The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Tentative Agreement Reached for Ceasefire Signing Next Month
- Asean Envoy: ‘Burma was Misunderstood’
- Burma Military Chief Tours Israeli Defense Firms
- Renewed Fighting Tempers Hopes for Peace as Negotiators Meet
- India’s Minority Christians Seek Justice Seven Years After Deadly Riots
- Former Cop the Face of Singapore Opposition
- China Stages Mass Spectacle in Tibet to Mark 50 Years’ Rule
- Tun Lwin: ‘Each Year There is Drought in the Dry Zone, Flooding in the Delta’
| Tentative Agreement Reached for Ceasefire Signing Next Month Posted: 09 Sep 2015 08:57 AM PDT  Chief government negotiator Aung Min greets ethnic leaders during a high-level meeting in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. (Photo: Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint / The Irrawaddy) NAYPYIDAW — A high-level meeting between Burma's president and leaders of major ethnic armed groups ended in Naypyidaw on Wednesday with a tentative agreement to sign a nationwide ceasefire pact in early October, negotiators said. However Pu Zing Cung, spokesperson for the ethnic leaders represented at the talks, told waiting media following the dialogue that ethnic groups would meet again to confirm the signing date. In his opening remarks, President Thein Sein said he hoped a signing could take place "before the end of September," ahead of the country's much-anticipated general election scheduled for Nov. 8. "A democratic transition may not be successful without being able to build peace in the country," Thein Sein said. "We must grab the opportunity arising from the peace process. I'd like to invite sincere discussions for peace in the whole country." With Burma's general election looming, the inking of a long-awaited ceasefire agreement is seen as a potential pre-poll boost for Thein Sein and the ruling party. However, there was no clear indication that a key barrier to the agreement had been resolved—the inclusion of all ethnic armed groups in the accord, as insisted upon by ethnic negotiators. The government had only invited 15 ethnic armed groups to sign the nationwide agreement, excluding the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Kokang rebels of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Arakan Army, as well as a handful of ethnic non-armed groups. Myanmar Peace Center's Hla Maung Shwe said after Wednesday's summit that "the president agreed in principle for the inclusion of all [ethnics groups]," but insisted on a "pragmatic approach." Hla Maung Shwe said negotiators agreed to include three non-armed groups, the Lahu Democratic Union, the Wa National Organization and the Arakan National Council, in political dialogue scheduled to follow the ceasefire signing. He said that Thein Sein would also invite the MNDAA to join the ceasefire signing "as the president is directly communicating with the MNDAA leader." When contacted by The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, the Kokang group's spokesperson Htun Myat Linn said they "have no direct communication with the President on the issue." He added that the MNDAA intended to work together with all ethnic armed groups for an all-inclusive pact. Regarding the TNLA, spokespersons on both sides said settlement had been reached on a government proposal that the group first sign a bilateral ceasefire agreement, followed by accession to the nationwide accord. But uncertainty remains over the inclusion of the Arakan Army, which operates in part as an ally of the Kachin Independence Army, with no firm agreement reached in this regard on Wednesday. Further fueling doubts over the finalization of a pact almost two years in the making, clashes continued this week between Burma Army troops and at least three ethnic armed groups in Shan and Kachin states. Wednesday's meeting was attended by Thein Sein and key government officials including chief negotiator Aung Min, military representatives and three parliamentarians. In attendance on the ethnics' side were: Karen National Union head Gen Mutu Say Poe; Gen N'Ban La of the Kachin Independence Army; Gen Say Htin of the Shan State Progressive Party; Khun Abel Tweed of the Karenni National Progressive Party; and Nai Htaw Mon of the New Mon State Party. The ethnics' Senior Delegation was represented by Naw Zipporah Sein, La Ja and Pu Zing Cung as well as Padoh Kwe Htoo Win. Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing was a notable absentee from Wednesday's dialogue, away on an official visit to Israel. The post Tentative Agreement Reached for Ceasefire Signing Next Month appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Asean Envoy: ‘Burma was Misunderstood’ Posted: 09 Sep 2015 08:45 AM PDT  Aung Lin, director general of Asean affairs under Burma's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (Photo: Kyaw Hsu Mon / The irrawaddy) A long road lies ahead for Burma after a general election set for Nov. 8, which is viewed as a crucial test of the sincerity of a reform effort rolled out since 2011. The Southeast Asian nation of more than 51 million people can expect to become more integrated with its neighbors as the Asean Economic Community (AEC) takes hold, increasing trade and travel between Burma, formerly a hermit state, and the region at large. The Irrawaddy recently spoke with Aung Lin, director general of Asean affairs under Burma's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, about the country's role in the AEC and what changes we should all be looking out for. How has the implementation of visa exemptions for Asean countries progressed? As of now, for which countries do Burmese citizens need a travel visa, and when can we expect all countries to be exempt? Right now, Burmese citizens only need a visa for Singapore and Malaysia. But Burma is already prepared to sign visa exemption deals with these two countries. We'll be able to sign when they agree to sign it. At the moment, we can travel to seven Asean countries without having to obtain a travel visa. The last visa exemption signed with Thailand is limited to airport arrivals. Will it eventually carry over to cross-border arrivals? I'm not certain. Burmese travelers can currently enter Thailand through 33 airports without having to obtain a visa. Thai authorities have said that they will only accept these airport arrivals. Have visa exemptions contributed to any important changes in and between Asean countries? One of this year's goals for the Asean community is to promote greater travel among member countries' citizens. So we are working toward this end, and visa exemptions are a key part of this process. Is Burma ready for the AEC, which is slated to come into effect by the end of this year? Burma is ready. We, along with Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, receive more concessions than some other Asean countries. While they have to enforce certain rules for tariffs, we don't have to do this yet, probably not until 2018. Those in business circles will know more about it. The Asean Open Sky policy took effect earlier this year. What benefits will this policy yield for Burma? We are ready to implement the Asean Open Sky policy because there are both flag carriers and private airlines in our country. So when the policy takes shape, our airlines will be able to go forward and take advantage of new opportunities. How was Burma affected by its role as Asean chair last year? Which sectors of the government and economy were most affected? Burma took on this new role responsibly, and as a result, it has gained a better reputation in the international community. This is crucial. Now we have gained greater recognition not only from fellow Asean countries but also from dialogue partners. Looking back at statements on administration and religious issues that we issued during our tenure as Asean chair, we can tell that they were well received on a global scale. This is, of course, beneficial to us. The European Union is now facing a migrant crisis. In recent months, Burma has also dealt with the complexities of migration. What is the question you are asked most frequently about this issue? 'Boat people' [Ed. note: Rohingya refugees from Burma and migrants from Bangladesh] are called irregular migrants in Asean countries. At first, Burma was misunderstood [by the regional and international community] regarding this issue. But more recently, they have begun to recognize us as a country that is taking part in trying to resolve the migrant issue. We will approach this problem from this position in the future. Will representatives of other Asean countries be allowed to visit Burma to observe the general election scheduled for Nov. 8? The Union Election Commission (UEC) has announced that it will extend an invitation to foreign observers. It is ultimately up to the UEC to decide, but I think that observers from other Asean countries will be allowed to come to Burma for the election. The post Asean Envoy: 'Burma was Misunderstood' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Burma Military Chief Tours Israeli Defense Firms Posted: 09 Sep 2015 08:38 AM PDT  Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing and his entourages inspect an Israeli Navy patrol boat. (Photo: Ministry of Information) RANGOON — Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of the Burma Armed Forces, has toured a naval base and defense manufacturers in Israel this week during a goodwill tour alongside senior military brass. Along with local defense officials, Burma's Air Force and Navy chiefs of staff and several other generals, Min Aung Hlaing visited Ashdod Naval Base to inspect a FAC Super Dvora Mark 3 patrol boat, an unknown number of which have been ordered from Israel by Burma's military. The Super Dvora Mark 3, manufactured in 2004, is designed to operate in shallow waters. A total of 16 vessels are in active service in the Israeli Navy. Arriving in the country on Sunday, the commander-in-chief has also toured the offices of Israeli Aerospace Industries (IAI) and its subsidiary, Elta Systems Ltd. In addition to manufacturing the FAC Super Dvora vessels, IAI produces a range of fighter jets and unmanned aerial vehicles for military use. While Min Aung Hlaing's visit is the first time a chief of the Burma Armed Forces has traveled to the country in 56 years, there has been an enduring and secretive military relationship between the two countries for decades. Former Prime Minister U Nu established ties with Israel in the 1950s, receiving assistance in the agricultural and construction sectors. Enamored of the young country's "kibbutzim" system of agricultural cooperatives, he established four model villages in Shan State on kibbutz principles. In 1954, U Nu sent the first military delegation to Israel to study the country's defense forces and develop a plan for establishing a military academy. While U Nu was head of state, Israel sold fighter jets, machine guns and ammunition to Burma sent an Israeli delegation to Rangoon to train pilots. After Burma's 1962 military coup, the country maintained defense ties with Israel, even as Gen. Ne Win withdrew Burma from the world stage. After much of the international community imposed sanctions against Burma in the wake of the 1988 Uprising, arms and ammunition continue to arrive at Rangoon Port through Singapore. In 1991, Israeli weapons manufacturers sold Uzi submachine guns and 150mm howitzers to the military regime. At the time, there were unconfirmed reports that veteran members of the Israeli military helped to upgrade the Burma Armed Forces' communications network. In August 1997, Jane's Defence Weekly reported Israeli weapons manufacturer Elbit won a contract to upgrade Chinese-made F-7 fighter jets. The journal also claimed that three Chinese-made corvettes, assembled at Sin Ma Like Dockyard in Rangoon, were equipped with Israeli-made radar and weapon systems. The post Burma Military Chief Tours Israeli Defense Firms appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Renewed Fighting Tempers Hopes for Peace as Negotiators Meet Posted: 09 Sep 2015 01:53 AM PDT  President Thein Sein, center in blue longyi, shakes hands with the leaders of several ethnic armed groups in Naypyidaw on Wednesday. (Photo: Nan Lwin Hnin Pwint / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Clashes continued this week between government troops and ethnic armed groups in the run-up to a high-level meeting in Naypyidaw involving President Thein Sein, military representatives and several ethnic rebel leaders. Thein Sein is meeting with the armed group leaders on Wednesday in the capital to discuss the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement with most of the country's armed groups, but even as negotiators on both sides express optimism that a long-sought peace deal is in the offing, renewed clashes have reportedly occurred on at least four different fronts. Government troops exchanged fire with soldiers from the Shan State Army-South (SSA-A) in Shan State's Loilem Township on Monday, according to Sai Oo, in-charge of the SSA-S liaison office based in Taunggyi. He said the fighting would present an obstacle to the signing of the nationwide ceasefire accord as negotiators enter what they hope will be the final stage of talks on the peace deal. "We've agreed to deploy in designated territories," Sai Oo said, blaming the Burma Army for the fresh clash. "We don't want to fight because it can hamper the signing of the NCA [nationwide ceasefire agreement]." Likewise, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) have both claimed that their troops clashed with government soldiers on Tuesday as the Union Peacemaking Working Committee held informal pre-Wednesday talks with ethnic leaders in Naypyidaw. TNLA troops and Division 77 of the military clashed twice—once Kyaukme and later in Kutkai—in northern Shan State on Tuesday, Capt. Mai Ai Kyaw, a TNLA information officer, told The Irrawaddy. "We fought in Kyaukme from 10:00 to 10:30 am and at Kutkai from 1 to 2 pm today," he said on Tuesday, echoing Sai Oo's concerns about the clashes' impact on ongoing peace talks. Myawaddy, a military mouthpiece, said Tuesday evening that the military was clearing the area because a group of 15 TNLA soldiers had abducted a police officer near Panwa village near Mong Ton Township in Shan State. Bhamo-based Tu Jar from Kachin Baptist Council (KBC) said the KIA and government troops exchanged hostilities in Kachin State's Shwegu Township on Tuesday, though details about the clash were hazy. Maj. Tan Sai, with a deployment of Hpakant Township-based KIA troops, told the Irrawaddy that the military was bringing reinforcements into the area. "It [fighting] is a typical problem we face whenever peace talks are held. And the military always deploys more troops [when peace talks are held]," Tan Sai said. The government has only invited 15 ethnic armed groups to sign a nationwide ceasefire agreement, offering a variety of reasons for excluding the TNLA, Kokang rebels of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Arakan Army, as well as a handful of ethnic non-armed groups. Ethnic negotiators have pushed for the inclusion of all ethnic armed groups in the accord, with the divergence on this issue proving to be the key stumbling block to a final deal. Representatives for the KIA are in Naypyidaw today for the nationwide ceasefire talks, while Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Burma's commander-in-chief and a key stakeholder in the peace negotiations, is absent, away on a goodwill visit to Israel. The post Renewed Fighting Tempers Hopes for Peace as Negotiators Meet appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| India’s Minority Christians Seek Justice Seven Years After Deadly Riots Posted: 08 Sep 2015 10:16 PM PDT  A protester holds a cross during a protest rally by hundreds of Christians against recent attacks on churches nationwide, in Mumbai February 9, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) NEW DELHI — Survivors of some of the worst anti-Christian violence in India in recent times have appealed to the president for help, accusing the state of failing to provide adequate justice and compensation seven years on from the deadly communal attacks. Clashes between Hindus and minority Christians erupted in Kandhamal, a rural district in the eastern state of Odisha, in August 2008 after the murder of a Hindu religious leader. According to the Kandhamal Committee for Peace and Justice, more than 90 people, largely Christians, were killed and 56,000 people displaced. The government says the death toll was 38. Despite the thousands of complaints of physical and sexual assault, destruction of property, theft and intimidation made by victims, say activists, few have been registered by police and even fewer have resulted in convictions. "Justice has eluded us," Father Ajay Singh of the Kandhamal Committee for Peace and Justice told a news conference on Tuesday. "After knocking on every door within the state government, we found no one willing to come forward to secure justice for the victims of Kandhamal." Singh said the committee met President Pranab Mukherjee on Monday to plead for all cases to be reopened and for more compensation. "He gave us a patient hearing and said that he will bring the issues before the government to see what could be done," said Singh. The group said that only 827 out of 3,232 complaints were registered by police at the time, and that 273 of these cases were then thrown out due to a lack of evidence as witnesses were scared to come forward and no protection was afforded to them. Only 33 cases have reached a judgment and most of those convicted for crimes such as murder are out on bail, it added. The communal violence—sparked by the murder of Swami Laxmanananda, a leader of the hardline Hindu group Vishwa Hindu Parishad—drew international condemnation at the time, including from Pope Benedict. While both groups were involved in the violence, say human rights activists, Christians bore the brunt of the attacks. Research conducted by the Kandhamal Committee for Peace and Justice found that over 6,500 homes and 395 churches and places of worship were looted, gutted and razed to the ground. As a result, 56,000 poor tribal and low-caste Christians lost their homes and livelihoods and were displaced. Some 10,000 people have still not returned to their villages fearing revenge attacks, say campaigners. Government officials deny charges of neglecting Christian victims or being influenced by powerful Hindu groups. "Everybody has returned back home," Yamini Sarangi, Kandhamal's administrative chief, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "Whoever was a victim was given financial assistance as per the state norms during that time. Nothing is pending here." The post India's Minority Christians Seek Justice Seven Years After Deadly Riots appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Former Cop the Face of Singapore Opposition Posted: 08 Sep 2015 10:08 PM PDT  Sylvia Lim, the chair of the opposition Workers’ Party of Singapore, waves at an election campaign rally in May 2011. (Photo: Tim Chong / Reuters) SINGAPORE — As the day turns into night, they gather in the green field in the eastern corner of this island nation just above the equator. Some have come with foldable stools, some with picnic mats while others settle down on bare grass waving blue flags and yellow inflatable hammers. Soon the crowd swells to about 30,000, waiting to hear the star of the night’s show—opposition leader Sylvia Lim. A policewoman-turned law teacher-turned-politician, Lim is the face of Singapore’s resurgent opposition that just three elections ago in 2001 had hit a political nadir. Its leader, the late J.B. Jeyaretnam who attained folklore stature in the country’s politics, had been bankrupted after contesting a series of lawsuits unleashed by the ruling People’s Action Party. The Workers’ Party and another opposition group had only one seat each in the 84-member Parliament. As Singapore heads into another general election on Friday, the PAP is set to extend its 50-year hold on power by another five years. Only, this time the inheritors of Jeyaretnam’s mantle—Lim and her colleagues in the Workers’ Party—are presenting the stiffest challenge ever faced by the PAP, and will likely emerge as a potent force in what has been a virtual one-party state. “Have you seen how the PAP deals with the opposition? You need a lot of guts to come out and speak up against them,” said oil technician Voon Swee Heng, 59 at Lim’s rally last Sunday where blue party flags with the hammer symbol abounded. “I like to hear her talk. She flags out Singaporean issues like that of the population, train breakdowns and education. Things that concern me,” he said. The Workers’ Party is riding an anti-establishment wave, thanks to the disenchantment with the PAP over the rising cost of living, income inequality, restrictions on freedom of expression, and a rising tide of immigration to fill not only low-paying jobs but also middle and high-paying positions. The frustrations have eroded the popularity of the PAP. Led by Singapore’s founding leader Lee Kuan Yew (who died in March), the party established itself through an enviable track record after taking the reins of power in 1965 when Singapore became independent. The PAP government raised standards of living by attracting foreign investors, promoting a free market, emphasizing education and running an efficient, largely corruption free government and civil service. Today, the annual per capita income in Singapore is $56,287, slightly more than the US, making them the ninth and 10th richest nations in the world. “The key (election) issue more broadly will be about a government and opposition movement that is able to ensure that Singapore enjoys effective and good government,” said Gillian Koh, a senior research fellow at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. “A socially inclusive Singapore that is prosperous because it is innovative, and where people always feel hopeful about making progress in their lives.” While Singapore prospered, Lee and his successors also maintained strict controls on free speech and politics. Government critics including opposition leaders and foreign media were slapped with expensive—and successful—defamation and libel lawsuits. Mainstream local media remain controlled by the government. Some opposition leaders were locked up. Public gatherings and demonstrations without police permit remained banned until 2000, when the rule was relaxed. Demonstrations are now allowed, but only in the Hong Lim park designated for such activities. The party also used a unique electoral rule to its advantage—some constituencies are contested in groups of four to six members. The opposition was hard pressed to find enough candidates to contest, and the PAP won many seats uncontested. But the opposition is catching up as more young people throw their lot with them. In 2001, the PAP won 55 seats uncontested and 37 in 2006, but only five in 2011. This year, for the first time in Singapore’s history, opposition parties are contesting all 89 seats at stake. The Workers’ Party, which holds seven seats in the outgoing Parliament, is fighting for 28 seats, most of them in its stronghold of eastern Singapore. “I think it’s all very healthy. There is an aspiration for Singapore to be developed, in terms of its democratic processes as well. It’s very hard for Singaporeans to live in a cocoon,” Lim, 50, told The Associated Press. Although it is clear that the Workers’ Party cannot form the government either by itself or in a coalition, the enthusiasm for its rallies has not diminished. The turnout at Lim’s speeches dwarfs the crowd seen at those of PAP candidates who typically draw a few hundred people to 3,000 at the most. “Stability does not come from bullying, stability does not come from control, and stability certainly does not come from suing those who criticize you,” Lim thundered at Sunday night’s rally in Simei neighborhood to loud cheers from a fired up crowd. She had arrived a little earlier unaccompanied, passing through police barricades to the back of stage, as another candidate was speaking. Quiet as she is with entrances, her snarky, resounding and hard-hitting speeches slamming the PAP have carved their way into being a crowd favorite. Together with party leader Low Thia Khiang, a Chinese-educated businessman, whose speeches in the Teochew dialect have captivated audiences since he won his first seat in 1991, the two make a formidable team. Low took over the party’s helm after Jeyaretnam was declared bankrupt in 2001 for failing to keep up with payments for libel damages. By law, a bankrupt cannot hold a legislative seat. Lim, the party No. 2, masterminded a spectacular campaign in the 2011 elections, in which the PAP received just 60 percent of all votes cast in its worst electoral performance. It has lost two by-elections since. Lim says her winning a seat in 2011 was confirmation that Singaporeans wanted credible alternative voices. “So voters of the East, look to the future, look to a new dawn. At daybreak, the blue sky can first be seen in the East,” she told the crowd. Lim is in a relationship with local football legend Quah Kim Song, who drives her to and from rallies. Unlike some stiff PAP politicians, Lim comes across as a warm person. She has gained a growing social media following after sharing personal pictures and anecdotes online. After three years as a police inspector, Lim started on her legal career, most recently being law lecturer at Temasek Polytechnic until 2011. She has a law degree from the National University of Singapore and a postgraduate degree from the University of London. “She was passionate when she taught, and I’m sure she’s passionate about politics as well. I like that she is down to earth, capable and responsible,” said Lim’s former student, Linisha Kapur, 24, who was at the rally Sunday. After the three-hour rally ended, Lim slipped into the shadows in minutes. The crowd stayed, chanting the party’s name. The post Former Cop the Face of Singapore Opposition appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| China Stages Mass Spectacle in Tibet to Mark 50 Years’ Rule Posted: 08 Sep 2015 09:56 PM PDT  Performers in Lhasa dance during the celebration event at the Potala Palace marking the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region. (Photo: China Daily / Reuters) BEIJING — Schoolchildren waved flags and paramilitary troops marched in full battle dress at a mass spectacle China staged Tuesday to mark 50 years since establishing Tibet as an ethnic autonomous region firmly under Beijing’s control. The event lauded Tibet’s economic successes under Communist Party rule, even as activists criticized its record on human rights. Top political adviser Yu Zhengsheng stressed Tibet’s unity with the rest of China in his address to thousands gathered in front of the stunning Potala Palace in the regional capital of Lhasa, once home to the Dalai Lama and now a museum. “During the past 50 years the Chinese Communist Party and the Tibetan people have led the transformation from a backward old Tibet to a vibrant socialist new Tibet,” Yu told the audience of schoolchildren, soldiers, armed police and party officials applauding and waving flags. People’s living standards have improved, infrastructure has been built across Tibet and its gross domestic product had grown 68 times, Yu said at the ceremony broadcast live on state television. Yu’s speech was followed by a parade of goose-stepping marchers carrying the national emblem of China, along with portraits of past and present leaders, including President Xi Jinping. Dancers and musicians in traditional Tibetan dress also performed, although there was no visible participation by representatives of the Buddhist clergy that forms the backbone of the Himalayan region’s traditional culture. Beijing sent troops to occupy the Himalayan region following the 1949 communist revolution. The government says the region has been part of Chinese territory for centuries, while many Tibetans say it has a long history of independence under a series of Buddhist leaders. The region’s traditional Buddhist ruler, the Dalai Lama, fled in 1959 amid an abortive uprising against Chinese rule, and continues to advocate for a meaningful level of autonomy under Chinese rule. China established the Tibetan autonomous region in 1965, one of five ethnic regions in the country today. While Tibet is nominally in charge of its own affairs, its top officials are appointed by Beijing and expected to rule with an iron fist. The region incorporates only about half of Tibet’s traditional territory, is closed to most foreign media and has been smothered in multiple layers of security ever since deadly anti-government riots in 2008. Reinforcing the importance of strict control from Beijing, the party’s central committee said in a statement that; “Only by sticking to the CPC’s (Communist Party’s) leadership and the ethnic autonomy system, can Tibetans be their own masters and enjoy a sustainable economic development and long-term stability.” Referring to the Dalai Lama, Yu said activities by him and others to “split China and undermine ethnic unity have been defeated time and time again.” Free Tibet, a London-based rights group, said Beijing was trying to define Tibetan identity according to its priorities, and that Tibetans suffered restrictions on movement, censorship and lived in a system designed to punish opposition to the Beijing government. “If Tibet’s people have a good news story to tell, why doesn’t Beijing let them freely tell it or give the world’s media the opportunity to freely see it?” the group said. The 80-year-old Dalai Lama is in Britain this month for speaking engagements and had no immediate comment. Tuesday’s event reflects Xi’s taste for organized spectacle, in a throwback to the mass rallies common in the early decades of communist rule. It comes less than a week after a massive military parade in Beijing to mark 70 years since Japan’s surrender at the end of World War II. The post China Stages Mass Spectacle in Tibet to Mark 50 Years' Rule appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Tun Lwin: ‘Each Year There is Drought in the Dry Zone, Flooding in the Delta’ Posted: 08 Sep 2015 07:21 PM PDT  Burmese meteorologist Tun Lwin. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Tun Lwin, Burma's most well-known meteorologist, served in the Ministry of Meteorology and Hydrology for over 30 years, including as director-general. But even after his retirement, he says he never lost his passion for meteorology and the environment. Tun Lwin founded Myanmar Climate Change Watch in 2009 and his assessments and predictions are sought by weather watchers and environmentalists around the country. The meteorologist has his own weather forecast website and a strong following on Facebook. In this interview excerpt, The Irrawaddy's Yen Snaing speaks to Tun Lwin about changing weather patterns in Burma, dealing with climate change and the recent flood crisis. When did it first appear to you that weather patterns were changing in a significant way? I did a research paper in 2003 when I was serving as deputy-director in the Ministry of Meteorology and Hydrology. The paper, which examined the changing climate in Burma over the last 50 years, was my first. When you talk about climate, [examining] monsoons is the key. This country has monsoons in both seasons, not only in summer but also in winter. I focused on a period of 50 to 60 years, collecting data from about 80 to 100 weather stations. I found there were about 16 changes in monsoon patterns since 1978. The monsoon season now begins 15 days later and ends about 25 days earlier. So the rainy season has shortened by about 40 days, which is huge. In the past, before 1978, we had a rainy season from May 15 until up to October 10. Also, starting from 2006, the number of storms or depressions forming in the Bay of Bengal grew less frequent [during the monsoon season]. From 2006 until last year, there were absolutely no storms during the whole rainy season. That's a huge impact on the weather in dry zones such as Mandalay, Magwe and lower Sagaing Division. That area never enjoys monsoon rain. Dry zone areas, for example, in Karenni State and Shan State, received very little rain this year. This is the impact of climate change. What about storms outside the traditional monsoon season? We have historical records for storms in the Bay of Bengal from around 1877 to 2014. When I checked the total number for each year, the minimum frequency was on average four per year. From 2006 to 2014, on average, in the post-monsoon season of October to December, we had three storms in three months. I refer to them as post-monsoon storms. They are forming at the wrong time, after the monsoon season. For farmers, it's harvesting time. They don't need rain at that time. They do need rain during the rainy season but instead there is more rain after the rainy season. That affects a lot of farmers, especially in lower Burma areas. Their crops, rice, paddy, beans and things like that are often lost. That has been happening in this country for around nine years. Each year, there is extreme weather, for example, drought in the dry zone, flooding in the delta. Can you talk more about the recent floods in Burma? This year's flooding is very peculiar in the sense that El Nino is this year and normally we have less rain but higher temperatures. But this year we have received a huge amount of rain, starting from early in the monsoon season in early June. This year there is more rain in the western parts of the country than the east. For example, in Karenni State and Shan State, they have received less rain this year. But in Arakan State, Chin State and Magwe Division, they are receiving a huge amount of rain. This year was unfortunate, as three rain bearing weather systems converged on Burma simultaneously. One was a monsoonal front in the north of the Bay of Bengal and we had another monsoonal surge from the south of the country. Making matters worse, Cyclone Komen formed in the Bay of Bengal in July. So with three systems occurring at the same time, there was much rain and flooding. What factors do you think exacerbated the floods? My theory is that the main contributor behind this unfortunate event was deforestation. If you don't have trees anymore, you can't control water, you can't store water. You can't control the run-off. If there are no trees, the soil may degrade, river beds become shallower. So environmental degradation is a very important factor. Land use management and water use management is very poor; people just do whatever they want. There are also so many issues with dams because when they release water, it doesn't occur in phases, but [all at once]. What do you think of the government's response to the flood crisis? I criticize the government, as there are [measures] to take before and after a crisis. Before a crisis, there are two aspects to focus on: preparedness and prevention. These areas were very weak, not only in government but among the public also. Nobody cares until something happens. But after the flooding, rescue, rehabilitation and resettlement was not so bad. A lot of volunteers are helping; the whole country is helping. But the job is not finished yet. In the government sector, there are eight sub-committees in the national-level disaster management program. After Nargis, the government moved to have a so-called disaster management program in each and every state and division at the district and township level. It is supposed to state what people should do during a flood, an earthquake and storms etc. Everything is there, but nobody uses it. Implementation in this country is very poor. There is a lot more we should do. Warning systems in the country still need to be updated. Warning systems should be linked from the provider straight to the user, there should be no barrier between them. We are still working on this. Can you elaborate on the factors contributing to climate change? What can we do to better adapt to climate change in Burma? There are many reasons why we are suffering. Our environment is degrading. The main issue is probably deforestation. Also, the government has a new [energy] plan right now which involves coal power plants, which are very bad in terms of [exacerbating] climate change. The whole world is moving away from coal. For example, China is breaking away from coal projects. Unless you have climate-related knowledge, you can do nothing. They need a good plan and to have a good plan, they need knowledge. That's what we are missing here. The post Tun Lwin: 'Each Year There is Drought in the Dry Zone, Flooding in the Delta' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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