The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• News Agency Denounces Nationalist Monks For Obstructing Reporter
• USDP Domestic Squabble Heats Up as Shwe Mann Wins Support
• Peace Negotiator to Meet NCA Non-Signatories
• Parallels Drawn Between Ranong Murder, Koh Tao Case        
• Police Pursue Drug Traffickers After Big Bust in Shan State
• Sweden Lends Women of Burma Its Support
• Depayin, 13 Years Later: ‘To Kill and Mutilate Was Their Purpose’
• ‘Twilight Over Burma’ Tells Tragic Tale of Austrian Shan Princess
• Suu Kyi to Visit Thailand in June
• After Decades of Fighting, a Onetime No Man’s Land Transforms
• Chinese Detergent Maker Apologizes for ‘Racist’ TV Ad
• In Asia Pacific, a Tense Game of Political Brinksmanship 
• Though Largely Unknown, Trump Finds Fans in China

News Agency Denounces Nationalist Monks For Obstructing Reporter Posted: 30 May 2016 07:38 AM PDT One of the photographs of a Rangoon hotel porter in the dress of Bagan-era royalty, which has stirred nationalist outrage online. (Photo: Facebook) RANGOON — In what it has called an assault on press freedom, Burmese news agency Myanmar Cable News has publicly condemned the Myanmar Patriotic Monks Union, one of several hardline Buddhist nationalist groups in Burma, for allegedly obstructing and intimidating one of its junior reporters. The reporter was covering a meeting between the monk's union and the management of the luxury Sedona Hotel in Rangoon. According to the news agency's statement issued on Monday, members of the monk's union stopped the reporter from filming the meeting, and attempted to delete the footage taken, even though the news agency had obtained permission from the hotel to film the meeting. The meeting was held in response to a recent controversy, after photographs were circulated on social media last week of a porter at the hotel receiving guests, and carrying their baggage, while dressed in a supposed royal costume from the Bagan era. The Bagan Kingdom was founded by King Anawratha in Burma's central dry zone and flourished between the 11th and 13th centuries. The photographs prompted outrage from some Burmese Buddhist conservatives, which has been channeled by the Myanmar Patriotic Monk's Union, who complained directly to the hotel. Burma's most prominent Buddhist nationalist group, the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion (known popularly by the Burmese-language acronym "Ma Ba Tha"), which is led by monks, issued a statement on Friday. The statement denounced it as an insult to the "dignity of the country" that a hotel porter, who occupies one of the most menial positions within the hierarchy of a luxury hotel, should be dressed in the costume of Burma's "ancient heroes." The news agency's statement was also addressed to the office of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, the President's Office, the Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs, the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee (which regulates Burma's monkhood), and the Press Council. The statement condemned the behavior of the Patriotic Monks Union as an assault on press freedom, and demanded that action be taken against them. Sensitivities over Burmese Buddhist identity have sharpened in recent years, alongside a rapid expansion of both conventional and social media—the latter aided by a dramatic rollout of internet connectivity, linked primarily to the mobile phone network, across the previously isolated country. Much of the Buddhist nationalist rhetoric since 2012 has focused on stigmatizing Muslims as an existential threat to Buddhism in Burma. However, this is the first time that Buddhist nationalist outrage has been directed at a seemingly secular subject: the attire of medieval Burmese royalty. In 2014, New Zealand national Philip Blackwood was arrested and later imprisoned for his alleged role in posting an image of the Buddha wearing headphones on a Facebook page promoting a cheap drinks night at the Rangoon bar he was managing. He was released as part of an amnesty for 102 prisoners announced by outgoing President Thein Sein in January, after a year spent in Rangoon's Insein prison. In June 2015, National League for Democracy (NLD) information officer Htin Lin Oo was handed a prison sentence for "outraging" and "wounding" religious feelings (in accordance with provisions of Burma's colonial-era Penal Code) after delivering a public speech criticizing Buddhist ultra-nationalist groups in October 2014. The post News Agency Denounces Nationalist Monks For Obstructing Reporter appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

USDP Domestic Squabble Heats Up as Shwe Mann Wins Support Posted: 30 May 2016 06:11 AM PDT Former USDP central executive committee member Zaw Myint Pe talks to the media on Monday in Naypyidaw. (Photo: Thiha / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — While Burma's former ruling party chairman has vowed to achieve success in the next election, current and former senior members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) have sent an open letter to the party chief to review actions that they claim were not in accordance with internal rules. On Monday, 12 current and former USDP members, including five sitting and six previous central executive committee members, sent an open letter addressed to the party chairman, ex-President Thein Sein, all other USDP members and the public, stating: "This issue is related to the state and to justice, the rule of law, the flourishing of democracy and the people's safety, despite the fact it seems to be a matter of the party's internal affairs." All 12 members who signed the open letter are now members of the Union Parliament's Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission, led by former USDP chairman Shwe Mann. Among the signatories, five senior members were kicked out of the USDP in April along with Shwe Mann and current Religious Affairs and Culture Minister Aung Ko. After the purge, Shwe Mann also questioned the legality of the ouster. Monday's letter also asserts that a midnight raid on the party's headquarters in Naypyidaw in August last year followed by the replacement of some central executive committee members were actions that were not in accordance with the party's existing by-laws. "Despite the party's rules that state that any member has the right to defend himself or herself with a representative when accused, the purges on August 13 last year and April 22 this year were carried out without any knowledge of those affected. Further, they had no chance to defend themselves," the letter said. Zaw Myint Pe, an ex-central committee member and now a member of the Legal Affairs and Special Cases Assessment Commission, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the signatories sent the letter because they wanted people to know that "the USDP needs to address these problems." "Now they are talking about achieving success in the next election. But we are afraid that the party will be in disarray," he said. The USDP was trounced by the National League for Democracy (NLD) in last November's general election. When asked about Shwe Mann's public attempts to raise the matter of his and his colleagues' ouster, Zaw Myint Pe said the ousted party chairman was in solidarity with them. "We are all of the same opinion." He added that he still hadn't received any official explanation about his expulsion from the party and speculated that he might be regarded as a "traitor" because he joined Shwe Mann's commission. "I was kicked out because I am close to U Shwe Mann. But the [Legal Affairs and Special Cases] Commission was not formed by the National League for Democracy but rather by the Union Parliament." The post USDP Domestic Squabble Heats Up as Shwe Mann Wins Support appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Peace Negotiator to Meet NCA Non-Signatories Posted: 30 May 2016 06:08 AM PDT UPDJC meeting in Naypyidaw last week. (Photo: Thiha Lwin / The Irrawaddy) Government peace negotiator Dr. Tin Myo Win will meet with leaders of the ethnic armed organizations that did not sign 2015's so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) later this week in an effort to include them in the peace dialogue process. A "Panglong-style" peace conference is scheduled to convene in July and the current National League for Democracy (NLD)-led government has been unclear as to which groups will be invited. Modeled after a 1947 summit convened in Panglong, Shan State by independence leader Aung San, the subsequent agreement signed between representatives of three of Burma's ethnic minorities and the Burman majority has come to be seen by many as a rare symbol of inclusivity and interethnic cooperation in a country since plagued by civil war. "We'd like to meet with every group, to include them in the process, if possible," said Hla Maung Shwe, a member of the conference preparation committee and senior advisor to the Myanmar Peace Center, which oversaw the NCA. He added that Tin Myo Win wanted to meet with non-signatories as soon as possible, with whom Hla Maung Shwe and other representatives have been tasked with negotiating. Continued active fighting throughout Burma has made it unclear whether groups that are currently clashing with the Burma Army will be included in the dialogue process. The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Arakan Army (AA) had all been excluded from talks by the previous government. The NLD government has formed two sub-committees, one led by Tin Myo Win—personal physician to State Counselor and NLD party leader Aung San Suu Kyi—to negotiate with NCA non-signatories, and another led by Lt-Gen Yar Pyae of the Burma Army to take care of preparations for the conference. These committees are part of the overarching Union Peace Dialogue Joint Commission (UPDJC), whose 48 members from Parliament, the Burma Army and the eight non-state NCA signatories are tasked with drafting the framework for political dialogue. UPDJC chairwoman Suu Kyi said the peace conference would follow the foundation laid out by the former administration and be based on the current NCA, even though she has restricted some political parties from the process. Burma has over 90 political parties and under the former government, UPDJC representatives could be selected from all of them. Suu Kyi has said that new representatives will only come from parties that hold elected seats in Parliament, while other parties will be able to voice their concerns through civil society forums. "Some countries allow civil society groups to sit at the peace table, but others allow them to play a parallel role and express their concerns through forums. We will use the latter approach," she said, adding that involving hundreds of civil society groups in peace negotiations would affect implementation of the process. The post Peace Negotiator to Meet NCA Non-Signatories appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Parallels Drawn Between Ranong Murder, Koh Tao Case         Posted: 30 May 2016 05:21 AM PDT Burmese migrant workers suspected of murder during a crime re-enactment in the southern Thai border town of Ranong on Oct. 27. (Photo: Foundation for Education and Development) RANGOON — Htoo Chit, executive director of the Foundation for Education and Development (FED), argued at a press conference on Monday that four Burmese migrant workers are being scapegoated in a case he says smacks of the high-profile Koh Tao double murder that saw two Burmese men controversially convicted and sentenced to death. Orawee Sampaotong, a 17-year-old Thai high school student, was killed on Sept. 28 in Thailand's Ranong province, which borders Burma. Police allegedly found no leads in the case after investigating for nearly a month, but on Oct. 20, four Burmese migrant workers—Kyaw Soe Win, Moe Zin Aung, Sein Ka Tone and Wai Lin—were arrested near Kuraburi seaport, located more than 60 miles from Ranong province, Htoo Chit said. A year before, in September 2014, two British backpackers were murdered on the Thai island of Koh Tao. A pair of Burmese migrant workers were eventually arrested by police and, on Dec. 24 of last year, sentenced to death by a court in Koh Samui, despite vocal claims of malfeasance in investigators' handling of the evidence and police conduct in their interrogations of the suspects. Htoo Chit said he believed this most recent murder investigation was meant to "trap" the migrant workers as some say was done in the Koh Tao case, citing holes in the investigation. For instance, although police say they found several scars on Moe Zin Aung's face allegedly made by scratches from the victim, Htoo Chit said that, according to the suspect's family, the scars were the result of injuries from a bicycle accident a week prior to his detention. The suspects' employer has also sought to prove his workers' innocence, saying the victim was killed around 9 pm on Sept. 28, but that his employees were still working at his fish factory close to the time of the murder, at 8 pm. However, after examining CCTV footage, Ranong police said there was no evidence that the men were at work at that time. According to a report released by FED at the press conference in Rangoon, the employer said that he was "surprised" that his employees had "disappeared from the CCTV footage" after police took it from him because, he claims, he had seen the four migrants on the footage "with [his] own eyes." The four suspects are currently being held in different prisons. FED intends to deliver documents and reports to Thai authorities and to the Myanmar Human Rights Commission, the Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the latter headed by Aung San Suu Kyi. According to Htoo Chit, who estimates that there are more than 1,000 Burmese migrant workers in Thai prisons, 29 people are willing to testify on behalf of the four suspects. The post Parallels Drawn Between Ranong Murder, Koh Tao Case         appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Pursue Drug Traffickers After Big Bust in Shan State Posted: 30 May 2016 05:13 AM PDT Record drug seizure in Kutkai Township on May 28. (Photo: Thant Zin Hlaing / Facebook) Two suspected criminals associated with a record seizure of 42.1 billion kyats (US$35.5 million) worth of drugs in a village in Shan State's Kutkai Township are still at large, said the Kutkai Township Police Force. A local drug enforcement squad seized over 21 million yaba pills, or methamphetamine,  worth 42.1 billion kyats from a 12-wheel semi-truck on May 28 en route from Kaung Kha, in Muse Township, to Kutkai. Aung Aung, the driver, was arrested. One of the criminals, Liu Zhi Xiao, is a fugitive and is wanted by police for over 36 billion kyats (US$30.2 million) worth drugs seized on May 5 in Mandalay, according to the Burma Police Force. "We're still interrogating the driver," police officer Ye Myint Thu of the Kutkai Township Police Force told The Irrawaddy. The police believe this bust was part of the same drug trafficking ring that was caught with 600,000 yaba pills on March 3 in Rangoon. "Drugs are readily available in some places here. Previously, drug deals were done in the countryside. But now, they're done out in the open on some city streets," said a Kutkai local who did not want to be named. Rangoon police made the country's largest ever seizure of narcotics in July last year, seizing 2.67 tonnes of methamphetamine tablets worth 133 billion kyats (nearly US$111.6 million) from a truck in Mingaladon Township in the outskirts of the former capital. Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko. The post Police Pursue Drug Traffickers After Big Bust in Shan State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Sweden Lends Women of Burma Its Support Posted: 30 May 2016 04:52 AM PDT Women and children take shelter as they flee fighting in Burma's Kachin State. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) STOCKHOLM, Sweden — The Swedish government says women in Burma can count on its support in furthering gender equality and protecting them from violence over the next four years. Under Sweden's recently adopted National Action Plan for 2016-20, Burma has been identified as one of 12 specially prioritized conflict or post-conflict countries struggling to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent resolutions on Women, Peace and Security. With Burma home to the world's longest-running ongoing armed conflict, Burmese women have suffered sexual violence and other forms of abuse in conflict-affected areas for decades. In the country's ongoing peace process, women have largely been excluded from participation, and women's rights advocates say the few women who are officially involved in negotiations are not accorded the same voice as their male counterparts. The action plan adopted earlier this month is mainly focused on strengthening women's participation in the country's peace process and state-building, and protecting them from harm. Efforts will be underpinned by the crux of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325: Passed in 2000, it highlights "the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security." The structure of the action plan emphasizes approaching issues of Women, Peace and Security from a gendered perspective. "We have decided to prioritize the works in focused countries," Disa Kammars Larsson from Kvinna till Kvinna, a Swedish foundation focused on peace and gender equality that was involved in drawing up and implementing the action plan, told The Irrawaddy. She said that unlike Sweden's previous two National Action Plans, the 2016-20 iteration has much stronger "political ownership," with the inclusion of the Swedish Foreign Ministry in implementation of the plan allowing it the opportunity to better wield influence with Burma and the other targeted countries with respect to women's rights. "It clearly included political dialogue; that if Swedish diplomats and ministers visit to the focus countries, he or she has a responsibility to raise this issue and the Swedish Embassy in the country has the responsibility to report back to Sweden annually on the situation." The National Action Plan would require regular consultation with women's rights defenders on the ground in Burma, she added. Thandar Oo, a women's rights and peace activist from Shan State, urged the international community to support women's advocates working at the grassroots level to enhance these activists' capacity to increase women's participation in all realms of society. Under the action plan, Burma is joined by Afghanistan in Asia; Iraq, Palestine and Syria in the Middle East; Colombia in Latin America; the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Mali and Somalia in Africa; and Bosnia-Herzegovina and Ukraine in Europe, as priority nations. The post Sweden Lends Women of Burma Its Support appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Depayin, 13 Years Later: ‘To Kill and Mutilate Was Their Purpose’ Posted: 30 May 2016 02:38 AM PDT Victims of the Depayin massacre and other activists gather in the village of Kyi, site of the killings in Sagaing Division, on May 30, 2013, to mark the 10-year anniversary of the attack. (Photo: Kyaw Soe) Monday marks the 13th anniversary of the notorious Depayin Massacre. On May 30, 2003, at least 70 people were killed after a mob directed by elements of Burma's former military regime attacked a National League for Democracy (NLD) convoy, which included pro-democracy leader and current State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, traveling through Sagaing Division in northwest Burma. No action has been taken against the perpetrators to date. The Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA)—the military-backed mass organization that would later transform into the Union Solidary and Development Party (USDP)—is said to have been implicated in the massacre. In this interview published June 13, 2003, Zaw Zaw Aung—a survivor of the massacre who was head of the NLD's youth wing for Mandalay Division at the time, and was part of the NLD convoy—describes the incident. How many people greeted the NLD motorcade at Kyi village? Did you hear any opposition voices in the crowd that came to welcome you? I estimate about 3,000. It could have been 4,000 or 5,000. People were on the road, and we spoke to them. I did not hear any opposition voices. So Suu Kyu addressed the people, for how long? About 10 minutes. Where did you go after Kyi village? We did not go very far. About 200 feet from the villagers. The cars behind had not caught up with us yet. We could see the villagers and they had not dispersed. Then, two monks and three laymen stood in front of Suu Kyi's car, stopping it from proceeding. They asked Suu Kyi to speak to the people. They were not where the other people had assembled? They could have joined them if they wanted. Instead, they stood and waited at a distance. Stood and waited, then asked for a speech? Yes, they asked her to step out and speak. It was late. We had to go on to Depayin also. So, the NLD member who was in Suu Kyi's car said 'Honorable monk, it is very late and there is no time. Please excuse your disciples.' But the monks did not leave. They were looking back and said, 'The people in our gang are useless.' We got out of the car and stood around to protect Suu Kyi. Then the monk said 'My people will be following up. Listen to a monk's words. Try your best to preach to them.' We requested them to let us pass but they insisted that we stay. Then, the place was lit up by car headlights and we saw about seven cars. What sort of cars? All sorts. Trucks that carry goods and earth, Dina cars. People descended from those cars and without saying anything they beat up the villagers. Because the headlights were on we could see all that was happening. There were a lot of monks who did the beating up. A lot of [lay] men too. So monks came out of those cars? When people were being beaten up some of the villagers screamed and fled. They were chased by some of the monks. Others came around to our side, surrounded us and without saying anything just thrashed at us. We noticed that these monks had pieces of white cloth tied around their right hands. Can we accept them as genuine monks? How can that be? When they beat up the villagers and our party who were acting peacefully? We heard and we saw for ourselves how they continued thrashing even those who were dead on the ground. Innocent people were beaten to death. Genuine monks will not do that. So, they beat up the villagers first, then went between the villagers and the NLD party and proceeded to beat them up? Yes, they beat up NLD members. The villagers fled and some could have fallen in with the NLD members. Our numbers were small. But whether our numbers were small or large, no one had any weapons. Our leaders gave strict instructions that even if attacked we were not to respond with violence. So they continued to brutally beat up all the NLD members who were in the motorcade? To kill and mutilate was their purpose. So much so that if they saw a body moving they went for it saying, 'There is still sign of life—beat, beat.' Not with just one stick. They went through the crowd with two or three sticks in hand and thrashed at fallen bodies. They responded to groans or pleas for mercy with more severe thrashings. At that time we were very afraid for our lives. So we lay very still and did not move. At that time these were the words they uttered: 'We have built roads, we have built bridges. You do not talk about these things. What has your Aung San Suu Kyi done for the country? You want to be under the authority of the Kala's [foreigner's] wife.' What about Suu Kyi's car? Very soon after all this started, five cars—including Suu Kyi's and U Tin Oo's vehicle—drove off to the front. The Youth Wing security car and our Mandalay Division car did too. So they escaped from Kyi village and you were left behind? And the beatings took place for how long after they had driven off? More than two hours. We have heard that women also accompanied Suu Kyi. What happened to them? Yes, the women wore pinni [home spun material associated with Burma's independence struggle and later the NLD]. The men also wore pinni. They [the thugs] announced that they did not want to see any pinni and ordered all to remove their pinni clothing. They snatched and pulled off the pinni clothing from the fallen bodies and those within their reach. The girls asked not to have their clothes pulled off but they forced them and grabbed and tugged and removed their clothes. Some of them had their gold chains snatched. I saw this with my own eyes. Not satisfied with this, they grabbed and took away their handbags also. So Suu Kyi's car got away. Then again at Depayin the same thing happened? Yes. The young people from Depayin fled and I met them. They were beaten up with spears, wooden, bamboo and iron rods. They saw students with hands tied being led away and having their cycles confiscated. Our information is that gunshots were heard at Depayin. Yes. We heard the gunshots. It was between midnight and 1 am. We were deeply worried for our Aunty Suu Kyi and Uncle U Tin Oo. Without any shooting here [in Kyi village] about 20 or so died and sustained injuries. With shooting it could have been worse. More could have died. How did you escape? After you escaped what did the USDA do? I was lucky. I escaped without any injury. I fled and crossed the paddy fields to Monywa. Though I was not hurt, I was shaken and very distressed. It was about 10:30 pm [when I returned]. I saw a person on a cycle. Looked like he came to see the spectacle. He stood and looked at the dead and after some time he departed. Then about 12:45, three Hino buses arrived without any passengers. They saw the injured and fallen, some dead and the line of cars. They turned back and left. So those injured and the dead were left lying there? Yes, I saw some being taken away in cars. In the end what happened? We were not steady on our feet. I looked on. At about 12:45 am—I had my watch on so I knew the time—members of the police force, the fire brigade, and local authorities put the injured and dead bodies into motor vehicles. Then what astonished me most was that our car, which was heading west for Depayin, was pushed so that it appeared to be heading south and shoved down the ditch. Another car was pushed into the ditch. This was a deliberate act to fabricate a different scenario. I witnessed this with my own eyes. To make it look like two cars collided? These were the cars in which NLD members traveled? Yes, to appear that way. I couldn't believe my eyes. I remember this very clearly. Then some of the cars with injured people drove off towards Depayin. Some cars went in the other direction. About 30 people remained. I cannot say definitely if they were the police or the USDA members because they all were in the same uniform. The post Depayin, 13 Years Later: 'To Kill and Mutilate Was Their Purpose' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

‘Twilight Over Burma’ Tells Tragic Tale of Austrian Shan Princess Posted: 30 May 2016 01:23 AM PDT German actress Maria Ehrich, center, stars in the film "Twilight Over Burma." (Photo: Nyein Nyein / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — The real-life tale of an Austrian woman who became royalty in Shan State has made it to the big screen in Southeast Asia, with a showing held in Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Saturday. It took nine years to make "Twilight Over Burma," a film about the former Hsipaw Saopha Sao Kya Seng and his wife, Inge Sargent, which is based on her autobiography, "Twilight Over Burma: My Life as a Shan Princess." It was released late last year in German and was screened privately with English and Thai subtitles in Thailand twice this month. Special screenings were held in Chiang Mai, home to a large Shan community, on Saturday night and in Bangkok last Thursday. Charm Tong, a Shan human rights activist, said: "For me it [the movie] shows the atrocities. This was a very horrible life. [The film] shows the lives of the people in Shan State at that time." "Chao Inge Sargent, the former Mahadevi of Hsipaw, is still alive, so you can imagine how hard it has been for her whole life," she added, using the Shan word for "princess." "Not only this is her story, it is the story of Shan. This is just one example of what happened in Shan state." The movie begins in 1948 and covers the early years of Burma's independence up to a few years after the 1962 military coup, revealing not just the conditions of Shan State, but the situation in Burma as a whole. Sargent's husband, Sao Kya Seng, was a US-educated mining engineer who returned to his home of Hsipaw to assume the role of saopha, a Shan royal title. In her book, Sargent describes her arrival in Rangoon by ship in 1953 and the revelation that her husband was a Shan prince—a fact only revealed when she saw on the docks "hundreds of well-wishers displaying banners, playing homemade musical instruments, carrying bouquets of flowers." Sao Kya Seng instituted land reforms and promoted democracy, but was arrested by the army during Gen. Ne Win's coup and later killed in prison under mysterious circumstances. Charm Tong said ethnic minorities in Burma still lack equal rights, and there is no genuine peace or democracy yet in the country, highlighting the Burma Army's recent air strikes and major offensives in northern Shan State. "In Burma and Shan State, we can still see atrocities and injustice, and also human rights violations [are] still taking place inside Burma," she added. The Chiang Mai showing was attended by about 100 viewers, including the female lead Maria Ehrich, the Austrian Ambassador to Thailand Enno Drofenik and Kaung San Lwin, the Burmese consul-general in Chiang Mai. Kaung San Lwin told The Irrawaddy: "Generally speaking, as a movie, it is a good one, which portrayed the tragedy of a Shan prince and his family." "I hear it will be shown in Burma next month and Burmese audiences are also excited to see it," he added. The movie is scheduled to have its Burma premier at the annual Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival, which will be held from June 14-19 in Naypyidaw and Rangoon. "Burmese people should watch it to learn more about history, and also those who lived at that time could reflect on the film's historical accuracy," the consul-general said. Drofenik said his government hopes to have the film shown more widely in Burma and they have been talking to the Burmese Ministry of Culture about it. Drofenik said supporting a societal consensus and respecting minority rights were "preconditions for a functioning democracy in which all groups in the society are part of the decision making process." "It is always very interesting for me to hear about the changes in Burma," said Ehrich, the German actress who played the role of Sargent. She told The Irrawaddy: "For people who do not really know the story, it may seem like … a great, fantastic movie. But I hope [the Burmese people] enjoy the film and I hope things will change." The post 'Twilight Over Burma' Tells Tragic Tale of Austrian Shan Princess appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Suu Kyi to Visit Thailand in June Posted: 29 May 2016 10:55 PM PDT Burma's then opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi smiles at people gathered to meet her at the Mae La refugee camp, near Mae Sot at the Thailand-Burma border, on June 2, 2012. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's state counselor and foreign minister, will visit Thailand in June, according to the President's Office. Zaw Htay, the office's spokesperson, confirmed that the trip would take place next month but said the exact dates of travel are still being negotiated. Zaw Htay declined to comment on whether Htin Kyaw, Burma's president, would join Suu Kyi on the trip. However, inside sources said the trip would be between June 23-25, and that Htin Kyaw would be joining. In their first trip abroad since the Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLD) formed a government at the end of March, Htin Kyaw and Suu Kyi flew to Laos in early May. On May 19, Htin Kyaw went to Russia for the 20-year anniversary of the Asean-Russia relationship. On May 9, Thai Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai visited Burma and met with Suu Kyi and Htin Kyaw, a confidant of the NLD leader who effectively serves as her proxy due to constitutional restrictions barring her from the presidency. Last week, Burma Army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing visited Thailand for three days at the invitation of the chief of the Royal Thai Army, Sommai Kaotira. During his visit, Min Aung Hlaing also met with Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and Defense Minister Prawit Wongsuwan. The neighboring Southeast Asian nations and their citizens have experienced an interesting reversal of political circumstances in recent years. Burma's government has moved haltingly toward more openness and democracy since 2011, brought into stark relief with last year's NLD triumph in an election that swept Suu Kyi to power. Thailand, on the other hand, remains under military rule two years after a military coup saw Prayuth seize the levers of power. Freedoms of press and assembly, as well as other forms of dissent, have been sharply curbed by the Thai junta. Millions of Burmese have sought work in Thailand over the years, while tens of thousands remain in refugee camps along the countries' shared border, where they fled, some decades ago, from conflict between the Burma Army and ethnic rebel groups, or otherwise sought an escape from oppression under Burma's former military regime. The post Suu Kyi to Visit Thailand in June appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

After Decades of Fighting, a Onetime No Man’s Land Transforms Posted: 29 May 2016 10:32 PM PDT A villager and his child commute by cart in Thaton Township. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) THATON, Mon State — The town of Thaton is located on the highway linking Burma's commercial capital, Rangoon, with the Mon State capital city of Moulmein. When we arrive in a taxi, we are greeted by a muscular man with tattooed arms, who takes us into a liaison office of an ethnic Karen rebel group, the Karen National Union (KNU). He politely introduces himself, saying he will give us a ride to a base of the KNU's military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). The base is home to the KNLA's Brigade 1. Driving from the KNU office through thick jungle, I see and hear both the good and bad that has resulted from the bilateral ceasefire agreement between the KNU and the previous government in 2012. The trip to the KNLA base lasts about three or four hours, and we pass small streams, villages, paddy fields, small wooden and concrete bridges, hills, and Burma Army bases, riding on a dusty, bumpy half-finished road. I see villagers bathing in streams, carrying water, farming, gardening, commuting on foot or by cart, building wooden and bamboo houses, selling snacks and liter-bottles of gasoline. A newly built road leads to the Karen National Liberation Army Brigade 1 base in Thaton Township, Mon State. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) Surprisingly, some of the villagers are using cell phones, a sign that the telecommunications infrastructure has penetrated deeper into the countryside than I had thought. Some villagers have replaced their carts with motorbikes, and I pass by roads both new and under construction. Some would-be-streets remain dusty and incomplete. Traveling in an old Toyota truck without air conditioning, we keep the windows open. But clouds of dust occasionally blow in with the fresh air. Sometimes as dust gets inside the truck, we have to cover our noses or close the windows. The bumpy road makes it impossible to nap, and we stay awake the whole trip. A Burma Army truck comes into sight. The soldiers in the truck are fully armed but some, with their shaved heads, look like teenagers. It is April, and we guess these soldiers are probably returning to duty after shaving their heads and spending time in monasteries during the Burmese New Year, a not uncommon traditional among civilians and, it would seem, soldiers alike. The soldiers look at us we pass and chatter out of earshot. Some soldiers smile, and I realize that they can clearly see a poster in front of the seat I was in with the words "KNU Thaton Liaison Office." Min Lwin Mountain where Phyu Min Tun company conducts testing is seen from behind. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) Our driver Win Aung tells us that it was not possible to travel in these areas openly before the KNU reached its ceasefire with the Burma Army. He speeds up and passes the Burma Army truck. He says that driving side by side with a Burma Army truck on this road was unimaginable before the ceasefire between the KNU and previous military-backed government in 2012. The area was once a no man's land. Frequent clashing between the Burma Army and the KNLA forced more than 3,000 villagers to flee their homes and seek refuge in Thailand. Many claim that at that time the Burma Army engaged in forced labor, forced portering, extortion and other human rights abuses. Further down the road, a brand new, white heavy-duty Toyota Hilux pickup drives by, and I see the letters UNHCR written on the windshield: the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. I'm curious how a UN refugee agency vehicle could be traveling that deep into KNU territory. Our driver Win Aung says that there are some projects in the area set up by a few nongovernmental organizations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the UNHCR. A purveyor of petrol fills canisters at a small station in Bilin Township, Mon State. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) He says that a few NGOs built clinics and gave livestock to local villagers. However, the paltry assistance does not meet needs of local villagers, he says, and it is more like a show. He claims, for instance, the clinics were nicely built, but they are not actively operating. They are closed most of the time, leading the villagers to make a pun in Burmese calling them "closed clinics" rather than "medical delivery center." As you might expect, it's more amusing in the original Burmese. Win Aung says that another American NGO also promised to provide livestock like goats to villagers who want to raise them. But, later they asked the villagers to participate in a drawing to see who would receive the livestock. As we travel and chat about life in the one-time no man's land, a beautiful sunset comes into sight and begins to fade. It is dark by the time we finally reach the KNLA base. In a wooden house running solar-powered lights, soldiers and officials at the KNLA base talk about the old and new days in their territory. On the government's map, the KNLA Brigade 1 territory is in Thaton and Bilin townships in Mon State, a region the KNU recognizes as Doo Tha Htoo District. Whatever its name, the area is rich in farmland and rubber plantations. Most of the land is flat and has huge potential for business opportunities now that it is just a few hours's drive from big cities like Rangoon, Moulmein, Hpa-an, the capital of Karen State, and the commercial border towns of Myawaddy and Thailand's Mae Sot. A vendor drives his motorbike village by village to sell vegetables, snacks and ice cream in Thaton Township. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) After the 2012 ceasefire agreement was signed, the KNLA Brigade 1 units returned here and established its military bases. They only had temporary bases in the old days before the ceasefire was signed. These bases coexist with Burma Army bases in the region. "We didn't build camps or live in this area in the past because it was a conflict zone. These houses are all newly built," says Saw Min Thein, an official at the KNLA Brigade 1. A gathering of several wooden houses forms the headquarters of KNLA Brigade 1 and two armed soldiers guard the entrance gate. Soldiers at the base say this region was a shoot-on-sight zone and villagers did not dare to move around. Nowadays, villagers can freely travel and farm. Telephone networks are operational in some villages and there is even internet access at the Brigade 1 headquarters. More people use motorbikes, cars and trucks than carts. And land prices are going up. Large Burmese conglomerates like Max Myanmar Group and Phyu Min Tun Company are developing rubber plantations and cement factories. A rubber plantation of 5,000 acres resulted in heated land disputes between locals and Max Myanmar. Beginning in April 2015, with permission from the KNU, the Phyu Min Tun Company has also conducted tests for mineral extraction at one of the twin picturesque mountains on the main road leading to the KNLA headquarters. Local villagers are not happy with the tests run on Min Lwin Mountain as it is a sacred symbol for the ethnic Karen inhabitants. They worry the mountain will be destroyed because the company set off explosions during its testing. Villagers, including some children, hunt for fish and frogs in Thaton Township, Mon State. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) A KNLA official says gold mining is being carried out in the KNLA Brigade 5 region, near their own territory. Some Chinese companies have gotten involved with KNLA Brigade 5 officials and they are making good money, he says. Businessmen have rushed in to buy farmland while rank-and-file KNU officials and small-scale landholders have divvied up properties to sell. Pointing to a plot of farmland, Saw Kaw Tha Blay, the KNU's administration officer for Thaton Township, says, "All this land now has owners. Before [the ceasefire] no one dared to live here because there was fighting." He also said that small-scale landholders tidied up uncultivated lands and demarcated boundaries with others' fields. Businessmen are visiting the region looking for chances to make money. In short, the no man's land is turning into a land of opportunity. The post After Decades of Fighting, a Onetime No Man's Land Transforms appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Chinese Detergent Maker Apologizes for ‘Racist’ TV Ad Posted: 29 May 2016 10:32 PM PDT A still from the controversial Qiaobi laundry detergent ad. (Photo: YouTube) BEIJING — A Chinese detergent maker has apologized for a television advertisement that many in China and around the world called racist, but also blamed the media for causing the public outcry. In the ad for Qiaobi laundry detergent, a black man wolf-whistles at an attractive Chinese woman, who beckons him over. She then stuffs a packet of detergent in his mouth and shoves him head-first into a washing machine. A moment later, the woman opens the lid and a fair-skinned Asian man pops out. State media reported the ad had first appeared in April but went viral after being posted on YouTube last week, where it racked up millions of views within a few days. Some Chinese and foreign internet users condemned it as racist. "We express our sincere apologies and sincerely hope that the many internet users and the media will not read too much into this," the company said in a statement at the weekend. The company deleted an online version of the ad in response to the outcry, the state-backed Global Times reported, citing an interview with the firm. However, versions of it could still be seen on Chinese and foreign video platforms, including YouTube, on Monday. Public discussions of racial discrimination are unusual in China, which is dominated by the ethnic Han majority but is also home to dozens of minority groups as well as a growing influx of foreign residents, including from African countries. "Even though the people who shot the ad may not have realized it, it really is racist," wrote one user of the popular microblogging platform Weibo. "Those who planned the ad strategy should really have read up first." The Global Times, a popular tabloid known for its nationalistic op-ed section, said in an editorial on Monday that Western media coverage was "too extreme" and that China had no problems with ethnic discrimination. "There have been many evils during the development of the West in this era, and racism is one of them," the paper said. "China's social process hasn't been the same experience, so using the same yardstick to measure China's performance will lead to results that are inevitably absurd." The company that owns the Qiaobi brand, Shanghai Leishang Cosmetics, could not be reached for further comment on Monday. The post Chinese Detergent Maker Apologizes for 'Racist' TV Ad appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

In Asia Pacific, a Tense Game of Political Brinksmanship  Posted: 29 May 2016 10:27 PM PDT Chinese dredging vessels are purportedly seen in the waters around Mischief Reef in the disputed Spratly Islands in the South China Sea on May 21, 2015. (Photo: Reuters) WASHINGTON — American ships and fighter jets maneuvering across the South China Sea and the Sea of Japan represent the "new normal" in US-Pacific relations despite rising tensions with China and Moscow. US moves in recent months have led to angry protests from China and Russia, which contend the Obama administration is fueling unrest in the Asia Pacific and conducting illegal and unsafe transit in the region. US military leaders defend the operations and say they will continue to exercise freedom of navigation, and may do so more frequently as time goes on. The escalating rhetoric reflects efforts by China and Russia to show military superiority in an increasingly crowded and competitive part of the world. And it sets up a tense game of political brinksmanship as leaders from the two countries and the United States thrust and parry across the military and diplomatic fields of play. The military maneuvers have shadowed President Barack Obama's "pivot to Asia," a decision early in his tenure to try to focus the relationship with Pacific partners on economics and trade. "We're at a moment when China, Iran and Russia are all testing us, engaging in reckless behavior and forcing policy makers with the question of how far we push and when," said Derek Chollet, a former assistant defense secretary for international affairs and now a senior adviser at the German Marshall Fund. "We're for freedom of navigation and following the rules, and to an extent we are pushing back against changing the rules." Admiral John Richardson, chief of naval operations, said that for the first time in 25 years, the United States is facing competition for maritime superiority as China and Russia build up their navies. China's island development in the South China Sea has inflamed regional tensions, including with nations that have competing claims to the land formations. Most fear that Beijing, which has built airfields and placed weapons systems on the man-made islands, will use the construction to extend its military reach and perhaps try to restrict navigation. Three times in the past seven months, US warships deliberately have sailed close to one of those islands to exercise freedom of navigation and challenge the claims. In response, China has deployed fighter jets and ships to track and warn off the American ships, and accused the United States of provocative action. Twice this year, Defense Secretary Ash Carter has flown to US aircraft carriers in the South China Sea with reporters, sending a message that the United States will not cede navigational rights. He plans to return to the area next week for an annual Asian national security conference. "China has taken some expansive and unprecedented actions in the South China Sea, pressing excessive maritime claims contrary to international law," Carter said Friday during a speech to graduates at the US Naval Academy. "The result is that China's actions could erect a Great Wall of self-isolation, as countries across the region—allies, partners, and the unaligned—are voicing concerns publicly and privately, at the highest levels." Similarly, Russian attack planes buzzed a US Navy warship in international waters in the Baltic Sea last month, and last week Moscow lodged a formal protest about a US reconnaissance flight over the Sea of Japan. The United States says its missions are meant to underscore the rights of the United States and others to traverse the region freely and to block efforts by any nation to unlawfully extend their boundaries or territorial rights. "To the degree that we could advocate more strongly, we need to do enough of these things so that advocacy is well understood," Richardson said in an Associated Press interview. "Certainly if you wanted to dial those up in frequency, well I think that we can support that." The United States is establishing "a new normal level of activity or interaction" that comes with Russia's and China's "return to great power competition." Richardson noted that freedom of navigation operations happen hundreds of times a year in the backyards of friends and foes. "Even though there's a tremendous amount of visibility on the South China Sea right now, it is important to keep those in context," he said. "We do these around the world against a lot of these excessive claims." Under the Law of the Sea, a country can claim up to 12 nautical miles beyond its coastline. In some cases countries try to claim more than that. In other cases, countries try to restrict what others can do within the 200-mile exclusive economic zone that's allowed under international law. For example, they may require advance notice of a flight or ship passage within that zone or prohibit certain military activities there. The Pentagon releases an annual report that lists the countries where the United States has conducted freedom of navigation operations, but includes no details. US military officials said that at least 80 percent are done by ships, but US aircraft also conduct flights to challenge excessive airspace claims. The most frequent US operations are in the narrow Strait of Hormuz, where hundreds of times a year ships pass through territorial waters claimed by Iran and Oman. Both countries try to restrict movement through the strait, but international law allows innocent passage. The Iranian military often hails US ships and tells them to leave. The two sides essentially follow a script, as the US ship continues on its way. In other places around the globe, including portions of India or large swaths of the South American coast, US ships routinely sail within claimed territorial waters or refuse to provide advance requests for transit. Often the operations go unnoticed or trigger no reaction or protest. In some cases, US officials said, countries are only aware of the operation after the Pentagon releases the annual report. According to the 2015 report, the United States formally conducted freedom of navigation operations as a way of challenging excessive claims made by 13 countries during the budget year ending Sept. 30. The post In Asia Pacific, a Tense Game of Political Brinksmanship  appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Though Largely Unknown, Trump Finds Fans in China Posted: 29 May 2016 09:31 PM PDT A worker checks masks of US Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump at Jinhua Partytime Latex Art and Crafts Factory in Zhejiang Province, China, on May 25, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING — China features prominently in the rhetoric of presumed Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, who accuses the country of stealing American jobs and cheating at global trade. In China itself, though, he's only now emerging as a public figure, despite notoriety elsewhere for his voluble utterances, high-profile businesses and reality TV show. And although Chinese officials and state media have denounced Trump's threats of economic retaliation, many Chinese observers see a silver lining in his focus on economic issues to the near-total exclusion of human rights and political freedoms. That appears to make him an attractive alternative to his likely rival, Democrat Hillary Clinton, who is regarded as far more critical of China's communist system. Trump "could in fact be the best president for China," Hong Kong Phoenix Television political commentator Wu Jun said during a recent on-air discussion. "That's because the Republican Party is more practical and Trump is a businessman who puts his commercial interests above everything else," Wu said. Clinton, on the other hand, "might be the least friendly president toward China." Despite his frequent evocations of China, it's not clear how familiar Trump actually is with the country. While he's claimed to have made "billions of dollars dealing with China," he has no known investments in the nation, and it isn't clear what influential figures he knows in the Chinese political and business realms. Chinese are, however, customers for Trump's hotel, golf course and real estate ventures, while Trump-branded clothing and accessories have been made in China. Trump mentions the country so often that a popular YouTube compilation video exists in which he says the word China more than 200 times in just over 3 minutes. His various statements on China range from the blunt ("We can't continue to allow China to rape our country") to the anodyne ("I like China very much"). Still, Trump was largely unknown in China until his campaign for the Republican nomination began gathering momentum last year. Though China's government rarely comments on American political campaigns, Trump's advocacy of a 45 percent tariff on imports that would hit China hard has been lambasted by Finance Minister Lou Jiwei, who called Trump "one of those irrational types" and said enacting such a tariff would cost the United States its global leadership. "Don't even think of being the big boss anymore," Lou said in April. Trump's comments might've sparked a stronger response if Chinese hadn't already grown accustomed to American candidates making strong comments about their country during elections, only to moderate their positions once in office, said Nanjing University foreign relations expert Zhu Feng. "The most important thing is that he or she be solid in their knowledge about China and know how to strike the right balance," Zhu said. Many Chinese may also be relieved that Trump is focused so relentlessly on China's role in the US economy, rather on the country's authoritarian political system, human rights record or policies toward Tibet and the northwestern region of Xinjiang. Trump's questioning of US foreign military commitments is also sweet music to the ears of Chinese nationalists who want China to dominate in Asia and challenge US dominance in the rest of the world. His opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal, which excludes China and seeks to offset Chinese influence, also goes down well in Beijing, though he has also criticized China's construction of man-made islands in the South China Sea. The Chinese public, meanwhile, seems unfazed by Trump's anti-immigration stance, with its overwhelming focus on Mexico, and the candidate's vow to bar Muslims from entering the United States. That could reflect anti-Islamic sentiments that have grown in China following a series of deadly attacks by radicals from the Muslim Uighur minority, even while the government promotes ties with the Islamic world. In contrast, many Chinese have qualms about Clinton that date from a speech she gave at a UN conference in Beijing in 1995 that focused heavily on human rights, to the displeasure of the hosts. As a former secretary of state under Barack Obama, Clinton is also closely associated with Washington's "pivot" to Asia that includes an increase in the US military presence in the region. Beijing has been strongly critical of the policy shift, which was largely seen as prompted by China's robust assertions of its South China Sea maritime claims. Interest in Trump here is rising. Why? Because Chinese have long regarded American elections as a particularly dramatic type of spectator sport. The process of working for a candidate and taking part in rallies and political campaigns doesn't exist within China's staid, authoritarian political system. U.S. politics is also a topic on which the tightly leashed state media is relatively free to report, so discussion of Trump, Clinton and Democratic candidate Bernie Sanders rages on social media platforms and podcasts. Many have also noted that Trump's personality-driven, publicity-fed style is also a familiar archetype for Chinese known for their love of high-profile business moguls such as Alibaba's Jack Ma. Although no polls have been taken, Chinese public sentiment toward Trump appears mixed. Comparing him to a figure from folklore known for sowing chaos, the official Global Times newspaper proclaimed him a symptom of an "American disease." "I don't think many people knew him as a businessman before the campaign," said Shanghai IT engineer Kong Kong, who is unimpressed with Trump's vaunted political outsider status. "Politics is not entertainment and simply being fresh may not be a good thing," Kong said. "A lack of political experience and an excess of personality may lead to an imbalance among interest groups and an abuse of authority, which are not good things for America." Zhong Heng, a Shanghai paralegal, says she regards much of what Trump says as bluster. "He's like an artificial performance-enhancing drug being fed to the American people," Zhong said. Trump, though, does seem to have won some Chinese supporters, particularly online. There, chat groups such as "Donald Trump Super Fans Club" and "God Emperor Trump" have popped up in recent months. One posting in a Weibo messaging service chat group was unrestrained in its enthusiasm. "The more I know about Donald Trump," it said, "the more I feel that he's not only saving the US, but also the entire world." The post Though Largely Unknown, Trump Finds Fans in China appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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