publishing Kokang's statements, it is specifically targeted at the Kokang and it is not a total ban. But my overall assessment is that it is not reasonable to bring a charge of unlawful association against journalists. They should not do so. KZM: Looking at the past, our country was ruled by military government, in different forms and in successive periods, from 1962. And press freedom was banned throughout these successive periods. It was very rare that military leaders gave direct interviews to media. Even in the first three or four years of U Thein Sein's administration , the army barely made official statements. Now, the military's Accurate Information Unit releases information to media. This can be called something like progress, more or less. Ko Nyan Linn, what is the difference between reporting about conflict and other issues? How much more sensitive is it really? NL: We journalists have to take considerable precautions if we are to write about the army. There have been two cases previously involving Unity and then the Global Post. Given those cases, journalists seem to be hesitant both consciously and unconsciously to write about the army. Journalists are concerned that they would be subjected to legal action if they criticized the military. We have to take extra caution in reporting about the clashes. To make balanced reporting of the clashes— KZM: It is an ethic that every journalist has to observe, I think. NL: But in some circumstances, it is difficult to verify if a report is true or more serious than it sounds. It is important that journalists do not seriously believe everything that one side says in covering any issue. We should not believe 100 percent in what the army says and nor should we 100 percent believe what the Kokang group says. We need to verify again and again, information should have various voices to make sure it is balanced reporting. This is part and parcel of being a journalist and I would like to ask the military to consider this point. KZM: At this point, I think cooperation is required to get accurate information. The government and the military and the business community should operate with a spirit of cooperation. I think the military is less cooperative than the others. What do you think, Ko Myint Kyaw? MK: Yes, we have difficulty in gathering information about the military. Journalists always talk about how difficult it is to get information from the military when they find out I am a member of Press Council. They ask me if there is any progress. I tell them that we are still trying and the process is not yet completed. We want the military to be able to directly answer or reply when we ask questions by phone. We have not yet reached that stage. We still don't have contact persons. The military needs to have contact people to communicate with the media and directly answer the media's questions. They should be able to respond at any time in case any group—should it be the Kokang or the Kachin Independence Army—spreads propaganda. If they do so, people will not believe the propaganda of the other side. They will have to respond as necessary. For example, a clash breaks out today and an ethnic armed group says ten soldiers from the army are killed. If the army does not respond, readers will think it is true. So, the army loses prestige from failing to communicate with the media. KZM: Thank you both for your participation today. The post 'Such Actions Severely Tarnish our Democratic Reforms' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 9, 2015) Posted: 08 May 2015 05:00 PM PDT
 Danish company Carlsberg began brewing beer at a factory in Pegu Division this week. (Photo: Alexander Demianchuk / Reuters) Not Mates? Report Says Rival Aussie Business Groups in Dispute Australian companies may be chomping at the bit to enter Burma's so-called "frontier" market, especially in the field of natural resource extraction, but investment may be being held back by a dispute between two rival business associations. A report last month in Australia's biggest-selling newspaper, The Australian, featured antipodean ventures having success in Burma, namely oil and gas firm Woodside and ANZ Bank. Australian mining firms have also been linked to exploration in Burma, including Eumeralla Resources, which is seeking approval to explore for minerals in the troubled hills of Karenni State. But the lengthy report also warned of what it called "the complexities of doing business in the country," giving as an example a "schism" between the Sydney-based Australian-Myanmar Chamber of Commerce (A-MCC) and the locally registered Australia Myanmar Business Group. "The Sydney-based group was formed by accountants Lachlan Foy and Michael Phin, who worked with insolvency practice KordaMentha, and Australian-educated La Min Win," The Australian reported. "Win has close family connections to the military that still exercises substantial control." The report said that efforts by A-MCC to register in Burma were blocked by the local group. Little is known about the Australian Myanmar Business Group, which does not appear to have a web site. "Government rules mean only one business representative group from each country can legally exist," the report said. "The Australian embassy has withheld its imprimatur until a peace deal is reached." Michael Phin, A-MCC's executive director, clarified in an email that the Sydney-based organization has not yet applied to register in Burma. "A-MCC and the Australian business community in Myanmar are currently working together to formally register in Myanmar," he said. "A-MCC will continue to deliver on various programs, events and initiatives in both Australia and Myanmar. For example, we are currently delivering a skills and capacity building program with our members, supported by funding from Austrade’s Asian Business Engagement Plan." He added that the group was incorporated in 2013 in Australia with the approval of the Australian government and the Australian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and had signed a memorandum of understanding with the Burma's main business association, the UMFCCI, in early 2014. Public Meeting Canceled After Protest Planned Against Salween Dam Another Australian firm in Burma in a spot of bother of late is the Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC). The company is acting as consultant on the Chinese- and Thai-backed Mong Ton hydropower project on the Salween River in Shan State, and has been tasked with arranging consultation meetings with local communities. But local civil society groups have come together to form robust opposition to the dam—the biggest of a handful of dams proposed on the currently free-flowing Salween—which would see a large part of Kunhing Township flooded. Thousands of people could be displaced if the 227-meter-high dam is constructed, and the majority of the power generated by the 6,400-megawatt-capacity dam is expected to be exported to Thailand. According to a statement from the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), the Australian firm had planned to hold the latest public meeting on the project in Kunhing on April 30, but "apparently due to news of the planned protest, the public meeting was abruptly cancelled." The demonstration, involving local Shan Nationalities Democratic Party member of Parliament Nang Wa Nu, went ahead, and a statement was drawn up opposing the project. "They raised concerns about impacts the damaging of the dam on thousands of people and historical sites, the lack of guarantee of political rights, and the fragility of current ceasefires," the SHRF statement said of the event. SMEC is sub-contracted by the developers of the dam, which include China Three Gorges Corporation, China Southern Power Grid, Sinohydro and the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand, according to the statement. Also reportedly involved in the project International Group of Entrepreneurs Co. (Myanmar), or IGE, a company run by the family of ruling party lawmaker Aung Thaung, who was added to the United States Treasury's Specially Designated Nationals list last year. SMEC did not respond to requests for comment from The Irrawaddy. The company's website touts its "strong presence" in Burma since 1969 and says it produced an assessment of Burma's energy sector for the Asian Development Bank in 2012. Dawei Agreement Delayed Once More The troubled project to build a special economic zone and port in the southern Burmese area of Dawei has hit another snag, with the signing of a new agreement reportedly delayed again. According to newswire Deutsche Presse Agentur, an official at Thai developer Italian-Thai Development (ITD) said an agreement between the Thai and Burmese governments to kickstart the project will now not be signed until July. Two deadlines for the agreement to be signed have already been missed, and the project itself has suffered years of setbacks due to problems securing funding. The economic zone and deep port is meant provide a hub for trade from the Andaman Sea, across the Tenasserim Hills, to Thailand. "The delay is reportedly due to administrative slowdowns in Naypyidaw," DPA reported, citing ITD marketing manager Pravee Kamolkancha. The report added that, "The Thai government and Italian-Thai Development are ready to sign the agreement," according to the ITD official. Spanish Group to Run Hotel in Vietnamese Development Spanish chain Melia Hotels International will operate a 439-room hotel at the bank of Rangoon's Inya lake, according to the Vietnamese company building a massive mixed-use development in Burma's biggest city. Vietnamese conglomerate Hoang Anh Gia Lai (HAGL) announced on May 2 that it had signed an agreement that will see part of the development run by the Spanish company, which manages 20 five-star hotels worldwide. "Melia Yangon Hotel has been built with 429 international-standard rooms fully equipped with modern facilities such as a convention center, restaurants, entertainment and sport areas, and other high-grade facilities," HAGL said in a statement. The hotel is part of the first phase of a sprawling development valued at $550 million under construction by HAGL, which is set to also include office space, retail outlets and condominiums. The company is reportedly seeking new partners for the project after an agreement with Singaporean company Rowsley to take a 50 percent stake in the project fell through. Carlsberg Opens Beer Factory in Pegu Danish company Carlsberg began brewing beer at a factory in Pegu Division this week, in a joint venture with the local tycoon famed for bringing Pepsi to Burma. A report in the Global New Light of Myanmar said the factory was officially opened on Thursday in a ceremony attended by local officials and the Danish ambassador to Burma. The company has developed a new beer, YOMA, which was designed specifically for the Burmese market and includes rice among its ingredients. The state-run newspaper said the factory will also produce the company's flagship Carlsberg beer and its Tuborg brand. "Carlsberg says its presence in Myanmar will bring employment to thousands of people countrywide in the coming years, with the company already employing more than 150 staff." the newspaper reported. The factory is a joint venture between Carlsberg Group and Myanmar Golden Star, a local company headed by businessman "Pepsi" Thein Tun, who brought the American soda brand to Burma in 1991. Last year, Thein Tun took over a majority stake in the English-language Myanmar Times newspaper. The Danish beer brand will hope to make inroads into Burma's beer market, which is dominated by the military controlled Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, which brews Myanmar Beer and Singaporean brand Tiger Beer. The new facility will have the capacity to produce 60 million liters of beer each year, the state media report said, adding that beer consumption among Burmese is currently low relative to other countries. "According to the company's research, Myanmar's beer consumption, at 6 litres per head on average per year, is very low compared with 38 litres for Thailand and 100 litres for Europe," the report said. The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (May 9, 2015) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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