The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Dangerous Path Toward Religious Extremism
- Blaze Tears Through Mandalay’s Mingalar Market
- Book Review—‘Understanding Reform in Myanmar’
- ‘Corruption Is A Hindrance to National Development’: Ministerial Nominee
- Locals Embrace the Heat at Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda Festival
| Dangerous Path Toward Religious Extremism Posted: 23 Mar 2016 02:38 AM PDT  Burmese monk Wirathu, who also heads the Buddhist nationalist organization Ma Ba Tha, speaks to fellow monks during an assembly at a monastery in Hmawbi Township, on the outskirts of Rangoon, in June 2013. (Photo: Minzayar / Reuters) Ma Ba Tha is known across the world as a racist Buddhist organisation. Its work fans the flames of hatred and violence against Muslims in Burma, particularly the Rohingya in Arakan State. Its most prominent leader is Ashin Wirathu, dubbed the "bin Laden of Buddhism" for his violent, religious extremism. Last month, Ma Ba Tha, or the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, received an award in Thailand for being an "outstanding Buddhist peace" organization. The firebrand monk attended the ceremony and received a red-carpet welcome by members of the Thai clergy. Does this mean the clergy endorses militant Buddhist nationalism? No Thai monk would openly admit to that. But shared Islamophobia and the clergy's current push to make Buddhism the official state religion point to a dangerous precedent. The questionable award first became public last week when a Facebook post by academic Somrit Luechai showed Ashin Wirathu at the award ceremony which was presided over by an elder from the Supreme Sangha Council. Other pictures from Ashin Wirathu's Facebook page showed "The Face of Buddhist Terror," as the controversial monk is dubbed by Time magazine, receiving a hearty welcome at the Dhammakaya Temple and Mahachulalongkorn Rajavidyalaya University.
Mr. Somrit strongly condemned the award being given to a militant monk whose campaigns of hate have triggered mass killings of Rohingya Muslims. He also named Dhammakaya and Maha Chula as collaborators in the ceremony which he described as an abuse of Buddhism and an endorsement of hatred and violence. Maha Chula is at the center of the clergy's campaigns to make Buddhism the state religion and another supporting Somdet Phra Maha Ratchamangalacharn, also known as Somdet Chuang, to become the next supreme patriarch. Since Somdet Chuang and the center's links with the highly controversial Dhammakaya Temple are public knowledge, Mr. Somrit's posts immediately triggered an online outcry and concerns that Dhammakaya would lead the country toward religious extremism. Maha Chula, Dhammakaya, and the World Fellowship of Buddhist Youth (WFBY) quickly came out to distance themselves from the controversial monk, albeit unconvincingly. A Dhammakaya spokesperson denied organizing the World Buddhist Outstanding Leader Award on Feb. 23, which took place at AIT Auditorium. The temple also denied inviting the militant monk to Dhammakaya, saying he was there to attend the Maka Bucha ceremony. Photos from Ashin Wirathu's Facebook page showed he was not treated as just another ordinary visitor. Maha Chula adopted a similar line, denying both involvement with the award and having extended an invitation to Ashin Wirathu to visit the Buddhist university, insisting the monk was there on his own to meet Burmese students. Photos from his Facebook page also showed a hearty welcome from a group of monks who sported a banner that read "We love Wirathu." The award was actually organized by a group called World Buddhist Leaders Organization, chaired by Dr. Pornchai Pinyapong who is also president of the WFBY. But the award was not for Ashin Wirathu, he insisted. It was for "peace organisation Ma Ba Tha" for its outstanding achievements to protect Buddhism in Burma. Ma Ba Tha, a peace organization? Does he pretend not to know Ashin Wirathu is the face of that organization? According to Dr. Pornchai, Ma Ba Tha succeeded in pushing for a set of laws that promote religious harmony in Burma. They include a law prohibiting Buddhists from marrying people of different religions (read: Islam); the law on monogamy (read: to stop Muslim men from having multiple wives and too many children); and the law forcing some women (read: Muslim women) to space pregnancies by at least three years. At present, he said poverty forces many Buddhist parents to sell their daughters into marriage with men of different religions (read: Islam again). The laws designed by Ma Ba Tha then protect Buddhist women from facing hardship and violence when marrying non-Buddhists, he added. I reread his explanations several times and still failed to understand why the laws that reflect religious paranoia and racial hatred, portending to prevent an "Islamic invasion," are viewed as fostering religious harmony, and why the organization propagating such oppression is considered peaceful. The WFBY must really admire Ma Ba Tha's work. Last year, it reportedly donated over one million baht (nearly US$28,500) for the organization to build two radio stations with the aim of spreading its message to a wider audience. Ashin Wirathu was reportedly present to thank the Thai delegation personally for the donation. The organizer also praised Ma Ba Tha for setting up schools nationwide to teach youngsters about the traditions of Burma and Buddhism. Whether we agree with Ma Ba Tha's ideology or not, it is a fact that it is a very powerful organization. Anti-Muslim sentiments spewed by Ma Ba Tha and Ashin Wirathu have been so fierce that even Burma's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi chose to keep silent amid the Rohingya massacres. Her party did not even dare field any Muslim candidates. Here in Thailand, the clergy are so weak that their nomination for the next supreme patriarch can simply be ignored by the government, as can their proposal for a state religion. They only have themselves to blame. Temple corruption, monk misconduct, luxurious lifestyles and the total inefficiency of the Sangha Council have resulted in declining public faith in the clergy, which is aggravated further by their meddling in divisive politics. The positive side to the clergy's downgrading is that while they strive to become as powerful as Ma Ba Tha, it will not be possible for them to become as destructive. Although the clergy tries to find scapegoats for its own problems by blaming other religions, any moves by the clergy to strengthen its own power through ultra-nationalism will always be tamed by opposing forces that do not exist in Burma. We need to avoid the lethal mix of ultra-nationalism, racism and religion currently spreading across Theravada Buddhist countries. What can save us from this destructive militancy is not the clergy's wisdom, but its own weaknesses. This article originally appeared in the Bangkok Post. Sanitsuda Ekachai is Bangkok Post's former editorial pages editor. The post Dangerous Path Toward Religious Extremism appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Blaze Tears Through Mandalay’s Mingalar Market Posted: 23 Mar 2016 01:15 AM PDT  Scenes of the aftermath of a powerful fire at Mandalay Division's Mingalar Market on Tuesday. (Photo: Zaw Zaw / The Irrawaddy) MANDALAY — More than 200 shops were destroyed and many others partially burned in a powerful blaze in Mandalay's Mingalar Market on Tuesday. According to a statement by the City Municipal Department, some 480 shops are located in the main building of the three-story market, and half were completely razed. The fire broke out after the market closed Tuesday evening, preventing vendors from saving their goods. Despite the heavy deployment of fire brigades, the fire continued to gain intensity, resulting in firefighters on-site categorizing it as a sever Level 7 outbreak. According to Mandalay Division's Central Fire Brigade, seven firefighters as well as one Red Cross volunteer sustained minor injuries and have been hospitalized. "We estimate about 65 percent of the entire market was destroyed, according to our initial investigation. However, we are still looking into the cause of fire, the percentage of shops and apartments that were burned and the exact amount of goods that were destroyed," said Than Zaw Oo, a divisional officer with the Central Fire Brigade. While Mingalar market was turned into a three-story market venue in 1996, most of the shops are still on the ground and first floors, with the second floor primarily used for parking lots, offices and apartments for the municipal department's staff. Chief Minister of Mandalay Ye Myint visited the market place on Wednesday along with Mayor Aung Maung and called for a speedy clean-up process so that the market could be reopened as soon as possible. The mayor told The Irrawaddy that a temporary marketplace nearby would be opened once the investigation team had made the proper arrangements. "If the building is still in good shape and secure enough, we will re-open the market after minor renovations and cleaning. If not, we will have to think about rebuilding or major restoration work for the safety of the shop owners and their customers," Aung Maung said. Yet these shop owners are worried about a potentially time-consuming rebuilding process and how this might drive up the cost of securing a venue to sell their goods. When a market is rebuilt in Burma, contractors often sell back the new shops at higher prices. "We've lost everything we'd invested. We will not be able to buy back the new shops after they've been rebuilt. We don't want to rebuild the market if we'll only suffer as a result," said Thwe Thwe San, whose grocery store was lost in the fire. In February, The Irrawaddy reported the loss of over 300 homes due to a fire in Tenasserim Division's Palaw Township and the displacement of over 1,200 people after a blaze tore through Namhsan Township in northern Shan State. In January, more than 1,600 shops were destroyed in a blaze in another Mingalar Market, in Rangoon. The post Blaze Tears Through Mandalay's Mingalar Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Book Review—‘Understanding Reform in Myanmar’ Posted: 23 Mar 2016 01:02 AM PDT  The cover of "Understanding Reform in Myanmar: People and Society in the Wake of Military Rule" by Marie Lall, published in 2016 by London-based Hurst Publishers. (Photo: Hurst Publishers) Since mid-2011, Burma has been going through a profound—albeit contested—transition. Under President Thein Sein's leadership, the country has experienced widespread—though at times uneven—reforms, including the release of most (but not all) political prisoners, a greatly improved climate for freedom of speech and association, economic and social changes such as the suspension of the Myitsone dam project in October 2011, the resurgence of civil society and the start of an as-yet incomplete peace process between the state government and Burma Army on the one hand, and some two dozen ethnic armed groups on the other. The roaring victory by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in November's general election seems set to entrench this change with a new government, led by NLD chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi, to take up the mantle of political leadership on April 1. For the first time in more than a half-century, Burma will have a chiefly civilian government. While many challenges lie ahead, the country has made moves down a more democratic path. "Understanding Reform in Myanmar: People and Society in the Wake of Military Rule," a new book by Marie Lall, a professor of education and South Asian studies at the University College London's Institute of Education, seeks to explain this rebirth (full disclosure: Lall is my colleague). Wherever Burma may be heading, it is unlikely to become a Western-style liberal democracy in the near future. As Lall points out, "what is happening in Myanmar cannot be measured by Western standards, but rather judged by local and Southeast Asian views." Lall provides such an assessment. Her book gives a detailed account of the past five years, tracing how Burma has gotten as far as it has. She sees the roots of the country's transition as having grown out of the spaces that emerged following the 2004 purge of ex-intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt. Her underlying thesis is that a group of Burmese civil society actors (so-called "third force" actors), led by the late Nay Win Maung, played a key role in steering a course between the NLD-led opposition and the military government, which, in turn, nudged Burma in the direction of opening and ultimately reform. Following the 2007 Saffron Revolution and the trauma of Cyclone Nargis the following year, this group of well-connected political and social activists worked within the constraints of the 2008 Constitution to ramp up a capacity for change in the country. For Lall, Nay Win Maung and his colleagues at the Myanmar Egress deserve much of the credit for spurring this change before and after the 2010 elections. According to this reading, the transition in Burma is primarily indigenous, driven by a need for an escape ("egress") from decades of military (mis)rule and by the passion and vision of a small group of Burmese society activists. One might question whether the Myanmar Egress guys (and they are mostly men) can really be described as a part of civil society, given their cozy business and government connections. For me, Lall somewhat overplays the role of Myanmar Egress, which later gave birth to the Myanmar Peace Center that opened in late 2012. Both institutions have been hugely influential in the country's transition. Yet other factors should also be taken into account. For instance, Lall correctly observes that one of the reformers' main motivations was to reorient Burma's international position away from dependence on Chinese patronage and protection (e.g., in the UN Security Council) and toward better relations with the West (particularly with the United States). While she seems to downplay the importance of international sanctions, it would actually appear that external pressure on the military junta was in fact crucial in promoting and encouraging policy shifts among the generals. Still, Lall's thesis is compelling, and it is important to recognize the significant hand had by different actors in encouraging change. This book therefore provides a critical window for anyone seeking to look into understanding recent events in Burma It is packed with information from many published and unpublished sources. Particularly valuable is the insight gained from first-hand observation of the dynamics of change in Burma. Bold and incisive, this book is built around key topics, such as national reconciliation between the government and the NLD, the 2010 and 2015 elections, the peace process, economic and education reform and the rise of Buddhist nationalism. It also dives into some of the challenges awaiting the NLD, including constitutional reform, a fragmented peace process and stemming a rampant drug trade. Such well-researched and even-handed analysis of Burmese politics is quite rare, making this book a welcome contribution to the already sprawling literature on transition in Burma. Lall ends by saying that "the military will remain an important stakeholder in the political and social process" in the years ahead, regardless of what domestic and international stakeholders desire. Her point is clear: While this is a time of celebration, with the NLD soon to take charge, reform will not come as rapidly as some predict and others hope. Ashley South is an analyst and consultant focused on political issues in Southeast Asia and Burma. He was also an advisor to the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI). The post Book Review—'Understanding Reform in Myanmar' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| ‘Corruption Is A Hindrance to National Development’: Ministerial Nominee Posted: 22 Mar 2016 07:31 PM PDT  Kyaw Win, NLD nominee for the Ministry of Planning and Finance. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) Kyaw Win, slated to be Burma's next Planning and Finance Minister, was born in Labutta Township in Irrawaddy Division and graduated with a degree in economics before embarking on a 20-year career with the National Planning Ministry in 1972. He then transferred to the Internal Revenue Department, where he remained for over six years before resigning to embark on work as a business consultant. He also served as a senior lecturer at the Myanmar Computer Company, Ltd. Kyaw Win spoke with The Irrawaddy about his new role, his political affiliations, and his expectations as a government minister. When did you join NLD? The NLD has an economic committee. I have been an advisor to that committee for a year and a half. Why do you think the NLD has appointed you as a minister? The NLD leadership has a policy to put the right man in the right position. I think I am assigned because I deserve it. What ministerial position will you be assigned? I think it will be the National Planning and Finance Ministry. What reforms have you thought about initiating when you assume the ministerial position? I am familiar with the operation of the Planning Department and the Internal Revenue Department and know their strong and weak points. I will carry out reforms accordingly. Since corruption is more likely to happen in those ministries, I have to handle that first. As corruption serves as a hindrance to national development, I have to give extra attention to it. At the same time, we have to change the mindset of civil servants, boost their morale and motivate them to serve the country's interests. We just can't neglect them because they have faults. They have a big role to play in order to operate the ministry. So, we have to effectively turn them into good civil servants. If so, we will be able to make certain progress toward our goal. Will you have to bear greater responsibilities since you have to manage a merger of two formerly separate ministries? What difficulties do you expect? I don't think there will be much difficulty. However, we have to change the management system to be able to work effectively and broadly for the country. I will not just give instructions, but go down to the ground level and try to learn what is happening there. I will satisfy the needs on the ground. Will you try to amend the outdated laws? I have to. Some laws need small changes and some need big ones. We have to amend the laws for the benefit of the country and also to meet modern times in this age of globalization. A law can't be in force forever once enacted. We have yet to improve the banking sector as well as the capital market. There are permanent secretaries at ministries. They worked under old systems. What will be the difficulties in cooperating with them? We'll make them understand that we'll cooperate with anyone today, whoever they are, and whatever they did in the past. They have big roles to play. We'll value such staff. We will assign them roles to play, and devolve responsibility. We will fulfill all of their requirements. If we can do that, it will be good for all of us. If they only support a cause or a party or an organization and do not think much about the interests of the people and the country, we will split with them if necessary. It all depends on them, their personal attitude. We will not leave anyone behind. We will bring them along with us for the sake of the country, for the sake of the people. What do you want to tell the people? I was elected as a people's representatives to the Parliament because they trust in us, and now I am assigned a minister position, and I am proud of this. I will turn 68 tomorrow and I am proud to fulfill this duty at 68 years old. I've prepared to serve the country and the people, using the expertise and experience from my entire life. I will devote all my time to the country, to the people. This article was translated by Thet Ko Ko. The post 'Corruption Is A Hindrance to National Development': Ministerial Nominee appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Locals Embrace the Heat at Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda Festival Posted: 22 Mar 2016 05:00 PM PDT Click to view slideshow. MANDALAY — Despite scorching heat, Mandalay locals gathered on Tuesday at Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda, about 15 miles southeast of town, to celebrate the annual festival of the centuries-old pagoda. The annual festival of Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda is one of the biggest pagoda festivals in Mandalay Division and thousands of people travel from around the country to partake. It is held for most of the month of March, with the busiest day falling on the full moon day of Tabaung, according to the Burmese calendar, which comes on Wednesday this year. Street stalls selling local snacks and clothing lined the street leading to the pagoda, which was covered with a cloud of dust. Many vendors sold the festival trademark, colorful handmade necklaces with leafy beads, woven from dried palm fronds. Almost every festivalgoer wore these signature necklaces, while children could be seen holding golden fish toys, also woven from palm fronds. At nearby Na Daung Kya stream, people of all ages took a dip, to relieve their tiredness and take a break from the heat. The legend of Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda, which rests on the bank of Na Daung Kya stream, a Myitnge River tributary, is a link to Pagan era, during which King Anawrahta ruled the Pagan Dynasty. According to legend, Sao Mon Hla, a Shan Princess who later become a queen and wife of King Anawrahta, crossed a stream that flowed into the Myitnge River, on her way back to her birthplace, Sae Lant village in Northern Shan State. One of her earrings, which enshrined a relic of the Buddha, dropped into the stream and dozens of golden sparrows appeared and encircled the spot where the earring fell. The stream received the name, Na Daung Kya, which translates to "the earring fell into." Sao Mon Hla built a small pagoda near the riverbank, preserving her earrings and the Buddha relic, with its façade facing east toward her birthplace in Shan State. When King Anawrahta heard the news, soldiers were dispatched and ordered to kill Sao Mon Hla if the façade of the pagoda faced east, and to set her free if it faced west, where Pagan is located. Sao Mon Hla heard the news, and in order to save herself, made a solemn wish and used her emerald shawl to turn the pagoda to face directly between east and west. The legend says that the princess was set free after the soldiers saw that the pagoda wasn't facing Shan State, and the pagoda was named Shwe Sar Yan, which translates to "encircled by golden sparrows." Some believe Sao Mon Hla, who passed away at her home near Hsipaw, along with her brother, became spirits who protect the Pagan-style pagoda to this day. There is a small memorial palace near the pagoda, which has a statue of Sao Mon Hla and her brother. Some people believe it is a shrine for the spirits and that if they make offerings, the spirits will bless them. Paying respect to the spirits of Sao Mon Hla and her brother at Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda has drawn more visitors than other pagoda festivals. There is a local saying about this festival that says one may not accomplish paying tribute to the pagoda, especially during the festival, until enjoying a dip in Na Daung Kya stream, wearing a palm frond necklace, and paying respects to the spirits of Sao Mon Hla and her brother. The post Locals Embrace the Heat at Shwe Sar Yan Pagoda Festival appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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