Shan Herald Agency for News |
- Commentary on “Panglong, then and now, and the promise of peace”
- To Hopeland and Back: The 27th trip
- DEMOCRACY IN THE KNU
| Commentary on “Panglong, then and now, and the promise of peace” Posted: 09 Mar 2017 12:48 AM PST If looking for an acceptable equilibrium should be the way to achieve peace, then the prevailing difference of concept on how this country, the "Union of Burma" comes into being in 1948 after the British left, needs to be first understood and eventually bridged.  In other words, while the Bamar political class and Military top brass acceptance and belief that Burma or Myanmar today stems from the liberation of the Burmese empire that the British colonized in the 18th century, the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities are convinced that it is a newly formed political entity, built with their voluntary participation on equal basis. Thus, the independence achieved from the British is seen as a co-independence owned by all ethnic nationalities, Bamar included, and with it also the co-ownership right of the country's sovereignty. The 1947 Panglong Agreement is actually the genesis of founding the Union of Burma, which should be studied together with the 1947 Union of Burma Constitution and also the 1961 Federal Proposal of the ethnic nationalities, if the emergence of this new political entity is to be understood. It make no sense to criticize that the Panglong Agreement is not comprehensive and that it should be disregarded, but just to make use of its "spirit" only. The first United States Constitution in 1787 originally was only composed of single page, seven articles and since then have expanded with leaps and bounds, but no one ever has thought about nullifying it because it was incomprehensible. That is how the country's founding historical document should be treated. Likewise, the Panglong Agreement of 1947 should also be treated as the country's founding historical document, together with the 1947 Union of Burma Constitution and also the 1961 Federal Proposal. In short, the Bamar political elite, together with the ethnocentric Bamar military top brass shouldn't be consumed by their paternalistic attitude and believe that they have every right to replace the British colonial master and treat the non-Bamar ethnic nationalities as their colonial possessions. If this conceptual correction and a sense of being equal to all the other ethnic groups could be instilled among the Bamar political class and the Military, all the rest of forging a common national identity, national unity, reconciliation and political settlement would follow, but not before the morally and ethically feasible adjustment as mentioned above are undertaken. Link to the story: http://frontiermyanmar.net/en/panglong-then-and-now-and-the-promise-of-peace | ||||||
| To Hopeland and Back: The 27th trip Posted: 09 Mar 2017 12:41 AM PST
Yes, I should have written this two weeks ago. I wanted to, too. But I was bedridden with flu, and as a result has surrendered completely to the ministrations of my wife, who used to be a nurse. Thanks to her, I'm back in shape to write this journal. My hope is the data I'll be providing here is not outdated. The trip was the result of a meeting between Gen N'Ban La, Vice Chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and Chairman of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), and Gen Mutu Saypoe, Chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU) and leader of the signatory Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) on 20 January. The two agreed that better understanding between the signatories and the non-signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was the key to closer cooperation between them.
The plan later included meeting with the United Wa State Party/Army (UWSP/UWSA) on our way back from Laiza. At that time, the delegation was totally unaware of the pending "third summit" in Pangkham (the official name of the Wa capital Panghsang) where prominent non-signatory EAOs would be invited. The delegation was made up of 6 KNU representatives, 2 Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) advisors, who together with retired Col Htoo Htoo Lay from KNU, later were appointed as PPST advisers. The following, in a condensed form, is the report on what took place between 12-19 February. Day One. Sunday, 12 February 2017 Four of us: Gen Mutu, myself, and our two assistants take a delayed flight by China Eastern Airline to Kunming this evening. The other 5, who flew from Rangoon/Yangon yesterday, are already there.
It takes only two minutes, on arrival, for the Chinese immigration officials to decide I'm worth an entry stamp. But another half hour to decide we are not carrying any nuclear weapons. It was the same procedure the last time we came in July 2016. The security system is tight even for domestic flights. We are then welcomed by officials from the Yunnan foreign department officials, one of whom speaks fluent Burmese. He tells us we will be meeting Mr. Sun Guoxiang, special envoy to Myanmar, tomorrow morning. By the time we arrive at the hotel it is already 22:30. (To be continued) | ||||||
| Posted: 08 Mar 2017 11:58 PM PST A disturbing report has been released by the Karen Information Center about the KNU Congress, which is being held next week. The Congress this year is to have significant overseas representation, from organizations for the huge number of Karen people who have fled Karen State and other areas of Burma. At the last KNU Congress, an agreement was reached whereby these organizations would be able to attend and they would also be able to vote. The KNU Executive Committee, under the control of Chairman Mutu Say Poe and General Secretary Kwe Htoo Win, however, has decided that this agreement will not be honored. The international organizations will be represented at the Congress, but they can't vote.  The reason for the about-face is obvious. This Congress will be a showdown between the Mutu clique and other Karen leaders who oppose his appeasement policy with the military regime. It is well known that international Karen also mistrust the clique. They have an independent perspective on the overall picture both in Burma and for the Karen. For the KNU top leadership, they (and of course also countless Karen still inside Burma) have learned the truth about many different things: - That Mutu and Kwe Htoo only gained power through electoral fraud at the last Congress. - That they signed a preliminary ceasefire with the regime, even though they were expressly forbidden from doing so, and also that now - years later - nothing has even been done to implement its agreement. - But, that during this period the Burma Army greatly expanded its bases in Karen State. - That the clique has focused on personal business opportunities and interests, and ignored the exploitation of Karen villagers including through land thefts. - That it has had many secret meetings with the top generals of the dictatorship, including Than Shwe, and that what happened in these meetings has never been made public. - And that Mutu and Kwe Htoo have aligned completely with Aung San Suu Kyi, even though she has shown no respect for ethnic nationality interests, and which by doing so fractured ethnic unity. In summary, international Karen want a return to loyalty to the Karen Revolution and Saw Ba U Gyi's Four Principles. Therefore, they are likely to vote against the clique, hence Mutu's actions in the Executive Committee to deny them their right. This fiasco, though, does raise the question of who should properly be entitled to vote on the leadership. Said another way, what type of organization is the KNU? The KNU, together with the KNLA and KNDO, is the revolutionary organization for the Karen people. Its goals are to win peace, freedom and self-determination. As such, defense issues have always taken precedence. This situation has changed. Even though protecting the people against the murderous military dictatorship remains the paramount concern, the KNU/KNLA/KNDO is no longer only a revolutionary organization. Through seven decades of struggle it has earned such an important position that it is effectively the overall Karen political organization as well. As such, it should be democratic, to accurately reflect the Karen people's desires. And, in principle, it is. Ordinary KNU members elect committees at the village level which in turn elect village tract, township and district officials. These representatives along with KNLA officers and other officials then serve as the voting Congress delegates. But, as the international Karen have argued, they too should be represented (and also Karen outside of the State). And, the top leadership should be responsive to Karen concerns, such as the land thefts and the struggles of IDPs and refugees. But, for the last four years, under Mutu and Kwe Htoo, they have not been responsive. Instead, they have focused solely on their own selfish interests, for wealth and power, even though in many cases this actually hurt the Karen. It is probably too late to change the voting structure at the Congress. Therefore, the international participants, and other Karen Civil Society Organizations, must be given an open forum to present their positions; and, the delegates who will vote must take these positions into account. The KNU is the Karen political organization. Therefore, the votes at the Congress must be free and fair, and they must truly represent the entire people. The Karen have an opportunity to attain an adherence to democratic principles that has not yet been achieved anywhere in Burma. The ethnic group that the Burman rulers have historically disparaged the most can lead the way in implementing real democracy for the country. Link story : http://www.dictatorwatch.org/prKNUdemocracy.html |
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