Friday, February 17, 2017

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News

Commentary on "Preparing for the next Panglong conference"

Posted: 17 Feb 2017 07:25 AM PST

It is a time tested conclusion that the Tatmadaw, and also the Aung San Suu Kyi headed NLD regime for that matter, cannot go it alone.



The wishful-thinking of that the Tatmadaw's military pressure to break the will of the ethnic resistance into accepting the watered down version of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) version, which is not accompanied by ending the Tatmadaw's offensives in Shan and Kachin States, lacks all-inclusiveness participation and equitable, level playing field, will remain an illusion or pipe dream only.

As for Suu Kyi, coercively sticking to her rigid time schedule would eventually bring in the NCA-non-signatory ethnic armies is also equally an impoverish way of thinking, likely following the Inter Mediate's, a policy think-tank that supervises Suu Kyi, suggestion, according to a knowledgeable signatory ethnic armed organization.

It seems Suu Kyi is employing a paternalistic attitude, by probably thinking and believing that: "She is grabbing the non-signatories of NCA by the collars and forcibly putting them into a paradise-like atmosphere - literally Nat Pyi in Burmese, where the latter complained that it is too high and instead jumped down".

What a pity that the situation has been misinterpreted by the Tatmadaw and as well Suu Kyi.

Link to the story: http://frontiermyanmar.net/en/preparing-for-the-next-panglong-conference

Commentary on " Dialogue or despair: Two futures for the peace process"

Posted: 17 Feb 2017 07:14 AM PST

What Aung Naing Oo pointed out is most crucial to the continuation of peace process dialogue.


His suggestion of "Unnecessary restrictions must also be removed. Flexibility must be prioritized. Negotiators must be provided with proper policy direction and communication," or key words like "restriction, flexibility,and communication" are most important to keep the process going.

In plain words, for example the issue of "restriction", like Paragraph 17/1, Association with Illegal Organizations Act that could cause personal security concern for the ethnic resistance leaders should be waived, if not abolished it all. The detention of one All Burma Student Democratic Front (ABSDF) leader, whose party is a signatory of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), is still detained with the Burma Army initiative, is the case in point. In the same vein, a dozen or so soldiers of Ararkan Liberation Party (ALP), also an NCA signatory are detained and their weapons confiscated, citing trespassing their designated areas, and still are under detention.

"Flexibility" in this period of ongoing peace process should mean looking the other way or turn a blind eye for the sake of a bigger picture or goal-setting. In this case, it is the achievement of the political settlement through negotiations. The Tatmadaw is just doing the opposite, by imposing its own rule of being a sole protector of the national sovereignty, when in fact this is the very notion that has been the bone of contention for adversaries and all parties involved in the peace process.

It should be clear that while the Tatmadaw wants to be the sole owner of the country's sovereignty, the ethnic nationalities see it as their ultimate goal to wrestle it back, in the form of a "shared-sovereignty". It is a political demand and they are risking their lives so that the political equation is changed into a form of federal union system of governance. In other words, this should be negotiated at the peace conference and not already taken for granted by the Tatmadaw, as it is now doing and acting with implementation that isn't helping the peace process to be fruitful at all.

Regarding "communication", especially with concern to JMC or ceasefire joint-monitoring procedure, it is not at all working, seen from several firefights with the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) or the Shan State army - South, which is also an NCA signatory.

All in all, it is the "political will" and sincerity that is badly needed from the part of the Tatmadaw to end its offensive wars in Kachin and Shan States, in the name of safeguarding the country's sovereignty, and come down from its moral high horse of being the sole protector and owner of the national sovereignty and national unity, using sheer military might, which has failed to work, after employing the said policy for decades.

Link to the story: http://frontiermyanmar.net/en/dialogue-or-despair-two-futures-for-the-peace-process

Taunggyi to host Civil Society Peace Forum ahead of 21CPC

Posted: 17 Feb 2017 12:33 AM PST

Burmese civil society organizations (CSOs) have announced that they will gather for a 'peace forum' in Shan State capital Taunggyi next week.


With invitations extended to state-level CSOs from across the country, the forum is scheduled to be held in Taunggyi from 21- 23 February, ahead of a national-level conference in Naypyidaw on 24- 25 February.

According to Min Aung Htoo, an executive member of the CSOs Forum, the agenda at the national forum in Naypyidaw will include three topics: federal economics and finance; the resettlement of internally displaced persons (IDPs); and environmental policies and natural disaster management.

Min Aung Htoo said that the meeting will bring together members of CSOs from different states who are each working to build peace in Burma.

"CSOs will be represented at the upcoming peace talks," said Min Aung Htoo, referring to the next round of the Union Peace Conference, also known as the 21st Century Panglong Conference (21CPC), which is slated to kick off in Naypyidaw in mid-March.

"Therefore, in order to for us to speak with one voice on behalf of the general public, we need to prepare."

The CSOs sent a joint-letter to the Burmese government after the first round of the 21CPC, requesting permission to send a greater number of CSO representatives to the peace talks. However, they say, to date they have not had a response.

The peace talks are based on the framework of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), which limits representation of CSOs.

"We wish to be legitimate representatives at the national-level peace talks," said Su Su Shwe, a CSO representative from Tanintharyi region. "At national-level negotiations, there are four sectors in play: the parliament and government; political parties; Tatmadaw[Burmese military]; and ethnic armed groups. So, the question is: why not give CSOs fair representation?"

According to Win Htay Kaung Myat, a representative of the CSOs Forum in southern Shan State, 49 CSO representatives will attend the next round of talks in Taunggyi, plus an additional 24 female delegates who are due to debate women's issues.

"At the 21CPC conference, we are not permitted to directly discuss issues such as cultural heritage," he said. "There are so many limitations on us. Therefore, we will have to wait and see how much dialogue we can introduce and how the UPDJC will react."


The UPDJC, or Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee, oversees the agendas for the peace talks, and is headed by State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi.

By Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN)
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