The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Migrants’ Hopes and Fears in Little Burma
- Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘A Hundred Days, a Thousand Questions: Government Faces Challenges on All Fronts’
- The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 16, 2016)
| Migrants’ Hopes and Fears in Little Burma Posted: 15 Jul 2016 07:18 PM PDT               SAMUT SAKHON, Thailand – Wandering through Samut Sakhon, just southwest of Bangkok, the image of people wearing the longyi or tamein while speaking Burmese could make a stranger feel as though they are in Rangoon, rather than a Thai city. For many Burmese migrants in Thailand, Sunday is the only day off each week—a time for relaxation and a brief respite from hard labor; but for thousands of other daily-wage workers, there is no such day of rest. Those who migrate to the region are often motivated by the hope of earning better salaries. Samut Sakhon is perceived from afar as a safe haven, as the pay here is known to be higher than Bangkok, yet the fishing industry situated in the province remains infamous for its low wages and exploitative conditions. Known locally as Mahachai, but widely referred to among foreigners as "Little Burma," the port town of Samut Sakhon hosts between 300,000 and 400,000 Burmese migrants working in some 6,000 factories and fisheries. Ma Thein Win is originally from Burma's Tenasserim Division, and has been in Thailand for five years. She had previously worked in Bangkok, but in April she moved to Samut Sakhon hoping to increase her income as a construction worker. The 45-year-old mother of four longs to return to her home village in Dawei District. "But we have no money and no home; how could we go back and survive?" Thein Win asked softly, all the while tidying a pile of wood next to the construction site, where men worked atop the unfinished buildings. If there was gainful employment to be had in their homeland, many in Thailand's migrant community spoke to The Irrawaddy of going back to Burma, instead of seeking work in a foreign country in order to survive. Keeping Our Patience In 2012, then-opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi visited Thailand—and Mahachai—for the first time, with a second visit occurring in June of this year. During this most recent trip, State Counselor Suu Kyi met with only a small number of Mahachai's migrants, after Thai authorities blocked access to Burma's de-facto leader for labor rights groups and a large crowd of waiting Burmese nationals. Thein Win was one of many migrants unable to be present at Suu Kyi's talks with Burmese workers in Thailand. Reflecting on The Lady's visit brought her to tears, which she attributed to "mixed feelings." Suu Kyi, Thein Win still hoped, would work to "bring good" into their lives. Burmese workers at Talaat Kung, or the shrimp market, also became emotional when discussing the state counselor's visit and their hopes for better job opportunities, which Suu Kyi recognized during her Thai visit. Their wages are often inconsistent, ranging from 200 Thai baht (US$5.72) to 300 baht ($8.58), the latter of which is the official minimum daily wage in Thailand, but is often not afforded to foreign migrant workers. Sorting through shrimp on a table, Aye Myat Mon told The Irrawaddy that she earns the Thai minimum daily wage for her eight hours of labor, but that working times vary depending on the availability of shrimp or other seafood. Claiming to be 18, but appearing much younger, Aye Myat Mon arrived in Thailand four years ago from Moulmein, Mon State, and lives with her sister—she said only her parents remain at the family home in southeastern Burma. Securing sources to speak on the record about working conditions in Mahachai was particularly challenging; many of the individuals laboring in the seafood industry dared not make complaints to the press. Thai employers are reluctant to attract media coverage focusing on the region's docks, markets or construction sites; workers told The Irrawaddy that if they were discovered as having contributed to a story on Little Burma, they feared they would be later fired. "As we are working in another country, we keep our patience, as Amay [Mother] Suu has said," Ye Min, a worker in Talaat Kung told The Irrawaddy, before being interrupted by a superior, ending his interview. 'Being Preyed Upon' Workers also shared stories of their fear of Thai police scrutinizing their identity documents and employment papers, looking into whether they have permission to legally work in the country. "The police ask for money to make extra income when they suspect our documents [are incomplete]," said one man working in the shrimp market, in both a hushed voice and on the condition of anonymity. The number of migrant workers in Thailand is estimated at between 3 and 4 million, but less than half are officially registered. Different policies have been implemented to assist workers from Burma in obtaining legal documents, particularly when their current papers expire. This includes registration for a "pink card," or employment permit, which can be pursued after the expiry of a four-year visa. "Even if they are documented migrant workers, they are often being preyed upon," said Sai Sai, a staff member at the Migrant Workers Rights Network, an organization assisting migrants from Burma in Thailand. Sai Sai explained that authorities' suspicions can be raised by a worker's lack of Thai language skills, and can lead to an arrest for suspected drug use, or for traveling between provinces within Thailand—the "pink card" does not facilitate freedom of movement and only allows migrant workers to remain in the part of the country in which their documents are registered. According to a Bangkok Post report, the registration deadline for a migrant work permit has been extended until July 29, after which, authorities say there will be no leniency. But a further crackdown is expected—on those both in Samut Sakhon and throughout Thailand—for whom meeting registration requirements remains difficult. The post Migrants' Hopes and Fears in Little Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Posted: 15 Jul 2016 06:16 PM PDT
People voted for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the November election, electing the first civilian government in Burma since 1962. The new government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Htin Kyaw still enjoys public support [as much support as the NLD party enjoyed in the past.] Soon after it took power, the government articulated the idea of a 100-day plan. We know that it is impossible to quickly solve all the problems of a country that has deteriorated in political, economic and social aspects for more than five decades. But, Ko Khine Win, what policies has the NLD adopted at this point? Which are positive and which are not? Khine Win: What I see is that the new government has focused on a deregulation drive, rather than on policies. It has tried to pick low-hanging fruit, as some people put it. That is, it has tried to make some quick fixes for the convenience of the people. According to an official of the National Planning Ministry, the 100-day plan had a focus on easing some regulations imposed by the previous governments, in the interests of the people. AZ: Ko Ye Naing Moe, the government has released almost all political prisoners, started to return some confiscated land, and taken measures to promote the rule of law. Do you think people feel safe and secure under the new government? Do they believe it can protect them? Ye Naing Moe: I have talked to people on the street about their expectations of the first civilian government elected in over 50 years. People do not expect that their incomes will increase immediately. Or that there will be job opportunities overnight. But they do have trust. This is the first time that they trust a government in more than 50 years. Anyway, though the civilian government has not yet given a great performance, the majority of non-ethnic Bamar people believe that it is at least heading in a good direction. AZ: Do you think there is greater public cooperation with this government compared to previous ones? KW: Yes, I think there is. People tend to show greater discipline. I don't mean that the previous governments did not properly enforce discipline. My view is that people have greater trust in, and respect for, the government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. This is proven, for example, by the anti-betel chewing campaign in Rangoon Division. I don't agree that this campaign should be a priority. But if the previous government had issued a statement against betel-chewing, people would have responded strongly [pushed back] on it, I think. But now public cooperation is high. This shows that people believe that the NLD government prioritizes things constructively. Earlier too, the NLD government took some steps that satisfied people, including me. These included slashing the number of ministries, to reduce the burden on society. That was a bold move. At the same time, there are still shortcomings. AZ: It is also interesting to look at the role of administrators [the General Administration Department] under the new government. In the [relatively distant] past, bureaucrats were capable and efficient people who played very important roles administering the country. But after dictators seized power in 1962, their henchmen—who knew nothing except how to say 'Yes'—were appointed to govern the administrative mechanism. This damaged the system of administration and governance. Since the incumbent administrators were appointed by previous governments, there are suggestions that they might be uncooperative. There might be conflicts between them and the new government. What do you think, Ko Khine Win? KW: Some administrators serve as secretaries of divisional and state governments, so they play an important role. There is public concern because they are staff members of the Home Affairs Ministry, and most are military officials. But at the township and district levels, administrators mainly play the role of coordinators. On security aspects, they need to know everything [in their respective administrative areas]. Therefore it seems that they have a finger in every pie. In fact, the cooperation of civil servants at the lower level plays a major part [in running the administration]. But this does not mean that [senior] administrators do not play a part. I have heard that in some places they ignore instructions from the upper level [of government]. AZ: In some divisions and states… KW: At the same time, there are cases in which civil servants [at the lower level] work hard but the upper levels place them under undue pressure. YNM: My view on administrators is that they played an important role in the past. And they still do. In the colonial period and after independence, during the government of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League, they were called township administration officers and deputy commissioners and so on. The difference is that they were civilians then. The system was militarized after 1962, as Ko Aung Zaw said. So, the way of thinking is different. People take orders in a hierarchical system. For the new government, the General Administration Department is a tough thing to handle. AZ: Political pundits and observers point out that the military still maintain its grip on three key ministries (Home, Defence, Border Affairs) and holds 25 percent of seats in the parliaments, while there has been no progress regarding constitutional reform. They say that there may be more tensions between the government led by U Htin Kyaw and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the military. What is your view of their relations; in other words, of civilian-military relations? YNM: The number-one priority of the NLD government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is internal peace and national reconciliation; to end the civil war. Their engagement with the military will decide the success or failure of that goal. Since the new government takes this into consideration in each of its moves, it tries to avoid confrontation with the military even on other issues. It seems that the government does not want to touch other difficult matters before it can work out an agreement with the military over a ceasefire and national reconciliation. Their 100-day plan does not deal with constitutional reform, which was one of the objectives of their party explicitly articulated in the campaign season. AZ: Now they say that the Constitution will only be amended after peace is achieved. YNM: I think that is so. AZ: The priority of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is peace and national reconciliation. She is planning to hold the 21st Century Panglong Conference. She wants to invite non-signatories to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), including the AA (Arakan Army), the Kokang Group (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army) and the TNLA (Ta'ang National Liberation Army), groups the military objects to. Yet it seems that the military is taking a moderate approach regarding that proposal. Some argue that our country will never enjoy peace and stability if it does not achieve it during the time of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What do you think of that view? And do you think ethnic groups will respond to her peace offer? KW: There are higher expectations. Ethnic peoples have greater trust in and greater expectations of the NLD government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi than any previous governments. At the same time, there are mountains of doubts. But anyway, they have more trust in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government than in any other, I think. So, it is likely that the AA, TNLA and Kokang Group may accept her offer. Whether the goals can be achieved depends solely on the military, how much they are willing to cooperate. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing will continue to hold the top position in the military. So, what is the military's stance? So far, the military compromises only within the framework of the 2008 Constitution. There would need to be some changes to the Constitution for a complete agreement to be reached. So, it depends on how much the military is willing to compromise. Daw Aung Suu Kyi understands this situation, I think. AZ: The 100-day plan lacks clarity on economic policy. Foreign investors and local businessmen are very disappointed that the NLD government has not clearly articulated this policy. People are saying that the government is very weak in this regard. What are your views? KW: My view is that there are difficulties and challenges for the NLD government in adopting a clear and coherent economic policy. There are many groups in a society. Their interests are different. The NLD government needs to adjust to all those interests. They can't only give attention to the demands of the business community. As Ko Aung Zaw has pointed out, it is important to create jobs for the people. To create jobs, the government needs to cooperate closely with businessmen. Meanwhile, people have a general dislike of businessmen, especially cronies, because of their [negative] reputation. AZ: The NLD government is an anti-corruption government, which is good. But some people ask if the government is anti-business, or not pro-business. Is that question valid? YNM: It is a little harsh to criticize the NLD as an anti-business government. But it needs to be bold and decisive regarding economic policy. I don't have a clear sense of their policy. In our country, many people have traditional beliefs. For example, the political system used to be influenced by communism, and therefore there is a tendency to shy away from doing business with the international community. And people tend to have rather negative views of investments and projects. It seems that our country has 'resource nationalism'. The question is, how we can achieve job opportunities? In Rangoon, the number of taxis now is frighteningly high. Because of a lack of job opportunities, people choose to drive taxis as the easiest way to earn an income for their families. The government needs to explain how it will create job opportunities, what this country will produce to make money, how it will boost the tourism industry, and how it will provide vocational training and create related jobs. But it hasn't done this, and that is a shortcoming. AZ: Thank you for your contributions! This transcript has been lightly edited for clarity and brevity. The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'A Hundred Days, a Thousand Questions: Government Faces Challenges on All Fronts' appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 16, 2016) Posted: 15 Jul 2016 06:07 PM PDT  Serge Pun, chairman of Yoma Strategic Holdings, moves forward with Mitsubishi on Landmark development project. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Bitcoin Technology Could Be Used for Burma Microfinance A microfinance institution (MFI) operating in Burma says it will harness the concept behind the cryptocurrency Bitcoin, after the technology known as blockchain was tested on its banking system. Microfinance institution (MFI) BC Finance, a project of Hong Kong private equity firm Bagan Finance, was involved in a test of a "private blockchain," according to a press release from tech companies Infoteria and Tech Bureau. Those companies, which work in Japan, said they had "successfully transferred the loan and deposit account data in the main system of BC Finance, one of the largest microfinance institutions in Myanmar, to Mijin, the private Blockchain…." The test also involved Microsoft’s Azure software, according to the release. "This is the world's first demonstration experiment that used a private Blockchain in microfinance," it added. In the case of Bitcoin, blockchain technology works by recording transactions in a ledger that is shared between all the computers in a network, meaning that the currency is trustworthy without the need for a central authority. Banks and other institutions have begun working on other applications of the technology, which include private blockchains that could be used within companies to keep a shared record of transactions. Infoteria and Tech Bureau said they would be carrying out more tests over six weeks, and that they hope blockchain technology will help MFIs in Burma with data management as the sector grows, as it "enables the safe and low-cost operation of account data." "We expect that this will facilitate the growth of the microfinance business," they added. Jeremy Kloiser-Jones, Chief Executive Officer of BC Finance said in the statement the test was "just the start." "While we expect it to bring significant savings, leveraging the technology to the next level—replacing analog processes and freeing up employee and customer time, will likely produce more significant savings," he was quoted saying. "On these topics, please expect more announcements from BCF and Infoteria.' Chinese Firm Wins Karen State Road Contracts: State Media The state-owned China Road and Bridge Construction Co Ltd (CRBC) has reportedly won tenders to undertake improvements on the road connecting Rangoon and the rest of the country with the Thai-Burmese border crossing at Myawaddy, according to a newspaper run by the Communist Party of China. Citing CRBC chairman Wen Gang, China Daily reported this week that the company had received bid-winning notices for Lot 1 and Lot 2 of the Asian Development Bank (ADB)-funded Eindu-Kawkareik Road Improvement Project in Karen State. According to a procurement plan published on the ADB’s website, the two lots for civil works on the project were advertised for bidding in the second quarter of 2015. The project will see the existing road widened to two lanes with paved shoulders for a total distance of 66.4 kilometers. "The section will require complete reconstruction, with some short sections of realignment for improved vehicle operating speed and road safety," the ADB’s summary of the project says. Lot 1, which covers the first 40.4 kilometers of the road from Eindu, is estimated to be worth $60 million and Lot 2, from kilometer 42.2 to 66.5, is estimated to cost $38 million. "The project, located in the Greater Mekong Subregion, is the first state project the new Myanmar government has publicly awarded to Chinese companies after coming to power, and also the first project funded by the Asian Development Bank that CRBC has won in the country in recent years," China Daily reported. Concern Over Lack of Supply Base for Offshore Drilling An oil and gas industry insider this week raised concerns over the governments plans to set up a supply base as companies get ready to conduct offshore drilling in Burmese waters. A post on industry network oilpro.com, written by Andre Wheeler of Ceti Corp, said that Australian firm Woodside could be drilling as early as late next year, meaning that an offshore supply base, or OSB, would need to in place to assist the company. A site in Moulmein, Mon State, has long been proposed for such a base. But a suitable base does not yet exist, and a site for a new base has not been agreed upon, according to Wheeler. "Thaketa [in Rangoon], the only current and operational base has serious drawbacks, not least of which is inadequate water depths and in need of extensive refurbishment," he wrote. "A number of other sites have been considered but all are in the very early stages of investigation in terms of site identification, with little or no basic data, such as geo-tech analysis having been done." Wheeler went on to say that the state-run Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) has focused on finding an operator for a new base, rather than on designing its specifications based on what is needed. MOGE issued a call for expressions of interest and reportedly received some 51 responses from local and foreign firms, but no developer has been named. Wheeler said the government firm—which is a partner in all production sharing contracts signed with oil and gas companies—should focus on the site and design for the base, specifically making sure the location was somewhere with water deep enough and expansive enough for ships to dock and turn, and somewhere that facilitates both land and sea access. "By appointing an OSB Operator before this runs the real risk of having the base designed and built around their capability and not what is functional in terms of existing capability that meets demand," he wrote. Pun Signs With Mitsubishi to Move Forward Landmark Project The conglomerate headed by Sino-Burmese tycoon Serge Pun has signed an agreement with Mitsubishi Corporation of Japan to move ahead with an ambitious mixed-use development project in downtown Rangoon, according to an announcement. It marks the next stage in the long-running effort to redevelop the area of the Central Railway Station, close to the iconic Bogyoke Aung San Market, an area the statement imagines as becoming a central business district to compare with Tokyo’s Marunouchi. Dubbed the Landmark development, it will also involve refurbishing the former Myanma Railways headquarters into a luxury hotel to be called the Peninsula Yangon. A statement from Tokyo this week said the deal signed on Tuesday will see the Japanese partners, led by Mitsubishi Corp and Mitsubishi Estate Co invest about US$200 million in the project. The local partners are Yoma Strategic Holdings and First Myanmar Investment, which are both affiliates of Serge Pun & Associates. "The Project entails redeveloping four hectares, where the SPA Group had constructed and operated an office building, commercial facilities, a hotel and other real estate assets, with two office buildings, one condominium, one building combining a hotel and serviced apartments, with commercial facilities being installed on the lower floors of each building, across a total floor area of over 200,000 m2," the statement said. It also detailed how the Japanese partners will form a joint venture company in Singapore to implement the project, which is getting help from the Japan Overseas Investment Corp for Transport and Urban Development, the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation. MAI to Launch New Bangkok-Mandalay Flight Myanmar Airways International (MAI) will soon fly three times a week between Bangkok's Suvarnabhumi Airport and the central Burma city of Mandalay, according to Routes Online. The industry news site said the flights would launch on Sept. 3, and would be flown by an Airbus A319 aircraft. The route between the Thai capital and Mandalay is currently flown daily by Bangkok Airways and AirAsia, which uses Bangkok's smaller Don Muang airport. MAI was spun off from the state-owned carrier in 2010 and is now majority-owned by Kanbawza Bank, which also operates Air KBZ on domestic routes. It currently connects Burmese airports with Bangkok, Guangzhou, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore and the Buddhist pilgrimage destination of Gaya in India. The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (July 16, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
Aung Zaw: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we will discuss positive and negative trends, and successes and failures, of the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, just over a hundred days since it took office. Ko Khine Win from the Sandhi Governance Institute and political columnist Ko Ye Naing Moe are joining me for the discussion. I'm Aung Zaw, the chief editor of The Irrawaddy.| You are subscribed to email updates from The Irrawaddy. To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
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