Shan Herald Agency for News |
| Sai Win Myint: “We started ESSDDP because the two Shan parties do not cooperate” Posted: 29 Oct 2015 02:41 AM PDT Sai Win Myint is a member of the three-month-old Eastern Shan State Development Democratic Party (ESSDDP) also known as the "Kongjai Party." He was competing for a People's Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) seat in Mong La Township, or Special Region No. 4, an area controlled by the Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA). However, candidates' ambitions were suppressed in early August, when it was announced that residents of Mong La would not be able to vote in November's election, due to "security concerns" and missing voter lists.
Before joining ESSDDP, the 66-year-old politician served as a former Central Executive Committee member of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the opposition party which won by a landslide in the Burmese general election of 1990, but whose victory was not recognized by the military. In a face-to-face interview with S.H.A.N, Sai Win Myint discussed his decision to resign from the NLD, his views on the Shan parties and his reaction to the cancelled election in his constituency. Q: Since you held a high position in the NLD, what made you decide to quit the party? A: It's the right time for the Shan to be united. When I was in the NLD, it was difficult to work for our people. I know well because I was in the party for 27 years. They have a good system and a good leader but not [a good] working team. For example, there are twelve seats for Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities) in Shan State so the [NLD] candidates should be ethnic people, but not many ethnic representatives were selected. Q: Why did you decide to join ESSDDP? A: It's time for all the Shan to join hands together. If we are still separated, it's difficult to be in the Parliament. In eastern Shan State, there are three Shan parties and the NLD. If I'm running for the NLD, then there will be four Shan people competing against each other. As a result, we all will lose. Q: There are three Shan parties now. Do you think that each party will get only some of the votes and then all the Shan parties will lose to others? A: It might be the case for the whole of Shan State. But I don't think it will happen in eastern Shan State. We [ESSDDP] believe we can win. The reason I say that is because the SNLD party has been set up for 27 years, but they cannot get support from the people. The SNDP is also the same. What's more, these two parties have never asked for cooperation with us [ESSDDP's members]. Q: You said that you want to help Shan people. Why didn't you join one of the two Shan parties, SNLD or SNDP? Why was a new party formed? A: The party is new, but the members are not. All of the members have been working in politics for many years. When SNLD started in 1988, we were leading in this area, but none of the eastern members were put into high positions at the headquarters. My opinion is that if they really want to cooperate, all of the members from three parts of Shan State should be included. The reason we set up a new party is not to compete with our Shan parties. We started [ESSDDP] because the two Shan parties do not cooperate. For us, we want all Shan to be united in all parts of Shan State as well as Tai Leng. [Editor's note: Tai Leng refers to the 'Red Shan,' who largely live in Kachin State] Q: How long will it take for the Shan to be united? A: I think it will take at least ten years, because many Shan people still do not understand politics. Only the leaders do not unite. Q: How is your party campaign going right now? A: The party has been set up for only about three months. In Kengtung, we have reached about 60 percent [of the township]. We get a lot support from the community because our party includes every nationality in eastern Shan State. Q: You were selected as a candidate in Mongla, but the election there was canceled. How do you feel about this? A: I don't think it is the point whether the election is held or not. Even though we are in the parliament, it's meaningless to be an MP (member of Parliament) if we cannot change the 2008 Constitution. It is very difficult to amend the Constitution, because 25 percent of parliament seats are reserved for the Burmese military. The key for change is the constitution. For us [ESSDDP], we will support any group that wishes to change the constitution. Q: What message do you want to give to the new generation? A: The most important thing is that our new generation has to focus on education. I encourage all youth to be united and work for our people, including all ethnic groups in Shan State. By SAI AW / Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N) | ||
| To Hopeland and Back: The Signing of the NCA Posted: 29 Oct 2015 12:49 AM PDT Since I wrote my last To Hopeland and Backjournal, I've been in and out of Hopeland a couple of times, between Chiang Mai and Rangoon. Somehow I didn't have time to write about them.  But then there came several questions about the ongoing peace process, which the mainstream media has done its best to answer but still a lot went unanswered. I hope this journal may be able to cover some of these questions, if not all. Monday, 12 October 2015 "One wrong can move a people, And a wronged people can move the world." From The Water Margin by David Weir My arrival in Rangoon, an hour's flight from Chiang Mai, coincides with the government announcement delisting—from the Unlawful Associations—three of the eight ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) that have agreed to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA): Karen National Union (KNU), Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), The Unlawful Associations Act (UAA) is a relic from the British colonialist days. No wonder there are people who say 'rulers that continue to employ colonialist laws are themselves colonialists.' On my way to the hotel, the taxi driver asks me where I came from. When I answer 'Thailand,' he asks again what the Thais think of Aung San Suu Kyi. I tell him many compare her to Thaksin Shinawatra, a popular political leader who was overthrown by the military in 2005. At the same time, there is some criticism that her government (if she wins November's election) will face a lot of trouble, even without the military's interference. Because unlike Thai parties such as Democrats, she doesn't have a shadow government, assigning likely members as shadow ministers for different portfolios—not only to follow what's happening in each ministry but also to plan for effective takeover if they get elected. I'm a little fearful of how he might respond. But to my relief he is wonderfully big-hearted about it. "Still, I'm going to vote for her, because I don't like the military." I think he speaks for millions of voters in the country, particularly in the lowlands where Burmans are the dominant majority. But for those in the uplands, it's another story. As everyone, both representatives from EAOs and the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), has gone to Naypyitaw at this point, I spend a quiet day meeting my childhood friends, most of whom are Burmans, to reminisce about the good old days gone by. None of them, as I find out, are going to vote for the ruling party. Tuesday, 13 October 2015 "Time is not an enemy to fight against. Time is an ally to work with." From The Water Margin by David Weir My first thought of the day is whether I should wait for the bus caravan that is due to leave from the MPC at 9:00 tomorrow. But then I'm urged to fly to Naypyitaw today, as Gen. Yawdserk, leader of the RCSS/SSA, is due to arrive there from Tachileik this evening. I, as an advisor to him, will be needed. Fortunately, the hotel manages to obtain a ticket for the 14:30 flight. As Rangoon traffic is treacherously unpredictable, I decide to leave for the airport at 11:00. I'm lucky because the taxi driver manages to get me there a little after 12:00. I kill my time reading Stratfor founder George Friedman's The Next 100 Years. The plane is on time. So is its arrival an hour later in Naypyitaw. An hour later, Sao Yawdserk and his entourage show up. Together we are escorted to a lavish hotel, Shwe San Ein (Golden Mansion), owned by U Tay Za. After a brief update by Col. Sai La, who has been in Naypyitaw since October 11, we are shown to our rooms. Some of the Thai journalists are quite impressed with President Thein Sein. Like him or not, you cannot deny that he has an easy, smooth and calm voice from which words flow out quite effortlessly. I ask one of them how he compares with our Nayok (Prime Minister) back home. She replies without hesitation: "The President's better although I can't understand a word he says." I spend the rest of the day talking to Dr. Sai Kham Leik and his lifelong 'better half,' Dr. New Tin. Both of them are there at the invitation of U Aung Min, who is a great fan of Kham Leik's songs. One of the lines oft-quoted by him in relation to the prolonged NCA negotiations, which took almost two years to put signatures to, goes something like this: Why is that people like to do it the hard way When it is easy to do Kham Leik says he has just written a new song "for peace." He shows me the lyrics to read, and I fall in love with the title right away, which, roughly translated in English, means: "Draw Equals Win-Win." Coming back to my room later, it occurs to me that I had not asked him to sing it. Thursday, 15 October 2015 "A nation is good and strong, When it lets ever more people live together in peace. A nation is weak and wrong, When it needs an army to fight against itself." From The Water Margin by David Weir I don't have much to say today for the signing ceremony as well as the opening ceremony for the Joint Implementation Coordination Meeting (JICM) which follows later, except for two things: The first is to remark that some of the signatories on the government's side--there are eight on each side, not counting the President—are not really happy about the whole affair. (Until today, the EAOs have yet to receive their copies of the NCA. I'm not sure if it has anything to do with the above-mentioned information I had received.) What isn't true is that the reason the SSPP/SSA being attacked has something to do with its refusal to sign the NCA. Because others like the Mons and Karennis that have also been against signing it—a long as the government refuses to include the Kokang group—are being left untouched. Later I was told by an EAO leader that the real reason for the Burma Army's attack, according to him, was to prevent the SSPP/SSA from signing the NCA. Had the SSPP/SSA agreed to sign, it would have thwarted the Burma Army's plan to seize all positions west of the Salween, which altogether constitute a gateway to the Wa territory in the east. The day is full with visits from diplomats. Many express their support for the RCSS/SSA decision to sign the NCA, despite the offensive from the Burma Army. "It takes great courage and long sightedness to do that," one of them is quoted as saying. They also say without the participation of the RCSS, the signing ceremony slated for tomorrow "could have been hollow." Wednesday, 14 October 2015 "Truth has a way of defending itself. Only lies and cruelty need force of arms" From The Water Margin by David Weir U Tay Za, of course, is known as a crony, which means he is a businessman working in the interests of those in power. A mutual friend tells me he was at first upset about being called a crony. "But now he likes to introduce himself as Crony Tay Za," she says. At 7:00, U Aung Min, the government's principal negotiator, comes to visit Sao Yawdserk. U Aung Min is bombarded with questions about why the Army has been attacking the RCSS/SSA'S brother movement, the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA) since October 6. U Aung Min's reply is that the general elections security level has gone up to the top and that the SSPP/SSA'S alleged open support for a certain Shan party had not made the military authorities happy. Of course, I doubt anybody present is buying that. Because since 2011, the Burma Army has been attacking the SSA positions west of the Salween, one after another, even though the latter has already signed state and union level ceasefire agreements. Friday, 19 October 2015 "An Army should always be ready, but never be used." From The Art of War by Sun Tzu Today is the first meeting of the JICM, presided over by Vice President Sai Mawk Kham who opens with the following statement: "There may be unforeseeable difficulties lying ahead. Only by patience and forbearance can we overcome them." Not that the participants don't know it, but it was good of him to remind us. He should know what he's talking about, with him wearing longyis instead of Shan pants for over four years now. Even Sao Aung Myat, our President-appointed Shan State Chief Minister, wears the Shan costume on all public occasions. During lunch, he goes around shaking our hands one after another. I try to exchange banter with him when he shakes mine, saying: "How does it feel to be freed of all these punishments?" He is quick with his response: "Why don't you give it a try, if you want to know." Well, he should know I'm the last guy on earth to do it. It's enough that my wife had selected me as her lifelong companion. I don't entertain any burning ambitions further than that. I'm also happy being just an advisor for it carries no responsibilities too heavy for me. One of the RCSS officers tells me later, "When we met yesterday [at the signing ceremony], he said, 'let us all give it a try.'" The day's agenda is to nominate participants/members for the Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) and Union Peace and Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC) and to consider the Terms of Reference (TOR) for them, in accordance with the NCA, Chapter 3. It takes us some time and patience whether we should do the nominations first or the TORs first. I can understand it. The EAOs don't have their Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) or its later outgrowth, the Special Delegation (SD) anymore. Each of them is coming to the meeting as an individual organization, a shortcoming with they will need to correct as soon as possible. One of the participants confides in me later, "Many a time, I thought I was going to have a nervous breakdown." A newcomer to the negotiations also remarks, "Now I know why it took so long to conclude the NCA." Clearly, making peace is quite different from making war. With the latter, you may need a lion's heart, but with the former, you need nerves of steel. The meeting ends at 17:00. |
| You are subscribed to email updates from Shan Herald Agency for News. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 1600 Amphitheatre Parkway, Mountain View, CA 94043, United States | |
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.