The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Fractious Parliament Defers Recall Bill Until After Election
• Kirin Buys Majority Stake in Myanmar Brewery
• Peace Negotiators Get down to Detail Ahead of Thein Sein Talks
• Needs of Flood-Affected Livestock ‘Urgent’
• Govt Task Force Nabs ‘Illegal’ Materials from Flood Relief Vehicles
• Burma Parliament Approves Contentious Race and Religion Bills
• Burmese Filmmaker Honored at Asean Youth Competition
• A Southern Adventure in the Myeik Islands
• South Korea Fires Rounds at North in Response to Projectile
• After Election, Sri Lanka PM Invites Rivals to Work Together
• Thai Police Seek Interpol Help to Track Bomb Suspect
• India’s Policewomen Battle Sexism at Every Level
• Supporting Flood-Relief Efforts, Election Watchdog Worries for November Poll
• As Election Nears, Parliament to Take Up Impeachment Bill
• Suu Kyi’s Convoy Tailed En Route to Capital, NLD Sources Say
• Cherry FM to Resume Broadcast After Govt Warning
• A Lifeline for Those Living with Leprosy
• Ruling Party Lawmakers Lament Intraparty Turmoil
• Upper House Nixes Last Pre-Poll Legislative Session
• Larry Diamond: ‘Democracy is Not Going to be Achieved Fully in the November Elections’

Fractious Parliament Defers Recall Bill Until After Election Posted: 20 Aug 2015 07:32 AM PDT Members of Parliament arrive at the Lower House of Parliament in Naypyidaw on August 18, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) NAYPYIDAW — Burma's Union Parliament voted on Thursday to delay discussion of a hotly contested impeachment bill that could have been used to unseat besieged Speaker Shwe Mann, who last week was removed from his post as chairman of the ruling party in a surprise political reshuffle. The motion to suspend the bill passed with the narrow margin of 264 in favor, 235 against. Twelve lawmakers abstained. Discussion will not resume until at least the next parliamentary session, which will be held sometime after a general election in November. Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC) on Aug. 13 urged the Speaker to bring the bill to a vote, an ironic request in light of last week's purge of his Union Solidarity Party (USDP). In a dramatic standoff late on Wednesday night, Shwe Mann was expelled from the party's leadership and accused of several offenses including opaque use of party funds, exhibiting undemocratic behavior and failing to abide by the Constitution. Shwe Mann is viewed as something of an ally to the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, and its chairwoman, Aung San Suu Kyi. Observers have characterized last week's intraparty upset as the culmination of a power struggle between the Speaker and President Thein Sein. Thursday's deferral may indicate that Shwe Mann is not entirely without allies in the Union Parliament, despite his unbecoming ouster complete with security forces. In its current form, the bill could allow for the impeachment of elected members of Parliament if one percent of his or her constituency supports a recall. Petitions to impeach that meet the one percent benchmark would subject the targeted lawmaker to an investigation by the UEC, which is constitutionally empowered to adjudicate the case. Shwe Mann currently faces such a petition on the grounds that he supported a motion that would challenge the military's veto power over constitutional amendments, which a faction of the party viewed as misleading to his constituents and in violation of the law. Supporters of the recall bill's suspension argued that the threshold for impeachment was too low and there was not enough time in the current session to fully debate the proposal. Upper House parliamentarian Banyar Aung Moe, of the All Mon Region Democracy Party (AMRDP), was one of fifteen lawmakers to address the chambers on Thursday, arguing in favor of suspending the motion. "It is appropriate to suspend [the recall bill] because we need a lot of time, and we don't have very much time because the session will end soon as the election is near," he told The Irrawaddy outside of Parliament. Some lawmakers said that they support the bill in principle but would like longer deliberations to ensure that he final product is democratic. Aye Maung of the Arakan National Party (ANP) took issue with details of the existing draft that he viewed as hasty and potentially harmful. "We are not afraid of this bill, and we accept that the Parliament needs such a bill to drive it to be effective," Aye Maung said. "But one percent is too low, and would have more disadvantages than advantages." Nay Win Tun of the Pa-O National Organization party (PNO) echoed the sentiment, concerned that the low disapproval requirement would result in too high a turnover of elected officials, which could "confuse our constituents." A disappointed Hla Swe, one of Burma's most outspoken ruling party lawmakers, countered simply that "one percent is enough," and "the bill is needed to push out parliamentarians who aren't working for their constituents." Also in his camp was newly minted USDP chief Htay Oo, who has said little to the press since he replaced Shwe Mann as the party's acting chairman last week. Speaking to reporters after Thursday's session, Htay Oo vowed to "respect" the suspension despite his displeasure. "There has [already] been a lot of discussion about this in the past, and I don't think we should take any more time to legalize [the recall bill]," Htay Oo said. "I'm not afraid of the one percent, or however many percent it may be. If people don't like me, I have to quit." The post Fractious Parliament Defers Recall Bill Until After Election appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Kirin Buys Majority Stake in Myanmar Brewery Posted: 20 Aug 2015 05:05 AM PDT Kirin will replace Singapore-based Fraser & Neave as majority partner in the makers of Myanmar Beer. (Photo: Yuriko Nakao / Reuters) RANGOON — Japan's Kirin Company has announced the purchase of a majority stake in the country's most lucrative beer manufacturer, the day before a deadline set to finalize the withdrawal of the brewery's previous foreign backer. Kirin announced on Wednesday it had bought a 55 percent stake in Myanmar Brewery from Fraser & Neave, owned by Thai business magnate Charoen Sirivadhanabhakdi, and will operate the company in partnership with a subsidiary of the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL). After relations soured following Charoen's 2013 acquisition of Fraser & Neave, UMEHL sought to dissolve its partnership with the Singapore-based beverage giant. At the end of July, arbitrators in Singapore gave UMEHL until Aug. 20 to finalize a $560 million share purchase Fraser & Neave, the same amount paid by Kirin to acquire the majority stake. "Myanmar is an exciting market with considerable prospects—high growth and increasing consumption have been forecasted following the country's recent democratization, ongoing reforms and the progressive lifting of previous economic sanctions," said a press statement released by Kirin on Wednesday. "Kirin aims for further growth by leveraging its own expertise in technology, product development, and research and marketing." Myanmar Brewery claims that its products—which include Myanmar Beer, Andaman Gold and Myanmar Double Strong—currently have a domestic market share of over 80 percent, though the commencement of local production by foreign brewers Carlsberg and Heineken is likely to erode the brewery's customer base in the coming months. Myo Min Aung, vice chairman of Myanmar Retailers Association, told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar Brewery's revenue forecasts would remain strong despite the new competition as a result of the company's comprehensive distribution network. "More than 80 percent of retail alcohol sellers have contracted with Myanmar Brewery to sell their products," he said. "Other new beer brands will find it hard to compete with them as the taste of their product is accepted by both local and foreign consumers." Myo Min Aung added that he expected Myanmar Brewery to upgrade their facilities and incorporate new products as local competition increased. The post Kirin Buys Majority Stake in Myanmar Brewery appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Peace Negotiators Get down to Detail Ahead of Thein Sein Talks Posted: 20 Aug 2015 04:58 AM PDT Technical teams meet in Chiang Mai, Thailand ahead of peace talks between ethnic armed groups and President Thein Sein. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — Technical teams representing government and ethnic peace negotiators convened in northern Thailand on Thursday in anticipation of talks between the President and five ethnic armed groups next week. Teams from the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) and the ethnic negotiating bloc known as the Senior Delegation took part in the brief conference, participants said, which focused on implementation of a possible forthcoming Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). The agreement, now nearly two years in the making, aims to put an end to more than six decades of civil war between the Burma Army and the country's myriad ethnic rebel groups. Negotiators have said they are nearing a deal and expect to sign the accord before a general election to be held on Nov. 8. Written into the agreement—parts of which were published by the government for the first time on Tuesday—is a plan to commence political dialogue within 90 days of ratification. MPC's Aung Naing Oo told The Irrawaddy that Thursday's talks centered on facilitating post-accord dialogue. "We have many things to do after [signing] the NCA," he said. "We also need to form implementing committees [for ceasefire monitoring, political dialogue and code of conduct]." Leaders of the Tatmadaw, or Burmese Armed Forces, and ethnic armed groups will convene within 14 days of reaching the accord to decide on a timeframe for the dialogue and related activities. Framework for political discussions must be established within 60 days, leaving another 30 days until talks begin. Salai Lian Hmong Sakhong, a member of the ethnic delegation's technical team and representative of the Chin National Front, said only a few clarifications in terminology remain to be resolved before next week's talks in the capital, Naypyidaw. Representatives of five ethnic organizations are set to meet with President Thein Sein on Aug. 25: the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO); Karen National Union (KNU); Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP); New Mon State Party (NMSP); and the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP). The last remaining issue to be resolved, negotiators said, is the inclusion of several armed groups that are not recognized by the government and are currently ineligible to sign the pact. While some ethnic organizations have agreed to proceed with the accord, several others maintain the position of Burma's main ethnic alliance, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), which does not want to sign the NCA until it is inclusive of all members. Three of the six groups in question—the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Arakan Army—proposed an independent peace deal with the government in early August, after months of deadly conflict in eastern Burma's Kokang Region and northern Shan State. The remaining three—the Lahu Democratic Union, the Wa National Organization and the Arakan National Council—were deemed by the government not to have sizeable enough armies to warrant designation as combatants. The post Peace Negotiators Get down to Detail Ahead of Thein Sein Talks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Needs of Flood-Affected Livestock ‘Urgent’ Posted: 20 Aug 2015 04:33 AM PDT A herd of cattle is ferried across high waters at a flood-stricken area in Magwe Division. (Photo: Facebook / MOI Webportal Myanmar) RANGOON — As fallout continues from the worst flooding in decades to hit several regions in Burma, aid groups say that in addition to the ongoing humanitarian needs of people affected by the high waters, thousands of farm animals urgentlyrequirefood and medicine. Nearly 1.6 million people have been affected by the heavy monsoon rains and subsequent landslides that began in mid-July, leaving at least 110 people dead, and damaging or destroyingnearly650,000 acres of farmland, as well as homes, bridges and roads. But Four Paws, a Vienna-based international animal welfare organization, said thousands of animals are also caught up in the crisis, especially livestock such as cows and pigs, which now urgently need drinking water, foodand temporary shelter. The group said it has sent a "rapid response team" to the Irrawaddy Delta, one of the worst-affected areas and home to a particularly large number of farm animals that have little access to food, to provide emergency care for about 10,000 cows, buffaloes, pigs and goats. Dr. Amir Khalil, leader of the Four Paws rapid response team, said in a press release on Wednesday that in addition to the perils to survival posed by a lack of food and potable water, many animals are left standing in stagnant floodwaters, increasing their risk of contracting waterborne diseases. The dangers facing these animals, he said, could have knock-on effects for local farmers and the broader economy, given that 70 percent of the country's workforce is involved in agriculture. "With the loss of their animals, many people have also lost their livelihoods. Those who have been able to save their animals now have no way of looking after them," Khalil said, adding that provision of veterinary care would not be possible in some places until the situation began to normalize and accessing those areas became easier. ThetZaw, a program officer from a mobile medical team of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society, which is collecting donations for flood victims and delivering aid supplies to flood-affected areas, said 10,000 cattle are facing starvation in Irrawaddy Division's Ingapu Township. The livestock could die in the next five daysif they are not supplied with sufficientfood and veterinary care, he said. "It is an urgent situation to save them. They are too weak now because of [food] deprivation and their skin is badlychaffed," he said, adding that provision of adequate food was the priority, and that donors were coming around to the importance of ensuring livestock are provided for. "It is important to feed them first. We can't cure them immediately. We need to feed them as soon as possible and only after that, we can cure them," ThetZaw said, adding that donationsof antibioticsand other medical supplies were welcomed. He acknowledged that, though the group is now providing emergency care tolivestock, the animals were neglected in the early days of the crisis as the needs of affected human populations were prioritized. Even some of the people receiving assistance did not agree with that approach, he said, recalling how one ailing 60-year-old woman in an Irrawaddy Delta village pleaded with aid workers to shift their focus to the animals, which she referred to as "our benefactors." "Even without you guys caring for us, we can find ways to survive," ThetZaw quoted the woman as saying."We are people; we have intelligence. Not like us, but together struggling with us, our benefactors don't have that intellect and they can't stand like us. Only if we look after them will they live." ThetZawsaid nearly 100 cows are dying everyday in the region, with serious implications for the planting and harvesting seasons that will follow once floodwaters recede. "The government also needs to allocate cows there," he added. Speaking to the state-run daily Global New Light of Myanmar,Dr.Sann Win, head of the Ingapu Township Livestock Breeding and Veterinary Department, said that although the township sees flooding annually, this year's inundationhas been much worse than usual. But the official told the newspaper that the number of cattle in urgent need of emergency provisions was lower than the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society's estimate of 10,000 cattle. Dr.TunLwin, information officer for the Ministry of Livestock, Fisheries and Rural Development, said that through Tuesday, the flooding in total had killed 5,538 cows, 3,005 buffaloes, 6,335 pigs andnearly 210,000 chickens, at an estimated cost ofat least 5 billion kyats (US$3.9 million). "They[the government] will support farm animals in flood-affected areas, but there are not yet details of the plan," he said, adding thatministerial departments in flood-affected regions were fielding veterinary medical teams and supplying stock and feed to farmers who request it. The post Needs of Flood-Affected Livestock 'Urgent' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Task Force Nabs ‘Illegal’ Materials from Flood Relief Vehicles Posted: 20 Aug 2015 03:24 AM PDT Villagers in Pwintbyu, Pegu Division, receive aid on August 5, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — A mobile government task force assigned to combat the smuggling of goods seized materials from two vehicles involved in flood relief efforts on Monday that it claimed were illegally brought in from Thailand. The vehicles, one belonging to the Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics and the other to the 88 Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar), were stopped and searched in Pegu on Monday, with authorities confiscating 4.1 million kyat worth of interior car accessories, allegedly imported illegally. "They [the party members] didn't have legal customs documents for those materials," Than Win, deputy director of the Ministry of Commerce, told The Irrawaddy. The two vehicles were traveling from Karen State's Myawaddy on the Thai-Burma border with relief items including drinking water, medicines, rice and other foods for flood victims in Thegon Township, Pegu Division. But the government's mobile task force saw fit to search the two vehicles on Monday after noticing the car accessories that it suspected to be uncertified, a task force official said. The items were confiscated and sent to the customs department. Ye Tun, chairman of the 88 Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar), said the party members were focused on flood relief efforts and had not deliberately breached import restrictions. "Those members don't know what they should and shouldn't do, they're just [focused] on helping flood victims," he said. "I think they unintentionally brought these goods without documents and the government should only warn them." The two small political parties are closely affiliated; both were formed in 2010 and comprised of former student activists. Neither has any affiliation with the 88 Generation Students group led by activists Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi. The post Govt Task Force Nabs 'Illegal' Materials from Flood Relief Vehicles appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burma Parliament Approves Contentious Race and Religion Bills Posted: 20 Aug 2015 03:23 AM PDT Supporters of the Ma-Ba-Ta, a nationalist Buddhist movement, demonstrated last year calling for Race and Religion Protection bills to be passed into law. (Photo: Sai Zaw/The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Burma's Union Parliament has approved two bills that place restrictions on religious conversion and polygamy, the last of four controversial bills concerning race and religion to have sped through the legislature since late last year. Couched within a page-two brief about suspension of the current Upper House parliamentary session, the Global New Light of Myanmar reported on Thursday that the conversion bill had been passed by the Lower House. Burmese-language state newspaper The Mirror simultaneously reported that no amendments had been made to the draft approved by the Upper House in February, indicating de facto passage. Endorsement of the monogamy bill by both houses was also referenced in consecutive editions of state media this week, garnering little fanfare. Lawmakers confirmed that both bills had been passed by the bicameral Parliament and now await only the approval of President Thein Sein. Article 95(a) of the Constitution stipulates that once a bill has been passed by both houses it is deemed to be approved by the Union legislature. The religious conversion bill and the monogamy bill are the last of four that make up a legislative package known as the "Race and Religion Protection bills," which were first put forth by the powerful Buddhist nationalist group Ma Ba Tha in mid-2013 and reached Parliament late last year. Two new pieces of legislation restricting interfaith marriage and allowing local government to impose birthrate limits have already been signed into law, drawing harsh criticism from the international community. Critics claim the laws could violate women's rights and risk being used to target minorities. Drafts of both bills passed this week were published by state media in December, and are likely to have since undergone minor modifications. The monogamy bill would ban polygamy and extramarital affairs while the conversion bill would establish new legal procedures for changing one's faith, according to the drafts made public last year. The most recent published version of the conversion bill required those wishing to convert to obtain a certificate from a local "registration body," which is authorized to question the applicant and determine whether the conversion was voluntary or coercive. The bill has come under scrutiny both in Burma and abroad for its susceptibility to abuse by local authorities. Burma is a vast and diverse country with a long history of religious persecution, particularly by the Buddhist majority against Christian and Muslim minorities. The international community has issued several warnings that the proposed laws run afoul of international norms and could violate Burma's treaty commitments. UN human rights envoy Yanghee Lee remarked earlier this month that "the package of four race and religious bills clearly violate [international] norms." David Mathieson, senior Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch, warned on Thursday that the conversion bill, as per the latest version made public, was "potentially dangerous" and "could be used to further inflame religious violence." Deadly bouts of violence between Buddhists and Muslims, most prominently the stateless Rohingya minority in western Burma, have plagued the country since mid-2012, leaving some communities completely segregated and tensions high. Parliament resumed on Tuesday amid political fallout from a sudden purge in leadership of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Lawmakers had previously stated that swift passage of the so-called "protection bills" would be high on the agenda. Burma's Upper House announced on Wednesday that it would suspend its current session, the last before a general election to be held in November. Lawmakers are still expected to meet for joint sessions, as is the case on Thursday, to resolve outstanding legislation ahead of the polls. Additional reporting contributed by Zarni Mann and Kyaw Phyo Tha. The post Burma Parliament Approves Contentious Race and Religion Bills appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Burmese Filmmaker Honored at Asean Youth Competition Posted: 20 Aug 2015 03:20 AM PDT The winning Vietnamese team from the Asean Youth Video Contest. (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A young Burmese filmmaker has won third prize at a regional film contest in Singapore aimed at fostering closer relationships between Southeast Asia's youth. Thuta Lynn, 23, won the honor at the Asean Youth Video Contest on Aug. 8, which asked entrants to compile two-minute films on contemporary issues facing young people in the regional bloc. Despite only beginning his dalliance in filmmaking earlier this year, Thuta Lynn won the third place plaudit for "Closer Than We Thought", which depicted the importance of giving youth from different countries the opportunity to meet and share their experiences. "I wanted to show that the young are the most important communicators, whichever communities we are in," said Thuta Lynn, a computer sciences graduate from Dagon University and a former journalist, now working as a sales executive. "It was a real challenge on how I would create the film after the story is accepted as it was my first time experience." A team of young Vietnamese filmmakers from Can Tho University won first prize for an animated short that highlighted concerns over development projects on the Mekong River. "We wanted to promote some of the activities of young people working to protect the Mekong River for our future," Pham Quoc Anh Duy told The Irrawaddy. Concerns have been raised in recent years over the health of the Mekong River, which flows through China and five Asean nations, and the potential environmental impact of several dam projects on the waterway's lower delta. "We are concerned about how the dams will affect the river downstream," said Ly Quoc Dang, a member of the Delta Youth Alliance and one of the Vietnamese filmmakers. "If they build it, it will block the natural resources which we all depend on." Second prize went to Karen Feliz Santor of the Philippines, whose animated submission depicted a superhero who saved Asean during times of crisis. The contest's prizewinners will be honored at a ceremony in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in November. The post Burmese Filmmaker Honored at Asean Youth Competition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Southern Adventure in the Myeik Islands Posted: 20 Aug 2015 03:15 AM PDT Guests take a swim as the Sea Gipsy anchors near Shark Island. (Photo: Timothy Webster) KAWTHAUNG, Tanintharyi Division—The rumors we had heard that the remote Myeik archipelago was a difficult place to visit meant that we almost didn't go. That would have been a big mistake. Getting to the departure point for our five day trip through some of the area's 800-plus islands was just a plane ride from Yangon to Kawthaung in Tanintharyi Region, and a quick car ride to the waterside. Goodbye city. Hello nature, space and peace. Soon we and nine co-voyagers were on board the "Sea Gipsy," a refitted, two-decker barge freshly painted in cream and brown, its bow decorated in yellow lace and fruit to pay respect to the nat (spirit) Le Saw. There were five double cabins, an open-air dining area and kitchen, a captain's wheelhouse and a chic, spotless bathroom. Our cabin, tucked away at the rear upper deck, had superb natural ventilation and spectacular open-air views. As we left the loud noises of land behind, the sense of calm that comes with a soft sea breeze descended over the boat. Passengers armed with novels eased onto sun loungers as we moved quietly through the blue expanse. As yet, few leisure boats cruise this part of the Andaman Sea, unlike nearby Thai waters, which swarm with activity. While our five day voyage was of course partly dependent on the weather and tides, days spent swimming, paddling and snorkeling were plotted the evening before when Ko Kyaw Kyaw, our capable and experienced guide, would pull out his chart and suggest action-packed yet relaxing adventures. One morning before breakfast we kayaked into an eerily still lagoon at Lampi National Park. Thousands of tiny flying fish bounced past mangroves, built like gangly, contorted ballerinas, and a pair of hornbills flapped overhead. We stopped briefly at Ngaung Wee and Bo Cho islands, home to small communities of Salon sea gypsies whose traditional seafaring life is now under threat. One late-morning snorkel over a coral reef revealed a collage of colors and abstract shapes. I found myself surrounded by a marauding school of tiny, hungry Nemo fish who ignored me as they clowned around, hoovering up a breakfast of bits being expelled by a giant purple-lipped clam. We also took a jungle walk on Det Nge Kyunn Island through dense tangled vegetation to the sound of screeching, scampering monkeys and the occasional sight of sea eagles hovering overhead. Our walk led over a small hill to yet another deserted, pristine beach. "There are not many places where you can enjoy being so disconnected," said one of our number. "It meant we became more creative, making up our own games like leaping off the boat from a great height. Exhilarating." In the evenings, as the bruised purples and pinks of a dramatic sunset gave way to darkness and the engine stilled, everything became very, very quiet. Far out, fleets of squid boats worked through the night, shimmering like giant silver stick insects under the Milky Way. One night, after a bonfire barbeque on the silken sandy beach of Tar Yar Island, we had a late night dip amid sparkling green phosphorescence. The Sea Gipsy's six experienced young crewmen, well versed in guest needs and comfort, took great care to answer all obscure queries about the magnificent archipelago and to fill us with delicious food. Chef U Myo Min cooked up a storm in the galley below deck, presenting tempura prawns, tuna sashimi, crab, Indian style chicken curry and succulent beef pork with dips. Plenty of fresh vegetables, salads and perfectly ripe sweet fruit made for a wholesome diet. Our captain, U Aung Myo Hla, was an unflappable man of few words, content to scan the horizon constantly for signs of impending rain, stray squid boats and uncharted rocky outcrops. His former life steering fishing boats and a speedboat to Dawei meant he knew the area very well. He revealed just a slight nervous flicker when we were delayed returning from a visit to Ngaung Wee Island and the boat started to drag anchor and drift towards a coral shelf. Young helper Ko Oo smiled throughout, even when he playfully tipped over the side into the water. Ko Kyaw Kyaw, our guide and a local of Kawthaung, was recruited for his excellent bunch of skills; initiative, humor and hospitality, to name a few. A former government servant who spent 10 years with the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, Ko Kyaw Kyaw had valuable knowledge of navigation and tidal patterns, and knew prime diving and snorkeling areas and suitable villages to visit with tourists. He works eight months each year from October to May and has much to share about Moken culture and the economic realities of the region. "I'm lucky, I enjoy nature. I like quiet places with few people," he confided. "I used to be quite uncomfortable in social situations. This job has taught me a lot… Now I'm happy to share what I know about this area and tell jokes. Life is interesting these days." However, Ko Kyaw Kyaw has seen the region gradually change over the years and worries that its rich marine life may be under threat. "The archipelago is still very quiet but we need to start doing something to protect it… Fishing boats anchoring on the coral, throwing rubbish overboard and using dynamite to fish have caused coral to die," he said. "I see plastic in the water and rubbish on some beaches. There seems to be fewer turtles. I believe that's because they are eating plastic bags, thinking they are jellyfish. Villagers and fishermen need education about environmental protection or we will lose all this great natural beauty." About 20 companies have applied to the Myanmar government for licenses to operate in the archipelago and develop resorts. One hopes the necessary protections will be first put in place ahead of any development in this area, which is like no other. Life felt better after days at sea. Like the skin sloughed from the face and heels by wind, sand and salt water, tensions and worries dissipated on the journey. My fellow travelers wholeheartedly agreed. "It was extraordinary to be anchored in turquoise water between what seemed like a million islands," said Natalie at the end of the trip. "A tonic for the soul, and five degrees cooler than Yangon," said Tim. The trip was arranged courtesy of Moby Dick Tours. This article originally appeared in the July 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post A Southern Adventure in the Myeik Islands appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

South Korea Fires Rounds at North in Response to Projectile Posted: 20 Aug 2015 03:10 AM PDT North Korean soldiers patrol at the truce village of Panmunjom in the demilitarised zone (DMZ) separating the two Koreas, South Korea, August 11, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) SEOUL — South Korea fired tens of artillery rounds toward North Korea on Thursday after the North fired a projectile toward a South Korean loudspeaker that had been blaring anti-Pyongyang broadcasts, the defense ministry in Seoul said. North Korea did not immediately respond to the South's shots, it said, as tensions rose on the peninsula. South Korea said its detection equipment had spotted the trajectory of a suspected North Korean projectile launched at around 3:52 pm, which did not appear to have damaged the loudspeaker or cause any injuries. "Our military has stepped up monitoring and is closely watching North Korean military movements," South Korea's defense ministry said in a statement. South Korea's military raised its alert status to the highest level. There was no mention of the firing in North Korean state media, which does not typically make immediate comment on events. The suspected North Korean projectile landed in an area about 60 km (35 miles) north of Seoul in the western part of the border zone, the defense ministry said. South Korean residents in the area were ordered to evacuate, according to the South's Yonhap news agency. Yonhap reported that the projectile appeared to have landed in a mountainous area near a South Korean military base in the town of Yeoncheon. South Korea's presidential office said it had convened a meeting of the national security council. The exchange of fire was the first between the two Koreas since last October, when North Korean soldiers approached the military border and did not retreat after the South fired warning shots, the South Korean Defense Ministry said at the time. The North's soldiers fired back in an exchange of gunfire that lasted about 10 minutes, with no casualties. Tension between the two Koreas has risen since early this month when landmine explosions in the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) of the border wounded two South Korean soldiers. Seoul accused North Korea of laying the mines, which Pyongyang has denied. Seoul then began blasting anti-North Korean propaganda from loudspeakers on the border, resuming a tactic that both sides had halted in 2004. North Korea on Saturday demanded that the South halt the broadcasts or face military action, and on Monday began conducting its own broadcasts. Thursday's exchange of fire came amid ongoing annual joint U.S. and South Korean military exercises, which began on Monday and which North Korea condemns as preparation for war. The two Koreas have remained in a technical state of war since the 1950-1953 Korean War ended in a truce, not a peace treaty. South Korea's won currency weakened in non-deliverable forward trading on the reports of the firing, which came after onshore spot trading had closed. The 1-month contract rose as high as 1,192.7 won per dollar from around 1,189.8 earlier. The post South Korea Fires Rounds at North in Response to Projectile appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

After Election, Sri Lanka PM Invites Rivals to Work Together Posted: 19 Aug 2015 10:37 PM PDT Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of Sri Lanka's United National Party, waves next to his wife Maitree Wickremesinghe at the Prime Minister's official residence in Colombo, August 19, 2015. (Photo: Dinuka Liyanawatte / Reuters) COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — Sri Lanka's prime minister on Wednesday invited all political parties in the island nation to work together after his party won the most seats in parliamentary elections and thwarted a political comeback bid by the country's former strongman president. Officials from Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's United National Party were working to gain seven more seats to give it an outright majority and enable Wickremesinghe to be sworn in for a second term as prime minister, a position second to president in Sri Lanka. The UNP won 106 seats in Monday's elections, seven short of a majority in the 225-member Parliament. Former strongman leader Mahinda Rajapaksa failed in his attempt at a political comeback seven months after he lost his presidential re-election bid, with his party winning 95 seats. Wickremesinghe said he would discuss with President Maithripala Sirisena the concept of building "consensus on our national policies." "I have got a mandate to put our plan before Parliament, so that we could arrive at a consensus and build a national framework within which we will do our politics," he said. "Through this approach… all parties could work together either in government holding a ministerial position or in Parliament through the oversight committees." Sirisena is the leader of the United People's Freedom Alliance, which contested Monday's elections under Rajapaksa. Sirisena broke away from Rajapaksa's Cabinet last year and won an upset victory in the Jan. 8 presidential election with support from Wickremesinghe, who was opposition leader at the time. Rajapaksa's loyalists, however, compelled an unwilling Sirisena to field the former president in the parliamentary elections. Both parties have been bitter rivals for decades, and their cohabitation will be a novelty in Sri Lankan politics. An earlier cohabitation between a president and a prime minister elected from different parties ended after bickering. In Sri Lanka, the prime minister acts for the president when he is absent and replaces him if he is impeached, incapacitated or dies. The president has wide executive powers and usually holds the defense, foreign relations and sometimes finance portfolios. The prime minister heads lawmaking and has some governance powers. On Wednesday, Rajapaksa accepted the results "with humility" and said he "will continue to engage in politics in keeping with the people's mandate and I will function within parliament to safeguard the nation and the democratic system." Since his presidential loss, there has been a sharp reversal of fortunes for Rajapaksa, his family and friends, who were once all-powerful controllers of the nation. Some now face investigations or lawsuits on allegations of corruption, misuse of power and even murder. Meanwhile on Wednesday, foreign election monitors hailed the election. European Union monitors said the elections were "well-administered and offered voters a genuine choice from among a broad range of political alternatives, although campaign rules were restrictive." The Commonwealth observer group said the election was "credible, met the key criteria for democratic elections and the outcome reflected the will of the people of Sri Lanka." The post After Election, Sri Lanka PM Invites Rivals to Work Together appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Police Seek Interpol Help to Track Bomb Suspect Posted: 19 Aug 2015 10:29 PM PDT   Family members of Malaysian victims pay their respects to Buddhist monks during a Buddhist ceremony at the site of the Erawan shrine in central Bangkok, Thailand, August 19, 2015. (Photo: Athit Perawongmetha / Reuters) Thailand has asked Interpol for help in tracking down the man they believe planted a bomb in Bangkok that killed 20 people, sending the international police organization an image of the suspected bomber. The military government was initially reluctant in asking for outside help in the investigation of the blast at a famous shrine on Monday evening that killed 20 people and wounded scores. "We sent a request for assistance," deputy national police spokesman Kissana Phathancharoen told Reuters. There has been no claim of responsibility and police have not determined a motive for the worst ever bomb attack in Thailand. Police suspect the young man caught in grainy footage leaving a backpack at the crowded shrine shortly before the explosion is foreign but Kissana said Thai police were not focused on any particular country or region with their appeal to Interpol. "We basically sent in the modus operandi [of the suspect] and also the appearance of the suspect we're looking for," Kissana added. The Erawan shrine at a main city-centre intersection is popular with tourists from China and other East Asian countries. About half the victims were foreigners. The government says the attack was aimed at undermining Thailand's economy. Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha initially said the attack was Thailand's problem and should be resolved internally. Police have issued an arrest warrant for an "unidentified foreign man" in a yellow shirt seen in the video footage and have said investigators believe two other men seen on the footage were accomplices. "We are confident at least three people were involved in this, but maybe more," Kissana said. Checks at airports and other exit points found that no one matching the description of the main suspect had left the country since the attack, he said. On Tuesday, a small explosive device was thrown at a busy pier on Bangkok's main river but no-one was hurt. Police have not ruled out a link. The Erawan shrine, which is popular with Buddhists in Thailand, has since reopened. The post Thai Police Seek Interpol Help to Track Bomb Suspect appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

India’s Policewomen Battle Sexism at Every Level Posted: 19 Aug 2015 10:16 PM PDT A policewoman adjusts her neck scarf during a 2013 Republic Day parade in the northern Indian city of Chandigarh. (Photo: Ajay Verma / Reuters) NEW DELHI — India’s police force is not only drastically short of women, it is also plagued by sexism, with women given menial duties, bypassed for promotion and scared to report sexual harassment by male colleagues, a study said on Wednesday. The report by the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative found that despite a federal government call for the force to raise the proportion of women to 33 percent, women make up only 6.11 percent of India’s 2.3 million police. In countries like the United States, women account for 12 percent of the police force, compared with 0.9 percent in Pakistan and 7.4 percent in the Maldives. Interviews with male and female police officers in five Indian states found that women faced a deep-seated gender bias across the police force which started at recruitment and carried on throughout their career, said Devika Prasad, co-author of the report “Rough Roads to Equality: Women Police in South Asia”. “Everywhere that we went, women police across ranks told us one of the most discouraging things for them is that there are no women on recruitment and interview boards and selection panels,” Prasad said at the launch of the report. “We also found that women are assigned desk and clerical jobs and not given frontline operational duties such as investigations. We were constantly told by male police that policing is a man’s job and that women can’t do the job as they are not strong physically or psychologically.” As a result, women are concentrated in the lower ranks of the police and made to work on specific ‘women and child’ crimes where they record statements and register complaints, but gain little experience, reducing their chances of promotion. The study showed that more than 80 percent of policewomen are constables, the lowest rank, 7.8 percent head constables, 3.35 percent assistant sub inspectors and only 0.02 percent hold the top ranks—director general and additional director general. The report also found that there was little acknowledgment by the police leadership of sexual harassment, and that many policewomen did not even know there was a law against sexual harassment in the workplace, and how and where to complain. “There is a real fear that they will be maligned, punished and victimised. We found that they would not speak to us formally, but during breaks they would tell us sexual harassment is endemic,” said Prasad. State Minister for Home Affairs Kiren Rijiju said the findings were a matter of great concern, and attributed them to society’s stereotyping of women as weak and inferior. “The strength of women in the police is abysmally low and this is not a happy situation for anybody,” Rijiju said at the launch of the report, adding that he rejected the idea that women were weak and unsuitable for field operations. The federal government has urged India’s 29 states to raise the proportion of women in their police forces to at least 33 percent, but this is difficult to enforce as policing is the responsibility of the states, Rijiju said. But he said he would ensure that one-third of all police jobs went to women in India’s seven Union Territories, which include Delhi, the Andaman and Nicobar islands and Puducherry, and which are under the control of the central government. The government has four years of its five-year term to run, and Rijiju said he would meet the target by the end of the term. The post India’s Policewomen Battle Sexism at Every Level appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Supporting Flood-Relief Efforts, Election Watchdog Worries for November Poll Posted: 19 Aug 2015 06:14 AM PDT Displaced people lining up to receive food in Pwintbyu, Magwe Division, on August 5, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — An election watchdog has found its member groups' duties sidetracked by flood relief efforts as much of Burma continues to grapple with some of its worst flooding in decades. The Election Education and Observation Partners (EEOP), a coalition of 24 local election monitoring organizations, announced last month that it would deploy representatives at polling stations in more than 100 townships across the country to monitor the general election on November 8. Member groups, most of which will be first-time election observers, have also been raising awareness about the need to check voter lists ahead of the nationwide poll. But EEOP representatives have found themselves cast in a different role in recent weeks, taking part in relief efforts to assist those affected by severe floods that the coalition fears may disrupt electoral preparations. The People Union Network's Lin Thu Aung, based in Magwe Division's Pakkoku Township, said his group was tied up with assisting relief efforts and had been unable to perform its election-related duties. Khaing Kaung San, the founder of Wunlark Development Association, an EEOP coalition group based in Sittwe, also told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday he feared his group would not be able to fulfill its electoral observation mandate while members were busy aiding flood victims. "I think, if possible, the election date should be postponed for three months, as many citizens are in trouble," he said. Cho Mya Oo, joint secretary-2 of the Taunggyi chapter of Cherry Image, an EEOP member, was more cautious over suggestions of a postponement, questioning whether such a move would be beneficial. "I think our group [Cherry Image]'s area will be fine, but Irrawaddy and Sagaing divisions, as well as Arakan State, may have many problems," she said. As of August 16, flooding had critically affected more than 1.5 million people across 12 states and divisions, according to government statistics, with 117 reported deaths. The Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation reported that since June, an estimated 1.43 million acres of farmland had been inundated, including more than 370,000 acres in Pegu Division and more than 273,000 acres in Arakan State. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, Kyi Min Thu of EEOP member the Public Welfare Network voiced concern over the ability of flood-affected persons to vote, since many had lost identity and household registration documentation. Burma's Union Election Commission attempted to assuage such concerns earlier this month, announcing that it would issue special "voter registration cards" to eligible voters who had lost national registration certificates around one week ahead of polling day. The post Supporting Flood-Relief Efforts, Election Watchdog Worries for November Poll appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

As Election Nears, Parliament to Take Up Impeachment Bill Posted: 19 Aug 2015 05:41 AM PDT The gates of Burma's parliamentary complex in Naypyidaw are pictured in November 2014. (Photo: Reuters) NAYPYIDAW / RANGOON — Burma's Union Parliament on Thursday will discuss legislation on impeachment proceedings for sitting lawmakers, an increasingly contentious proposition that could see sparks fly this week against the backdrop of a ruling party power struggle and looming nationwide elections. The proposed bill would potentially permit the recall of parliamentarians who have lost favor with just 1 percent of their constituents. Differences of opinion on the "right to recall" legislation were laid bare on Tuesday night when representatives from 19 political parties in Parliament met with its Joint Bill Committee to discuss the matter. Two issues in particular arose as sticking points between two factions, with one side supporting a higher recall threshold than 1 percent and a thorough examination of the proposed legislation before it is put to a vote, while a minority of parties urged swift passage of the bill and a threshold as low as 1 percent. The 1 percent threshold is the constitutionally enshrined minimum number of votes required in a given constituency to initiate impeachment proceedings. If the threshold is reached, the matter goes before the Union Election Commission (UEC), which is tasked with investigating the complaint. Targeted lawmakers have a right to defend themselves, and "if the Union Election Commission considers that the allegation is true and that the alleged person should not continue to serve as a Hluttaw [Parliament] representative any longer, the Union Election Commission shall proceed in accord with the law," according to the Constitution's Article 396(e). The fate of the proposed legislation is arguably of greatest immediate concern to Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann, who was ousted from the chairmanship of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) last week and could become any such law's first casualty. A petition purportedly containing the signatures of more than 1,700 constituents in Shwe Mann's constituency of Zayarthiri was submitted to the UEC last month. Speaking in Parliament on Wednesday, the speaker said the recall bill would be discussed on Thursday. Myat Nyar Na Soe, a lawmaker and member of Parliament's Joint Bill Committee, delivered remarks preceding the speaker, debriefing lawmakers on what was discussed at Tuesday's meeting between political parties and the Joint Bill Committee. He put the number of political parties in favor of a measured approach and higher recall threshold at 13, while six parties were aligned in seeking speedy enactment of a law with a 1 percent threshold. "The majority of political parties are of the opinion that one percent is too small a percentage," MyatNyar Na Soe told lawmakers, reading from a prepared text summarizing the meeting's outcomes. The 13 political parties favored assigning a group of lawmakers to conduct an assessment of the legislation and report their findings to Parliament, according to Myat Nyar Na Soe, who said the lawmakers' fear was that a hastily legislated recall bill could trigger political instability, negatively impact national reconciliation or "block the road to democracy," among other concerns. Aye Maung, chairman of the Arakan National Party and an Upper House lawmaker, said that while the right of citizens to initiate recall proceedings against their representatives should exist, attendant legislation should be put on hold until the Constitution could be amended.The ANP leader said the idea that 1 percent of voters could recall even lawmakers voted into office with commanding majorities was troublesome, particularly given the military's existing 25 percent guarantee of parliamentary seats. "The right to recall law is just to show a facade of democracy, giving the right to voters to dismiss their lawmakers when they do not like them. But what about those appointed [military] people in Parliament? … Therefore, we need to have amendments to the Constitution [first]," he said. That was a view shared by the leader of Burma's main opposition party, Aung San Suu Kyi, who on Tuesday called the recall threshold "ridiculous" in comments to reporters in Naypyidaw. "For example, in Sagaing Township, our representative won by [earning] 93 percent [of votes] in 2012. Now, one percent has a right of recall? It's ridiculous," the National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman said. The six parties holding the minority opinion were the USDP, Shan Nationalities Development Party (SNDP), National Unity Party (NUP), Chin National Democratic Party, Phlone-Sqaw Democratic Party and the New National Democracy Party, according to Myat Nyar Na Soe. Hla Swe, a USDP lawmaker, said he had no qualms about the low recall threshold. "I support one percent, so that lawmakers must work hard for their constituents. But, there are other lawmakers who said it should require 20 to 30 percent. Those lawmakers are just people who do not want to give up their seats." The post As Election Nears, Parliament to Take Up Impeachment Bill appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi’s Convoy Tailed En Route to Capital, NLD Sources Say Posted: 19 Aug 2015 04:24 AM PDT Aung San Suu Kyi arrives to attend the 12th session of Parliament in Naypyidaw on Tuesday, August 18, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The motorcade in which National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi was travelling en route to Burma's capital on Sunday was tailed by two vehicles in a deliberate act of disturbance, party sources said. The leader of Burma's main opposition party was travelling to Naypyidaw ahead of the 12th session of Parliament which began on Tuesday. According to party sources, Suu Kyi's escort was followed by two Honda cars on the journey from Rangoon toNaypyidaw. When the motorcade neared the capital, it was suddenly overtaken by a third vehicle, described as an Isuzu Trooper, almost causing the vehicle in which Suu Kyi was traveling to lose control. "They were fully aware of the fact that they were being chased and took great care along the way," an NLD member who requested anonymity told The Irrawaddy. The incident occurred at a time of heightened political intrigue in Burma following the abrupt dismissal of parliamentary speaker Shwe Mann from the leadership of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party last week. The deposed party leader, who made no secret of his desire to become president, had cultivated ties with Suu Kyi—a relationship that is believed to have contributed to his ouster. Speaking at the parliamentary complex in Naypyidaw on Tuesday, Suu Kyi described the manner in which Shwe Mann was stripped of his party role in a late night purge that involved state security forces as, "not what you expect in a working democracy." Suu Kyi's motorcade was targeted in an infamous attack by a pro-junta mob in 2003 in Sagaing Division's Depayin during which about 70 people died. The alleged mastermind of that attack, ruling party lawmaker Aung Thaung, died last month at a hospital in Singapore. The post Suu Kyi's Convoy Tailed En Route to Capital, NLD Sources Say appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Cherry FM to Resume Broadcast After Govt Warning Posted: 19 Aug 2015 02:57 AM PDT Cherry FM apologizes to its audience for service disruptions and assures the public that programming will resume shortly. (Photo: Cherry FM/Facebook) RANGOON — A radio station linked to Burma's besieged Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann will return to the air on Wednesday at 6pm after being abruptly shut down by the government last week. Cherry FM, which is operated by Shwe Mann's daughter-in-law, was shut off without warning last Friday after the Speaker was suddenly removed from his post as chairman of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) amid a leadership purge. The station's general manager Than Htwe Zaw confirmed on Wednesday that he had reached a written agreement with the Ministry of Information, which demanded that the station "guarantee" neutrality in the lead-up to a general election in November. Pending passage of a new broadcasting law, all of Burma's radio stations are required to partner with state-owned Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) under the ministry. While all of the country's stations were given instruction of a pre-election media code of conduct, Cherry was the only one required to sign a written agreement, he said. The sudden closure of Cherry FM, which is one of about 10 semi-governmental radio stations in Burma, prompted theories of a government-led gag order against his allies. Minister of Information Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy earlier this week that recent turmoil within the ruling party, which sent shockwaves through the political establishment, led the ministry to "doubt" the station's impartiality. Two USDP newspapers, the Union Daily and Leader Weekly journal, were also abruptly shut down and have not yet resumed publication. The post Cherry FM to Resume Broadcast After Govt Warning appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

A Lifeline for Those Living with Leprosy Posted: 19 Aug 2015 12:00 AM PDT Click to view slideshow. MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — Mi Na Me sits cross-legged outside the front door to her home, smoke rising from a green cheroot as she begins to recall the childhood experience that still haunts her. For three years, Mi Na Me was forced to live alone in the jungle; sent there by an uncle who had feared the dark spots that had begun to appear on the nine-year-old. "From time to time some people gave me food and something to drink," the slender 42-year-old woman recalls. Few had dared get too close, concerned that they too may catch the unknown affliction. Back then, there was scant knowledge of Mycobacterium leprae, the bacterium that causes leprosy, among the residents of her small village in central Myanmar. Today, Mi Na Me is no longer forced to live a lonely, secretive life in a makeshift jungle shelter. "I felt relieved when I arrived here," she says of her humble brick home, located behind Mawlamyine Christian Leprosy Hospital. The hospital has existed for more than 100 years in the bustling Mon State capital on the banks of the Thanlwin River. It was established in 1891 at the initiative of Susan Haswell, the daughter of an American Baptist missionary doctor, with the financial support of Wesley Bailey, founder of international Christian charity The Leprosy Mission. The hospital was one of the first in Myanmar specializing in the treatment of leprosy patients. Today, around 50 brick or bamboo houses for patients and their families are located on the property that has expanded from a small settlement to cater for a growing number of patients. Many have stories similar to that of Mi Na Me. Like her, they have had to contend with being rejected by friends and relatives and forced to leave their home villages. "The stigma of leprosy is still high in Myanmar," says the hospital's superintendent Dr. Chan Lwin. An Ongoing Battle By the 1950s, Myanmar had one of the highest rates of leprosy worldwide, according to the International Federation of Anti-Leprosy Associations (ILEP). An estimated 209,706 people were registered with the disease by 1969, ILEP said. The World Health Organization (WHO)'s introduction of multidrug therapy (MDT) treatment in Myanmar in the mid-1980s heralded a major advance in the treatment of the disease. In 2003 Myanmar's Ministry of Health declared leprosy eliminated, which, according to WHO requirements, meant that less than one in 10,000 people suffered from the disease. The country's program for the early detection of leprosy was shut down in 2005, according to head nurse Mi Nini Thein, and the focus of international aid agencies turned to other diseases such as HIV, tuberculosis and malaria. However, Myanmar still reports some 3,000 new leprosy cases annually and the capacity to detect cases in remote or conflict-affected regions remains problematic. "The number of patients did actually decrease, but since 2011 the [number has] risen again," says Mi Nini Thein who has worked at the hospital in Mawlamyine for 31 years. According to hospital data, 70 new patients were admitted last year. The Daily Rounds When Nai Ju Khin Eyen first saw the local doctor some two decades ago after he began to lose feeling in his hands and feet, he was turned away virtually untreated. "I got painkillers and was sent back to the village," he explains in a low voice from the steel framed bed he occupies in Mawlamyine Christian Leprosy Hospital. His fingers are only stumps and he has lost all sense of feeling in his feet. But now the 56-year-old is receiving proper treatment for the first time in his life. Although the disease is curable, its debilitating and life-long physical effects are a stark reminder of its severity. According to WHO, hallmarks of leprosy include skin lesions, nerve damage causing paralysis or deformities and, in some cases, visual impairment or blindness. At present, there are around 60 patients at the Mawlamyine facility, which usually hosts a larger number during the rainy season when the mobility of leprosy sufferers is even more hampered. The daily hospital rounds involve bandages being changed, wounds cleaned, ulcers treated and the general health of patients checked. On benches, in wheelchairs or perched on small rolling stools, patients wait outside the treatment room for their turn. Four nurses and six assistant nurses are responsible for the daily treatments. Five doctors—one part-time—plus 11 physiotherapy staff complete the small team. During the week, leprosy sufferers from the area also visit the hospital to receive their monthly ration of medication. Mi Hla Win Yig, who has traveled two hours from Taung Bauk in Kayin State's Kyainseikgyi Township to Mawlamyine, holds a plastic bag filled with packaged pills. She takes 11 tablets daily which help alleviate the pain and strengthen her immune system. The 29-year-old mother of two was lucky. In the early stages of the disease, a friend suspected that the loss of feeling she was experiencing in her legs and the dark spots on her arms could be leprosy, and sent her to a specialist in Mawlamyine. Unlike the experience of many others, Mi Hla Win Yig was not rejected by her family and friends when the diagnosis came through. She has continued to earn a livelihood with the help of her husband, who accompanies her on monthly hospital trips, on their own small rubber plantation. Recovery and Reintegration The effective reintegration of leprosy sufferers into their communities is still very much a work in progress. In the north of the country, NGO-run programs, such as those led by The Leprosy Mission, support reintegration but little assistance exists in southern areas such as Mon State. Until a few years ago, Mawlamyine Christian Leprosy Hospital staff also assisted with patient rehabilitation and reintegration. "Unfortunately we had to cancel this commitment for financial and organizational reasons," says Mi Nini Thein. But the hope remains, she says, that The Leprosy Mission will also set up a program in Myanmar's south. Another option is one the doctors at Mawlamyine prefer to avoid: When patients are no longer accepted at home and have no place to go they may live in what may rather crudely be termed a leper colony. One such place is the Mayanchaung Welfare Centre, located around 50 miles north of Yangon, where patients receive shelter and financial donations for food. But the infrastructure is minimal and they may not leave the site. Nai Maung Thein is another former patient who now lives permanently on the Mawlamyine hospital site. He left Taung Bauk 25 years ago, feeling ostracized from his community. "I would never move back to my old village," says Nai Maung Thein, 52, who hails from the same community as the young mother Mi Hla Win Yig. Today, people are more aware and accepting of the disease, he says, and he has even made one or two visits back to Taung Bauk. But Mawlamyine is now his home. Together with his wife and fellow leprosy sufferer Mi Na Me—with whom he has six children—Nai Maung Thein, a carpenter by trade, built the brick house his family calls home. Physical traces of the disease are not immediately apparent on his muscular body; the type of bacterium that affected him did not attack his nervous system. "One of the main reasons infection with the leprosy bacterium [occurs] is the weakening of the immune system due to a low standard of living," explains head nurse Mi Nini Thein. Those vulnerable to the disease may be villagers living in remote regions of the country where clean drinking water, for example, may be difficult to access. What makes the fight against leprosy particularly difficult, says Dr. Chan Lwin, is ongoing ignorance over possible symptoms—a knowledge deficiency that concerns not only citizens but also some medical personnel in the country. Mi Nini Thein is adamant that knowledge and best treatment practices need to be revamped. Once again, "the national procedures for dealing with leprosy must be changed," she says. This article originally appeared in the July 2015 issue of The Irrawaddy magazine. The post A Lifeline for Those Living with Leprosy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ruling Party Lawmakers Lament Intraparty Turmoil Posted: 18 Aug 2015 11:58 PM PDT Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann enters the Parliament for the 12th and final session before the upcoming general election, August 19, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) Several Union Solidarity and Development Party lawmakers voiced concern on Tuesday over the impact last week's intraparty turmoil could have on the ruling party's image three months out from a general election scheduled for November 8. Hla Swe, an outspoken lawmaker with the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), told The Irrawaddy during a break in parliamentary proceedings on Tuesday that he disagreed with the manner in which Shwe Mann was dumped as party chairman. "It is good to have some changes in the party. However, the act of using heavy security… at night, is very undemocratic and I don't like it," Hla Swe said. Security personnel were deployed to the party's headquarters in Naypyidaw when the abrupt political shakeup played out on the evening of August 12. According to several MPs, Shwe Mann, who remains Union Parliament Speaker, has built cordial ties with lawmakers across party lines, with many respecting his handling of the role. "There are 18 different parties in the parliament and most of them like him for he treated everyone fairly and with an open mind," said Win Oo, a USDP MP representing Yebyu Township in Tenasserim Division. "We have to think which way we will go. Return to the old ways, or proceed with the new ways," he added. "We believe that [Shwe Mann] was expelled from the position because he established the new way, a democratic way for the future of the party and the country. For us, we don't know what to do, as we cannot know what will happen next." Another USDP MP, who requested anonymity, expressed concern the late night purge could tarnish the party's image ahead of a November poll in which it plans to contest 1,139 seats across the country. "It is like breaking a newly sprouted plant," the lawmaker said, referring to the fragile internal democracy the MP contends was developing within the party. "People may think that our party is dictatorial and it could affect the party in the upcoming election." Lawmakers who spoke to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday—the opening day of the legislature's 12th session—maintained that Shwe Mann was a reformist, whose support for democratization within the party contributed to his downfall. "I think there is a reason behind this incident. Shwe Mann is a person who wanted democratization in the country, as well as in his party. And that may be one reason he was expelled from the position," said Pu Paul Lian Lwin, an MP with the Chin National Development Party. The reformist label is contested by critics who point to the former general's association with the previous military junta, his war record and his family's varied and opaque business interests as facts which belie a democratic veneer. Htay Oo, the USDP's new joint chairman, played down the purge on Tuesday, describing it as routine party politics. "The reshuffle is done by the central executive committee of the party and is nothing special. This happens in all political parties. The party is not expelling Shwe Mann. It is just handing over the duties of the chairman to another person," he told journalists. When asked about the involvement of security personnel in last week's reshuffle, Burma's Information Minister and presidential spokesperson, Ye Htut, told journalists the deployment was a precaution undertaken at the request of the party. "You guys would ask the police or security personnel to [take care of] security at your place or at a stage show. A political party or a private company can also request security," said Ye Hut, adding that he knew little of the party's internal affairs as he was part of the government. The use of security forces was however a matter of concern among parliamentarians, who feared it represented a throwback to the heavy-handed practices of the junta era. "It rings alarm bells over the rule of law for small parties like us," said Aye Maung of the Arakan National Party. "The incident proves the party is still practicing dictatorship. Concerns over peace, stability and the rule of law have risen… We are cautiously watching what will happen next and would like to urge the party to act democratically." The post Ruling Party Lawmakers Lament Intraparty Turmoil appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Upper House Nixes Last Pre-Poll Legislative Session Posted: 18 Aug 2015 11:17 PM PDT Lawmakers arrive to the parliamentary complex in Naypyidaw on Tuesday for the last legislative session ahead of Burma's Nov. 8 general election. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — Parliament's Upper House voted to halt the current session of the legislature on Wednesday, in line with a proposal put forward the day prior that cited lawmakers' desire to return to their constituencies to assist with flood recovery efforts and prepare for the fast-approaching election campaign season. The proposal passed in a vote of 128 in favor versus 34 against, with 176 lawmakers in attendance. On Tuesday, the opening day of the last legislative session before a general election due Nov. 8, embattled Lower House Speaker Shwe Mann rejected an identical proposal in that chamber, saying lawmakers were free to take leave if they felt so inclined, but that the business of Parliament would continue in their absence. The Union Election Commission (UEC) on Monday said that the official campaign season for the country's nationwide poll would begin Sept. 8. Parliament's lower chamber is expected to continue to meet ahead of that date, though its representatives appear to have been stripped of some ability to enact legislation in the absence of their Upper House counterparts. If a joint session of Parliament is called, however, Upper House lawmakers will be expected to attend, as is the case this upcoming Thursday, when a bill on recalling sitting parliamentarians may be discusssed. The proposed legislation is particularly contentious in this election year, and gained added weight last week after Shwe Mann was unceremoniously dumped from the chairmanship of the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) on Aug. 12. Just days later, he faced a call from the UEC to immediately enact a law on impeachment proceedings for sitting parliamentarians that, if passed, could be used to remove him from office. A petition by more than 1,700 people in his Zayarthiri constituency was submitted to the UEC last month, alleging that he had disrespected the Constitution by allowing a parliamentary vote on charter amendments in June that would have curbed the military's role in politics. Wednesday's developments were just the latest twist in the lead up to Burma's historic nationwide election, with Shwe Mann's ouster last week sending shockwaves through the political establishment, even as the country continues to grapple with some of its worst flooding in decades. The inundation of wide swathes of the country has raised concerns about the feasibility of holding the poll in less than three months' time, with local election officials scrambling to correct eligible voter lists and vet more than 6,000 prospective candidates submitted to the UEC. The post Upper House Nixes Last Pre-Poll Legislative Session appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Larry Diamond: ‘Democracy is Not Going to be Achieved Fully in the November Elections’ Posted: 18 Aug 2015 11:14 PM PDT Stanford University Professor Larry Diamond. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) In the second and final installment of The Irrawaddy's interview with Professor Larry Diamond, the Stanford University democracy scholar discusses complaints about the leadership style of Aung San Suu Kyi, the rise of Ma Ba Tha and the efforts to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire agreement with Irrawaddy founding editor Aung Zaw. We've seen examples of Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership and its shortcomings, particularly in the recent case of the candidate list. I know many democrats in Burma, both in her party and in civil society, who are worried that her leadership style is not sufficiently consultative, open, transparent and self-confident. That there's too closed a leadership style and not a sufficiently inclusive approach to the management of the party and the crafting of a broad opposition coalition. I know that many people are worried about this. I think these concerns actually surfaced not that long after she was released from house arrest and began to mobilize and rebuild the party. One hoped that this would pass and a different leadership style would develop, but I certainly continue to hear these concerns. It's not for me to judge, I just take note of the fact that many people I respect in Burma—not only in civil society, not only in say, the '88 Generation, but within the NLD, including people who have received nominations to run on her party ticket—are concerned that this is, first of all, not entirely democratic, second of all, that it's weakening the NLD as a party, keeping it from developing the modern party machinery that it needs to be competitive in the election and to govern well if it should become the leading party in parliament. So we'll see what happens. I know that it's a long journey and maybe a different style will appear during the election campaign or after the election, but it's a concern that I've heard from a number of people. People are very worried what the NLD will be if she's not there. In the nearly five years that she has been free from the horrible experience of house arrest, she has grown in her involvement in political life by first returning to politics, then being elected to parliament, then being a very significant figure in parliament. She has not had to govern the country. She's been a significant player, but she's not had to govern the country. If the NLD wins a large plurality of the seats in parliament and then basically forms a governing coalition, which I think is a very good possibility if the election is free and fair, then she as the leader of the NLD will in essence have to govern. Even if she's not president, she'll likely be speaker of the Lower House, or in some major role where she will have a very significant responsibility for governing. At that point, things will have to change, or I think the NLD will probably suffer a lot of hemorrhaging of public support. What are the hopes of the younger, future political leaders of this country, and how do you see them shaping the future? I think they'll play multiple roles. Some of these people will probably enter parliament, some are already on the NLD list of candidates, like Zin Mar Aung. I think she probably has a good chance of winning her constituency. Some of them probably wanted to be candidates for the NLD and were not given the opportunity to do so. There will be by-elections at some point, there will still be opportunities for them to be brought in. That's one possibility. Another possibility is, there's an absolutely huge role for democratic leaders, former student leaders and other activists to build the democracy that people want to see emerge here in Burma. There's going to need to be a massive effort in civic education, in parliamentary and government monitoring, the construction of some kind of policy think tank for the democratic opposition that can advise and support their members of parliament and maybe push the government toward a competent, well thought out and socially just agenda. I think there will be people from within the broad opposition element, in the '88 Generation and all of the other protests elements, and everybody who struggled and lobbied for democracy, who will be brought in to the parliament and who will be brought into the government. My sense is, Min Ko Naing is one of them, who don't see themselves in the near future being in government, who imagine themselves as having a different role—that of moral leaders, thought leaders, creative leaders in the society. There are other people who will be in civil society and may eventually enter parliament and government in a different way. One scenario is that more and more people will be gradually brought into the NLD as the system evolves. Another scenario is that if the NLD doesn't perform, modernize and become more inclusive—which I think it will—but if it doesn't, they may decide to form another opposition party and take their chances at some point in the future. Inevitably there will be political evolution, we just don't know what it's going to look like. I hope the electoral system will change. I don't think first-past-the-post or single member district pluralities are very good systems for Burma. It creates too many rigidities, and too many concerns about splitting the vote. You don't want a situation, like in 1990, where the governing party wins 20 percent of the vote and 3 percent of the seats. That's actually not a good situation for democracy. It doesn't give them an incentive to play the democratic game. If the elections are reasonably honest, if the democratic forces do well, but the military still has a strong veto power, I can actually see a deal being cut in the next parliament, whereby the NLD agrees to change the electoral system with a significant proportional element, and in return the military gradually agrees to reduce and eliminate its 25 percent of the seats. That wouldn't be a bad bargain. If Aung San Suu Kyi and the military are the ones with power in 2016 and Shwe Mann is no longer there, they will have to negotiate. Of course, it's absolutely essential. But I can only tell you, this is a long game. Something very dramatic and deeply disturbing has happened [with the sidelining of Shwe Mann]. But it's one development in a very long game. The situation after the November elections may look very different than it does now. It may look better, it may look worse. The situation a year from now, after the elected government has taken office and begun to govern, may look different again. Alignments change, people learn to deal with one another, so one needs to imagine how this will unfold over an extended period of time. It's very clear that democracy is not going to be achieved fully in the November elections. There are many obstacles that are going to remain over a long period of time, and it's going to need a very good strategy, a lot of persistence, a lot of subtlety, a certain amount of courage and willingness to mobilize, to push democratic reform in the face of a very complicated set of obstacles. Let's talk about the rise of Ma Ba Tha and the rise of the 969 movement, which occurred shortly after the by-election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's party won the majority of votes. A lot of people are saying that we should be wary of Ma Ba Tha, and wondering whether the group will have an effect on the election. In the heat of an election campaign, it's going to be hard to get Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic politicians to go as far as one would like in the direction of reigning in this xenophobia and intolerance. People become a little risk-averse during an election campaign and want to consolidate their support. Once the election is over and the new parliament starts taking shape, it's going to be really important for the new elected officials coming from the democratic camp to confront this more forthrightly and to say that this is not Buddhism. This is not loving kindness, this is not compassion. This is bigotry and hatred, and it has no place in the framework in any of the world's religions. It's antithetical to the basic principles of Christianity, Judaism, Islam and so on. In what little I know of Buddhism, it seems particularly antithetical to Buddhist principles! There needs to be an affirmation from across the board in society—religious, secular, political leaders—that everybody has equal worth and dignity as human beings, everybody has certain rights under international law and under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that people's religion should not disqualify them from politics or from a place in the political system or from exercising their rights of citizenship and that bigotry should not be tolerated. It's shocking to see the government fail to take concrete action. I think there will be a new opportunity when the transition finally takes a new phase, when the government forms under the Constitution after the results of the election. I think there will be a new opportunity to take a forthright approach and I hope the newly elected officials in the parliament and government will do that. This country has dozens of ethnic armed groups and the government has been trying to reach out to them for the first time in history. There is a hope that there will be a nationwide ceasefire agreement with quite a number of ethnic forces. A lot of donor countries and Western governments are involved in this process. How do you think this process will play out? This country has suffered so badly from the longest running series of civil wars in the history of the modern world. Anyone who values human rights, peace, social justice and so on should hope that the country can negotiate a just and durable ceasefire and permanent peace. If President Thein Sein can do that, I wish him well and I hope he succeeds. I may not like some of the other things that the government has done and is doing, but if they do that I think it will be a great achievement. If he's doing that because he thinks it will bring stability to the country, I think he's right. If he's doing it because he thinks it will help the USDP at the polls, maybe it will and maybe it won't. But whatever his motives are, I hope he succeeds. If it can only be done right now with 14 of the 16 groups that are potentially part of the dialogue, then better 14 than none. From what I hear, the dialogue has gone far, it's very nearly ready to be signed, and I think it would be very significant progress for Burma. This country's had enough fighting, enough violence, and enough war. Anything that can be done to settle these conflicts and produce peace under a federal system, which I think is a very important principle, is going to be progress. Do you think that the military will accommodate a genuine federal union in this country? Look, the military has a history of favoring centralized rule. So I'm sure there will be differences of opinion about what constitutes federalism, of how federal the current system is, I understand that, but the point is, it's better to move this dispute to the parliament and the political bargaining table than to have it continue to play out or be at constant risk of flaring up on the military battlefield. So I wish Thein Sein well in this regard, I wish the armed insurgent groups in the pursuit of peace. I hope they succeed. Do you think with the serious political backsliding in this country, the US has moved too far to provide legitimacy to the Burmese government? Probably a little too far. I was in favor of the opening and the lifting of some sanctions. I did warn at the time that we should probably be a little deliberate about it. But there was a train that was leaving the station, in terms of international enthusiasm, to incorporate Burma into Asean, to formalize investment relations. There's a connectivity revolution happening in Burma now. Everybody's getting cell phones, the internet is spreading, this can only be a good thing for freedom and democracy. This wouldn't be happening without the pace of foreign investment coming in. So I think what's necessary now is not so much to revisit the past and argue about whether we moved too fast to lift sanctions, it's to think about next steps. I can tell you this: Burma occupies a special place in the hearts and minds of many members of US Congress and significant parts of American society. There's just a special relationship. It's like South Africa in the 1980s and '90s. People care about it a great deal and feel a kind of moral, emotional and symbolic investment in this transition. If this transition turns out to be a fraud, and there is a massive distortion of the vote and grave electoral miscarriage, I think it will have very serious consequences for our bilateral relationships, and for investor judgments about stability in Burma. People are not simply going to take this happily and say, 'Okay, you rigged your way back into power and we're just going to go about our daily business.' People are going to be angry and upset, inside Burma and outside Burma. I think that there will probably be some awareness of this, among some actors who might be tempted to behave in less democratic ways, and hopefully that will help to inspire their better angels to respect the democratic process. But if there is an enormous institutional setback to democracy in Burma, this will have very serious consequences for the bilateral relationship. I am pretty confident that if it doesn't happen while Barack Obama is president, there will probably be a very serious reaction when a new president takes power. The post Larry Diamond: 'Democracy is Not Going to be Achieved Fully in the November Elections' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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