The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- Rangoon Family Who ‘Enslaved’ Girls for Years Settle Case for $4,000
- UMFCCI Elects New President, Executive Committee
- Interfaith Leaders Call on Individuals to Build Peace
- Lifting Burma’s Sanctions: Who is the Real Winner?
- Former Information Minister Surprised by USDP Membership Appointment
- Suu Kyi Blames Politics for Opposition to Arakan Commission
- From the Archive: The Heroic Medics of the 8888 Uprising
- China Media: Opposition to Hydropower Dams in Burma is “Extreme”
| Rangoon Family Who ‘Enslaved’ Girls for Years Settle Case for $4,000 Posted: 19 Sep 2016 09:38 AM PDT  Scars are visible on the arm and hand of Ma San Kay Khaing, who escaped from five years in domestic servitude in Rangoon's Kyauktada Township. (Photo: Lawi Weng / The Irrawaddy) Scars on their arms, fingers, neck, face and feet illustrate how two teenaged girls were tortured for five years while being forced into domestic servitude in a downtown Rangoon household in Kyauktada Township. Ma San Kay Khaing, 17, and Ma Tha Zin, 16, escaped their abusers on Sept. 5, they told The Irrawaddy, where they said they were treated like "slaves." Ma San Kay Khaing was just 11 years old when she began to work for the family, and identified her abuser as one of the family's daughters, Ma Su Mon Latt. "She beat me a lot, almost every day. First, she beat me on my feet. When I could not finish my work at night, and I fell asleep, then she stabbed me with scissors in my arm. She stabbed me in my back, and in my neck. The louder I cried, the more she tortured me," said San Kay Khaing. She reported working through the night and being allowed to sleep from 6:00 a.m. until noon, before being forced to return to her work, which included taking care of a baby and washing all of the family's clothes. She was locked in the house and paid just 15,000 kyat per month (US$12). Ma Tha Zin was employed by the same family's grandmother, Daw Tin Thuzar. She worked in a six-floor tailoring factory, called Ava. The two victims were friends, both hailing from Bawlonekwin village in Rangoon's Kawhmu Township. Referring to her abuser as "Grandma," Ma Tha Zin said that the woman used a small pair of scissors to hurt her, although a scar on Tha Zin's nose marks an occasion where the grandmother hit her in the face with a knife. "Whenever she felt I did not wash the clothes properly, or did not cook well, then she beat me," she said. Ma Tha Zin said she only was given one meal per day, once all of her work was completed, and sometimes the meal consisted only of rice. She said that she slept with only one blanket and no pillow or mosquito net. "Mosquitos bit me a lot while I slept. I spent 5 years like this," Ma Tha Zin said. The girls said that the family regularly paid them their monthly salary for the first two years of their employment, before cutting off communication with the girls' families. After that point, for the next three years, whenever the families would phone and ask to meet their daughters, the employers said the girls had left. "We called [the family] on the phone and asked them to let us see our children, but they told us that our children were not at home, and that they had just gone somewhere else," said San Kay Khaing's mother, Daw Nyo Nyo Win. "We went there, but we could not see our children." Two weeks ago, San Kay Khaing's mother said that the Dala Township police station notified her of her daughter's whereabouts, and asked her to pick her up. "I was so happy to get my daughter back, but I cannot even think about compensation for how she has been tortured," she said. The Investigation On Sept. 15, the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) called the parents of the two young victims to meet the abusers at their office. The MNHRC also invited Swe Win, the chief correspondent from the Myanmar Now news agency. He initially filed charges at the Kyauktada Township police station regarding the case three months earlier, after a member within the family notified him about the abuse of the girls and asked for help in rescuing them. When the police failed to take action, he said, he contacted the MNHRC. "I told the commission about the rights abuse, but the police did not take action, even though I filed charges," Swe Win said. The MNHRC pushed for an investigation, which was led by Col U Than Aye. U Than Aye said that the family keeping the girls had not allowed him to talk to them privately. "I had suspicions at that time about the abuse of the two girls when I saw their appearance. I tried to investigate, but I could not do it," he said. The police issued a brief statement saying that Ma San Kay Khaing and Ma Tha Zin were exploited, tortured and treated like slaves. The statement suggested that legal action be taken based by the families of the victims or Swe Win, who originally filed charges. Compensation Swe Win said that the police and the MNHRC had recommended that the victims' families accept monetary compensation for the crime, since a legal fight would be lengthy and held no guarantee of justice. The families acted on the recommendation, and the family accused of the abuse paid 4 million kyats to San Kay Khaing (US$3,235) and 1 million ($809) to Tha Zin. The amount included three years' worth of salaries that had not been paid. Swe Win was not happy with the compromise which was made, and said that the abusers were only convinced that they needed to pay the compensation after being threatened with legal action. "I even told them to apologize to the two victims' families. But they refused to do it. They said nothing to the families of the victims, and they just gave money," Swe Win said. He added there should be a punishment for the long-term abuse. "The parents of the victims had no idea what to do. I was only there as an observer and I could not say anything," he said. "It is very important to have justice based on the rule of law in a case like this. For me, I found it unfair to make a compromise like this." The three family representatives who attended the meeting did not admit to violating San Kay Khaing's or Tha Zin's rights. They did, however, say that they beat the two girls for "disrespect" and offered to provide evidence for how they violated house rules. "They were just children," Swe Win said. "If the family disliked the two children, they could have just sent them back." He added that he will not drop charges at the police station regarding the case against the family, and hopes to pursue further legal action. "We need to fight for justice based on the laws of our country," Swe Win said. "This is the only way to stop this." The post Rangoon Family Who 'Enslaved' Girls for Years Settle Case for $4,000 appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| UMFCCI Elects New President, Executive Committee Posted: 19 Sep 2016 07:45 AM PDT  U Zaw Min Win— a former UMFCCI vice-president, chairman of Myanmar Food Processors Exporters Association, and President of Myanmar Industries Association— is elected president of the UMFCCI. (Photo: UMFCCI) RANGOON — Burma's biggest independent economic body, the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), elected its new president and committee members, amid high expectations of change from industry observers. In Saturday night's election, U Zaw Min Win—a former UMFCCI vice-president, chairman of Myanmar Food Processors Exporters Association, and President of Myanmar Industries Association—was elected president over recent chair U Win Aung of Dagon International Co. Ltd and chairman of Thilawa Special Economic Zone (SEZ) holdings. The UMFCCI's members voted in its new executive body including the President, seven vice-presidents and other office bearers. The newly-elected vice-presidents, leaders in different sectors of the business community in Burma, are: U Thein Han (Fortune International), Dr. Maung Maung Lay (Ni Lay Naing Co. Ltd), U Thaung Tin (KMD Group of Companies), U Hla Maung Shwe (Shwe Family), Dr Myo Thet, U Wai Phyo (Yatha Cho Co Ltd) and U Ye Min Aung (Ayeyar Hinthar Holdings Co. Ltd). The Secretary-General is U Aung Kyi Soe, managing director of the Myanmar Liquefied Petroleum Gas Group Company, while joint secretaries-general are: U Aye Win, U Aung Khin Myint, Dr. Aung Thein, U Tha Doe Hein, U Kyaw Dewa, U Myo Thant and Daw Khine Khine Nwe, according to the announcement of the UMFCCI. In the UMFCCI announcement, U Zaw Min Win said that the UMFCCI needed to amend the Chamber's constitution to make it less ambiguous and to strengthen its affiliated associations. He highlighted the need for "good governance" and stated that he would not be striving for personal profit in his role as President. "The UMFCCI needs to work closely with the new government to restore its reputation with politicians, the media, the general public and our affiliated associations," he said in the statement. There were some complaints that female members and young members of the wider business community were not represented in the new CEC. "New members should not be the same as the recent committee; there should be more young business men. They should do more work after changing the members," one businessperson, who wanted to remain anonymous, said. "Current president U Win Aung is running Thilawa SEZ projects, so he and his group have been accused of making opportunities for themselves. This time, it should different from them," the source said. U Hla Maung Shwe, recently elected as vice-president among six others, told The Irrawaddy that the new committee may not include young people or well-known business people, as Chamber members had to register to vote in order to participate in the selection, which some may not have done in time. "There are 195 candidates competing in the election this year. There may be some complaints as some candidates […] were not voted for by [all] members of the Chamber," he said. "But there are some new young business people who have now been made vice-president, like U Ye Min Aun and U Wai Phyo," he said. He added that the new committee will be criticized if its new members fail to reform the Chamber and provide new opportunities for the business community in Burma. "New members are responsible for walking the government through their policies. We will need to work as negotiators between the business community and the government," he said. "U Zaw Min Win has no big businesses like U Win Aung, so the situation will change," he added. There is no information on when CEC members will hand the work over to the newly-elected committee. The UMFCCI is a national, non-governmental organization representing and safeguarding the interests of Burma's private business sector. It was founded in 1991 (as the Burmese Chamber of Commerce) and has about 30,000 members. The post UMFCCI Elects New President, Executive Committee appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Interfaith Leaders Call on Individuals to Build Peace Posted: 19 Sep 2016 07:38 AM PDT  Religious leaders, peace activists and parliamentary members at the pre-celebration of International Day of Peace on Saturday in Rangoon. (Photo: Ar Yone Oo) RANGOON — Burma's religious leaders have joined together in urging people to continue building peace on an individual level throughout the country. Following the new government's Union Peace Conference—the initial national level peace negotiations that will continue in the coming months at the state and divisional levels—Buddhist, Christian, Muslim and Hindu religious leaders called on people to cease the misunderstanding and hatred between different ethnic and religious communities, at the pre-celebration of the International Day of Peace in Rangoon on Saturday. The International Day of Peace falls on September 21, and this year's theme is: "Sustainable Development Goals: Building Blocks for Peace." The event was organized by local NGO, Ar Yone Oo, in collaboration with the Swedish embassy and the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society. Religious leaders, local civil society members and peace activists attended. Ashin Issariya, a Buddhist monk and writer, told participants that previously there had been misunderstandings and hate speech spread among different communities because there had not been open discussions held in the country. The monk said that he does not accept hate speech, which some other nationalist Buddhist monks have participated in. "We all need to cooperate in building peace. We all have a duty to stop hate speech, which can cause unrest," Issariya said. "If we want to achieve peace, all individuals first need to try to bring peace to our hearts. That individual peace will transmit from one to another." Burma's first Catholic cardinal Charles Bo agreed. "If there is no peace in your heart; if there is no peace in your family, if there is no peace in your place of work; there will not be peace in the world or in Myanmar," he said. Cardinal Bo said last month's Union Peace Conference was a door that could open a "long myth of hope," adding that ethnic and religious hatred is the enemy of peace and that all must work in tandem with the new government. The leaders cited recent clashes between the Burma Army and ethnic armed groups throughout the country as the impetus for the peace conference. "What's the mindset of military personnel regarding peace? What's the mindset of the different armed groups?" Bo asked the group. Al Haj U Aye Lwin, founder of the interfaith group Religions for Peace, said there was no peace inside the country as long as there is injustice and discrimination, along with an armed conflict lasting more than 50 years and millions of people internally displaced throughout that time. "I think we have suffered enough. We deserve peace. If we want to achieve peace, we need to clear all the doubts in all the communities and build mutual understanding and trust," U Aye Lwin said. He added a belief in Islam that says: If the heart is at peace, it will bring peace to one's neighbor. The Hindu leader U San Min Naing also urged collaboration with the country's first democratically elected government led by Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. "We now have good leaders. We, as citizens, need to try to help," he said. The post Interfaith Leaders Call on Individuals to Build Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Lifting Burma’s Sanctions: Who is the Real Winner? Posted: 19 Sep 2016 07:28 AM PDT  Myawaddy Bank Ltd on Rangoon's Strand Road. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy) Burma's long oppressed ethnic groups and critics of the country's military generals are beginning to understand that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's US visit will bring business opportunities, wealth and blanket amnesty to many rich and powerful people who remain out of favor. Growing criticism went as far as to suggest that the decision to lift all sanctions meant that the United States and the White House do not really care about the civil war, ongoing human rights abuses in ethnic regions, a patchy transition, students, activists, or crimes committed by greedy cronies and their dodgy associates. The question now is: Who is to blame? During the visit, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi acknowledged that US assistance and moral support aided Burma's transformation. But before thanking the US and the Obama administration, it is noteworthy to remember that cronies, criminals and some mass murderers feel that they have gotten what they wanted, thanks to President Obama's lifting of sanctions on the country. In this economic landscape, who will hold the moral high ground in Burma? Surely not neighboring China. Some fear that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will have less and less leverage to negotiate with the military—which controls 25 percent of the seats in Parliament, can declare a nationwide state of emergency, refuses to amend the 2008 military-drafted constitution and continues its ground offensive and air strikes in ethnic areas. Some wait and hope that military leaders will reward Daw Aung San Suu Kyi with constitutional changes. We will see what happens, but we won't hold our breath.  Aung Zaw is the founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy. Back home, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi faces questions from ethnic and community leaders on her position on sanctions, which may serve as a hurdle to achieving nationwide peace. Some ethnic leaders say it was too early to lift sanctions, as an ongoing war continues in the north and negotiations are only at at early stage. Her supporters posit that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wanted to maintain some measure of sanctions until the political transition was irreversible but that she was not well informed regarding the termination of the US National Emergency Act and that its removal would jointly remove all remaining sanctions. Last week, the London-based BBC quoted a source who hinted that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not in full agreement with the decision to lift all sanctions but was left with little choice. "US officials told her it was all or nothing, and the historic decision was made to lift all sanctions," wrote the BBC. Some think that pro-business groups and lobbyists for military enterprises in Burma—including the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (UMEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC)—along with some US and White House officials, were largely responsible for the removal of all sanctions. The UMEHL and the MEC are the two biggest industrial conglomerates controlled by the military, and they have managed to dominate many of the country's key economic sectors. Under the previous regime, the two were under the direct management of the old War Office or, as it is now officially called, the Ministry of Defense. The UMEHL was formed in 1990 as "a special public company, with shareholders limited to the Directorate of Defense Procurement, Ministry of Defense, Defense Regimental Institutes, and other bodies of the Defense Services and War Veterans." Senior figures in the armed forces manage the enterprise. The corporation is involved in jade mining, gems, tourism, imports, real estate, exportation of foodstuffs, automobiles, banking, the Myanmar Brewery, transportation, large-scale construction and Myawaddy Bank—which is listed as a private bank. The MEC is also involved in the harvest of teak and the extraction of natural gas and oil, as well as in communications. The list is endless and the corruption no doubt is deep. But the military and its enterprises are moving fast – faster than the elected government could have fathomed. In February, the Burma Army's Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said he intends to privatize all military-owned companies at an appropriate time. On March 31, the UMEHL applied to the Ministry of Planning and Finance to become a "public company”—to register according to country's Companies Act and as a show of offering greater transparency and accountability. However, the military is thriving and remains a key player in Burma's military enterprise. It will continue to do so as they are, in fact, a government within the government. The country has seen a long history of military business interests and activities in Burma. To ensure greater accountability and transparency regarding these enterprises will be challenging. In Burma, no one is well equipped to hold them responsible. The fact is, the military enterprise is bigger than the government's. With the latest rewards from the US and the White House, they will feel like they are the real winners, as opposed to the ordinary Burmese citizens who sanctions were purportedly intended to support. The post Lifting Burma's Sanctions: Who is the Real Winner? appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Former Information Minister Surprised by USDP Membership Appointment Posted: 19 Sep 2016 05:08 AM PDT  Former Minister of Information U Ye Htut speaks to reporters in 2014. RANGOON — Former Minister of Information U Ye Htut has been appointed as an auxiliary member of the once-ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) without his prior knowledge. For the five months since the transfer of power from a USDP administration to a civilian-led government, Ye Htut has been in Singapore, where he is a senior visiting fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS). "I didn't know that I became an auxiliary member of the USDP, because I was in Singapore when the party held its annual meeting. I was informed of this when I visited for a while earlier this month," Ye Htut told The Irrawaddy, referring to a research trip back to Burma. In the party's general meeting in August, ex-general U Than Htay, former Minister of Energy, became the party chairman, replacing former chairman and ex-President U Thein Sein. Local daily newspaper The Voice reported on the formation of a USDP veterans group including U Thein Sein, U Htay Oo, U Aye Myint, U Thaung, U Soe Tha, U Loon Thi, U Tin Htut, U Myint Maung and U Khin Aung Myint. It was the veterans group that appointed U Ye Htut as an auxiliary party member. "I informed the party that I was not able to be involved in the party's activities while I am a visiting fellow. After finishing my tenure at ISEAS, I will decide on my future," Ye Htut said. Ye Htut's affiliation with the party—formed in 2010—dates back to his membership in the organization's predecessor, the Union Solidarity and Development Association. "I am not a member of the party anymore," he said. The post Former Information Minister Surprised by USDP Membership Appointment appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| Suu Kyi Blames Politics for Opposition to Arakan Commission Posted: 19 Sep 2016 03:02 AM PDT  Sittwe residents staged a protest upon the arrival of Kofi Annan in the Arakan State capital in September 2016. (Photo: Maung Kyaw Hein MPA / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said politics was behind a joint statement from 11 political parties opposing the Kofi Annan-led Arakan State Advisory Commission. "Denouncing the Kofi Annan Commission is not only based on race and religion but also, I think, political motivation," she said during a meeting with members of the Burmese community in New York on Saturday. "It makes me really sad. It should not be that people denounce the commission for political party interests when we are working for the whole country." Her comments came after a joint statement made by former ruling party the Union Solidarity and Development party and 10 other parties—all of which were heavily defeated by the National League for Democracy in last year's general election. The statement released last Friday said they were concerned about the commission's activities, and said that the "formation of the commission is not in line with the State Counselor's authority." Daw Aung San Suu Kyi formed the commission led by the former UN Secretary-General in August. The commission has attracted criticism, especially from the local Arakanese party, for the inclusion of foreigners in the panel. During the meeting with the Burmese community, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said "there is nothing to lose from the commission." "Thanks to the formation [of the commission], the Organization of Islamic Cooperation has decided to drop the resolution on the human rights issue," she said in reference to a proposed resolution on the marginalized Rohingya at the UN assembly. Kofi Annan visited Arakan State, also known as Rakhine State, in early September. After his trip, the former UN Secretary General told the media that the commission's purpose was not to investigate rights abuses but to write an "impartial report." "I hope our recommendations will be helpful as we intend to reduce tension and support development," said Mr. Annan. The post Suu Kyi Blames Politics for Opposition to Arakan Commission appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| From the Archive: The Heroic Medics of the 8888 Uprising Posted: 19 Sep 2016 02:38 AM PDT  The iconic photo in which medical student Win Zaw (L) and house surgeon Dr. Saw Lwin carry 16-year-old pro-democracy protestor Win Maw Oo to an ambulance after she was fatally shot on September 18, 1988. (Photo: S Lehman / Visions) Twenty-eight years ago, demonstrations across Burma demanded an end to Gen Ne Win's military dictatorship. After government troops opened fire on the 8888 Uprising in Rangoon, hundreds were seriously injured. Many doctors and nurses worked around the clock to save the injured. Win Maw Oo is remembered from the iconic picture of a blood-soaked young woman being carried away by two medics during the 1988 crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Rangoon. She begged her father not to perform the Buddhist last rites until "Burma enjoys democracy." In May those funerary rites were performed, after nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party assumed power. Sixteen-year-old pro-democracy activist Win Maw Oo was carried to an ambulance by house surgeon Dr. Saw Lwin and medical student Win Zaw after being fatally shot on September 18, 1988. Today, The Irrawaddy looks back at this article about the 8888 Uprising and the brave doctors and nurses who worked tirelessly during that time. RANGOON — Twenty five years ago, the streets of Rangoon swelled with hundreds of thousands of protestors demanding an end to Burma's military dictatorship. After government troops opened fire on them, hundreds were seriously injured. Many would have died if it had not been for Dr Myat Htoo Razak and Dr Win Zaw. Like many doctors and nurses, the young house surgeon and medical student worked around the clock to save the lives of injured protestors during the hectic days of the 8888 Uprising. Myat Htoo Razak recalled the unforgettable scenes that he witnessed on August 9, 1988, one day after popular, nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations started in Rangoon and other cities across Burma. "Some of them were shot in their chests, arms and legs," he said in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy. "Two of them were seriously injured; one was shot in his head and another one shot in his eye." The then 24-year-old house surgeon and his team had arrived at the Maternal and Child Welfare Association in Rangoon's North Okkalapa Township shortly before troops began to fire on crowds of peaceful demonstrators, who had gathered nearby. One monk who made a speech urging protestors to keep marching was fatally shot. Many protestors ran into the building to flee the gunfire, some were bleeding from bullet wounds in their torsos, arms and legs. The medical team, which came from North Okkalapa Hospital, had already prepared emergency treatment facilities as they feared that authorities might launch a violent crackdown on the demonstrations. Myat Htoo Razak and three other house surgeons (young doctors who are still undergoing practical training) and nurses started treating the many wounded. But soon, soldiers surrounded the Maternal and Child Welfare Association and two captains entered building to intimidate the demonstrators. "We just used rubber bullets. Or else, you would have all been dead," one of them said looking at injured protestors. The captain's heartless words infuriated Myat Htoo Razak but he tried to cope with his anger for the sake of his patients. The would-be doctor then asked the officers to transport two seriously wounded patients to North Okkalapa Hospital. In the meantime, more injured people were coming into the building. Myat Htoo Razak and his small team kept treating the injured until late afternoon. When he got back to North Okkalapa Hospital, the troops were shooting right in front of the building. "We didn't even need to go too far to carry patients as they were shooting in front of the hospital. The injured people were just carried into the hospital. Inside, we treated many of the injured people," he said. While the doctors like Myat Htoo Razak worked ceaselessly to operate on the many wounded, pools of blood covered the hospital floors and numerous bodies arrived at the mortuary. "It was a tragic scene to see the dead bodies of our brothers and sisters," he said. For 10 days, government violence continued and wounded pro-democracy demonstrators filled the wards of hospitals and clinics in Rangoon and across Burma. When Dr Maung Maung, a civilian, became interim president on August 19 the shootings ended and people from all walks of life joined the demonstrations, which had now spread nationwide, from Burma's big cities to tiny villages throughout the country. On September 18, the military staged a coup d'état and the crackdown worsened. Troops shot down many more demonstrators, including schoolchildren, students, civil servants and housewives. An estimated total of 3,000 people were killed and many more protestors were injured in August and September of 1988. For the injured, doctors, nurses and house surgeons like Myat Htoo Razak, provided life-saving care at a critical moment in the country's history. The 88' pro-democracy movement was the biggest people power uprising that Burma had seen since gaining independence from Britain in 1948. It toppled the country's oppressive authoritarian regime of military strongman Ne Win and his Burma Socialist Programme Party, which had ruled the country for 26 years. The military coup and subsequent crackdown on the 8888 Uprising, however, would leave the army in charge for two more decades. Another medical student who helped treat Burma's brave protestors at the time was Win Zaw. Doctors, nurses and medical staffs not only treated the injured, but also took part in the demonstrations, and 23-year-old Win Zaw joined a group of medical students who staged a hunger strike on September 18 at Rangoon's University of Medicine. After the army staged a coup at 4 pm that day, it announced that all demonstrators should disperse and leave their camps and the streets. Win Zaw and his fellow students went to Rangoon General Hospital and spent the night helping doctors in treating hundreds of demonstrators who had been shot by troops as they tried to clear the streets of Rangoon. The next morning, at about 10:30 am, Win Zaw and doctors got news that the troops had again opened fire on protestors. Win Zaw quickly joined a small team that included a surgeon named Win Ko, two doctors and another house surgeon by the name of Dr Saw Lwin. They drove through the streets collecting the wounded, putting as many as 15 patients into their small ambulance. After two runs to pick up the victims, they heard that shots had been fired at a demonstration near Sule Pagoda in central Rangoon As they reached the pagoda, it became clear that the troops had committed a massacre. "It is a scene that I can never forget for the rest of life. There were a lot of bodies and injured people on street," Win Zaw recalled in an interview. "A photo of our Bogyoke [Aung San] was on the street, our fighting peacock flag [the symbol of students' movement] was also down, sandals were scattered and pools of blood were everywhere." As they looked among the numerous bodies for protestors who were still alive, Win Zaw noticed one young girl who was breathing faintly. He approached and heard her murmur, "Brother, help me." Win Zaw lifted the girl by her arms while house surgeon Saw Lwin held her legs. Wearing white physician duty coats, they carried her to the nearby ambulance. At that time, he noticed a flash of a camera and heard one of the soldiers bellowing: "Don't take pictures! Or else, we'll shoot!" At that time, Win Zaw had no idea the picture would become an internationally well-known, historic picture that symbolized just how brutal the army's crackdown on innocent protestors had been. Later, he found out that the young girl's name was Win Maw Oo, a 16-year-old high school student. On that dark day, September 19, 1988, Win Zaw's team made seven runs to collect the wounded from Rangoon's blood-covered streets. Another ambulance team of Rangoon General Hospital conducted a similar number of emergency rescues. By the evening, he learned Win Maw Oo was being treated at the intensive care unit and that she was still alive after having suffered gunshot wounds in one arm, one leg and a lung. At 5:35 pm, however, she died. The medical staff also risked their lives by going out and collecting wounded protestors from Rangoon's streets. Myat Htoo Razak remembers that at least one medical student was shot and killed, while another required a life-saving operation. Myat Htoo Razak and a senior surgeon, Dr Kyaw Myint Naing, operated on final-year medical student Moe Thu Win for six and a half hours after a bullet had shredded the main artery in his arm. The doctors thought they might have to amputate the limb, but eventually the operation was successful. During 10 days of bloody repression in 1988, the doctors continuously treated injured protestors, although some of the wounded didn't dare to come to hospitals out of fear that the military would arrest them there. For some medical staff, their work would have repercussions later. The military had taken note of Win Zaw and Saw Lwin after the photo of their rescue of the young girl Win Maw Oo became famous the world over. Four years later, the notorious Military Intelligence's unit-6, better known as MI-6, detained Dr Win Zaw for five days and asked him about the details of the events of that day. For his colleague Dr Saw Lwin the consequences would be far greater, however. The military authorities forced Saw Lwin's father to retire from his position as the director of a government department. This pressure on his family caused Saw Lwin to sink into a deep depression. Years later, he committed suicide. Until this day, Win Zaw said, Saw Lwin's family cannot bear to watch the tragic picture of their rescue attempt. For both Dr Win Zaw and Dr Myat Htoo Razak the events of 1988 were life defining moments, and all these years later both say they are still dedicated to establishing genuine democracy in Burma. "The 88 uprising shaped our lives," said Myat Htoo Razak, who now lives in the United States and has worked on HIV/Aids research and strengthening health care systems in Asia and Africa. Win Zaw, who is now secretary of the Myanmar Medical Association's General Practitioners Society, said, "In fact, we are still waiting to get what we demanded 25 years ago." The post From the Archive: The Heroic Medics of the 8888 Uprising appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
| China Media: Opposition to Hydropower Dams in Burma is “Extreme” Posted: 18 Sep 2016 11:07 PM PDT  Demonstrators walk to Myitsone, Kachin State in March 2014 to protest the Myitsone hydroelectric power development project on the Irrawaddy River. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) BEIJING, China — Opposition to Chinese-invested hydropower schemes in Burma is being orchestrated by "extreme" groups in the country and has been extremely damaging to joint investment projects, an influential Chinese newspaper wrote on Monday. The suspension in 2011 of the US$3.6 billion Myitsone mega dam project by former president Thein Sein remains a sore point between the two countries. Burma suspended the project citing environmental worries, but the decision was also seen as an attempt to distance itself from Beijing. Uncertainties arising from that controversy have held back other Chinese investment plans. Burma leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party swept to power in the country's first free national vote in 25 years last November, said on a visit to China last month that her new government was willing to look for a resolution that suits both countries. A Burma commission is reviewing the project, and other proposed hydro-power dams. But Suu Kyi is under pressure at home from civil society groups not to simply give in to Beijing. The Study Times, published twice a week by the Central Party School, which trains rising Chinese officials, said in a commentary that the dam projects were being unreasonably attacked. "Before and after Suu Kyi’s China trip, some extreme Burma media, non-government organizations and people heatedly opposed the Myitsone Dam and other large-scale projects on the Salween River" and demanded the projects be stopped, the newspaper said. "Certain Burmese media even said that stopping these dams was an important step to show that Burma is throwing off its over-reliance economically on China," the paper said. While it's hard to know how representative these voices are, their "extreme comments" have dominated privately-run media in Burma, the paper added. "This has had a hugely negative effect on public opinion and has been hugely damaging for joint cooperation projects," it said. Finding a solution to the Myitsone project is important for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who needs China's cooperation in talks with ethnic minority armed groups operating along the border with China. The Study Times praised the State Counselor for making China her first port of call apart from countries in the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (Asean) since her government took power, saying it was recognition of how important ties are. China is no fairweather friend, it added. ''China is willing to invest in basic infrastructure projects in Burma that the West is not willing to invest in,'' the paper said. The post China Media: Opposition to Hydropower Dams in Burma is "Extreme" appeared first on The Irrawaddy. |
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