Wednesday, May 24, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

President U Htin Kyaw Pardons the Commander Who Once Jailed Him

Posted: 24 May 2017 08:38 AM PDT

RANGOON — Call it a twist of fate when one grants amnesty to he who once arrested him. This occurred on Tuesday when Burmese President U Htin Kyaw signed an order to release for ex-religious affairs minister U Hsan Hsint, along with 258 prisoners, in commemoration of the second session of the Union Peace Conference.

Until Tuesday, the former minister was serving a 13-year prison sentence handed down under the previous U Thein Sein-led government for a corruption scandal. Before his stint as minister—which lasted less than one year—U Hsan Hsint had served in the Burma Army until 2010, where he once became the deputy commander of the Rangoon Command.

On Sept. 20, 2000, the then-Burmese opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters were prevented from leaving Rangoon when security forces stopped her from boarding a train for Mandalay. Soldiers were ready to detain them.

Shortly before the arrest, U Htin Kyaw, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's confidant, had arrived in a car to take her home. U Hsan Hsint, who was the military commander of the operation, questioned who he was, and an argument followed, resulting in U Htin Kyaw's arrest. He was put in detention for more than four months.

Years later, in 2016, when U Htin Kyaw was sworn in as the country's first civilian President in more than 50 years, his one-time jailer U Hsan Hsint was counting the days until his release from a prison in a provincial town in upper Burma. With the stroke of U Htin Kyaw's pen, the former army man walked out of jail on Wednesday.

It's not clear if U Hsan Hsint was aware of the fact that the person who granted him amnesty was the man whose arrest he had ordered 17 years ago, as the ex-minister was not available for comment on Wednesday. One thing is sure: the Presidential pardon gifted him freedom nine years before his sentence would have been fulfilled.

 

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Union Peace Conference Opens to Military Critique of Ethnic Demands

Posted: 24 May 2017 07:57 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW — Burma Army Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has called the demands of some ethnic armed groups "unrealistic" and described them as "far beyond the federal system."

In his opening address to the second session of the 21st Century Panglong Peace Conference which convened in Naypyidaw on Wednesday, the army chief said he had studied the 72 papers submitted to the previous peace conference and that the discussions, presentations and fundamental concepts outlined by some ethnic armed groups had reached "far beyond" the right to autonomy promised in a federal system.

"Such acts go against the desires and interests of the people, who have high expectations [for] democracy and the peace process," said the senior general.

Describing the Tatmadaw as "responsible for protecting the interest of the State and the people," Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said the military would take action against "any organization committing destructive acts."

In order to achieve peace, the Burma Army chief said that the military would adhere to the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) and its six-point peace policy based on responsibility, accountability and transparency.

It is this six-point position that has arguably caused a deadlock in peace negotiations in recent years, as the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed organizations have differing perspectives on the goal of how to build a federal state.

U Myo Win, the vice chairman of NCA signatory the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF), said he was "not worried" about the opinions expressed in the opening speeches of the peace conference.

"The Tatmadaw presented its position, which is a different perspective, but consistent. The key is that we accept these differences and find a way we can be able to reach a common understanding at the political dialogue."

He added that the Tatmadaw, the government, and the ethnic armed organizations including the coalition the United Nationalities Federal Council and the northeastern armed groups, all have their own views on the mechanisms with which to build a future federal state.

Groups active in Burma's north and led by the powerful United Wa State Army have promoted an alternative peace process not adherent to the NCA path. Yet its representatives did join Wednesday's peace conference opening, and liaison officer Sam Lop told The Irrawaddy that they had come to the event in order to "show their collaboration to achieve peace."

The senior general reiterated that he felt certain armed groups were ignoring the NCA policy, although it is agreed in the NCA that a democratic federal Union would be built in line with the outcome of political dialogue based on freedom, equality and justice.

"Ignoring this and pursuing the other, or second way, would be an attempt to loathe the establishment of a Union based on peace, democracy and federalism," said the army chief, in the official translation of his speech, referring to the 15-point policy presented by the UWSA and adopted by members of the Northern Alliance of armed groups at the Panghsang Summit in April.

"We have to assume that the attempt is tantamount to grabbing power and splitting from the Union through armed struggle," he added.

Political analyst U Kyaw Win said that the previous government—which laid the foundation for the NCA—and the new government—which continues to implement it—and the Tatmadaw—which has been cooperating with them—should be thanked for the current peace process.

"Currently, the NCA is only the way which is feasible for both peace and for amending the Constitution," U Kyaw Win said.

U Than Htay, chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party, shared the army chief's views.

He listed ethnic armed groups' demands submitted to the first conference which he felt "went against unity." These included suggestions to change the name of the country, to alternate in assuming the post of the Burma Army chief, to establish new states, and to be allowed the right to secede from the Union.

"We must cultivate the spirit of constantly protecting Our Three Main National Causes," said Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, referring to the rhetoric adopted under the military regime of State Peace and Development Council, which include the "non-disintegration of Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty."

As it was decided in a recent meeting of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UDPJC) that divisions and states would have the right to draft their own constitutions, the USDP chairman also stressed that those constitutions should conform to the 2008 Constitution.

"They should not contradict or overstep the 2008 [military-backed] Constitution. They should not go against the constitution of the Union," U Than Htay said.

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U Zaw Htay: Peace Process Does ‘Not Necessarily’ Rely on China

Posted: 24 May 2017 07:44 AM PDT

Spokesperson for Burma's State Counselor's Office U Zaw Htay, spoke to The Irrawaddy about the 21st Century Panglong peace conference, which convened in Naypyidaw on Wednesday, including on the Northern Alliance's presence and the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)'s absence, as well as China's role in the peace process.

Under what agreements did members of the Northern Alliance attend the peace conference?

Mainly, we invited Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA] non-signatories as special guests according to the decision of the 10th meeting of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee [UPDJC]. Ethnic armed groups that signed the Deed of Commitment can discuss [issues] at the peace conference, and those that sign the NCA can join UDPJC meetings.

So, we invited them according to the UPDJC decision. Regarding the three members of the Northern Alliance [Ta'ang National Liberation Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and Arakan Army], we have been negotiating with them over participation. Previously, we demanded that they issue a statement declaring they would abandon their armed struggle to join the peace conference. But, we've invited them as special guests as a way of welcoming them.

As these three groups will only attend the opening ceremony, can it really be called inclusiveness? Can the conference really be expected to deliver peace?

Their attendance at the opening ceremony shows participation. The essence lies in the political dialogue to be held over the next four days during which federal principles will be discussed. The solution to political problems is a federal system that is acceptable to all. This is what ethnicities have said when they talk about solving the political problems through political means. If we can work out a federal system that is acceptable to all, then it can be said that the political problem is solved. So, our approach is to solve the political problems.

Now, many people are criticizing the NCA. But the NCA is not the end. It is just a stage toward political dialogue, which is the most critical part. Our approach is to address the underlying grievances. The on-going conference will discuss drafting constitutions for ethnic states, an issue which was never discussed before. Mainly there will be discussion about the definition of self-determination.

To what extent will the UNFC's absence impact the conference?

We talked to Saya Khu Oo Reh [head of UNFC's peace negotiation team] by phone up until yesterday. We are very sad that they could not come. We have held talks regularly with the UNFC's Delegation for Political Negotiation for almost a year. They participated in reviewing the framework for the political dialogue in the peace process together with the government, other ethnic armed groups, and political parties. Again, they also joined the discussions on reinforcing the ceasefire.

We feel very sorry that they could not come at the last minute. This indicates that UNFC were only able to adopt a firm stance at the last minute. However, their views are reflected in framework reviews. We have changed the reviews by taking their discussions into account. So, they did participate in the peace process. Saya Khu Oo Reh has also said that they would think about how they can cooperate further in the process. This is how things will go on.

Given China's influence in convincing the Northern Alliance to attend, does the peace process's success rely on China?

Not necessarily. But China does play an important role. Taking a look back into the history of our country, you can see why the Communist Party of Burma ceased under the reign of [late military dictator] U Ne Win. Like it or not, we can't change our neighbors in geopolitics. So, the most important point is how we can promote our national interests. Again, we and China are traditional neighbors and allies. And we have also signed strategic partnership agreements with China. China is a powerful actor on the international stage as well as on the stage of Asean. Likewise, it also plays an important part in the peace process of Burma. However, we will cooperate according to our bilateral policies and five-point peaceful co-existence principles [the Bandung Principles.]

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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More Than 250 Prisoners Released Under Amnesty

Posted: 24 May 2017 05:15 AM PDT

RANGOON — A former religion minister, interfaith activists, and a man charged under Article 66(d) of Burma's controversial Telecommunication's Law were among 259 prisoners released under a presidential amnesty on Wednesday.

In recognition of the opening of the Union Peace Conference in Naypyidaw, 186 prisoners from Burma were released and 73 foreign prisoners were deported from jails across the country.

One of the most high-profile prisoners released in the amnesty, former religion minister U Hsan Hsint, was sentenced to 13 years in October 2014 on charges of corruption and sedition after ex-president U Thein Sein dismissed him. He served nearly four years in Ramethin prison in Mandalay and Taungoo prison in Pegu Division.

U Hsan Hsint's brother U Hsan Myint, an Upper House lawmaker, confirmed the former minister's release from Taungoo prison.

Ten political prisoners were released, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), including Muslim interfaith activists Ma Pwint Phyu Latt and Ko Zaw Zaw Latt. The pair was sentenced to four years in Mandalay's Obo prison under the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act in April 2016 and the Immigration Act in February.

"I am very glad to be released under the amnesty, as I still had 10 months left in prison," said Ma Pwint Phyu Latt. "But I feel sad that we were sentenced while working for peace in the country. We will keep working for peace."

The other freed political prisoners comprised three labor rights leaders from a plywood factory in Sagaing Industrial Zone sentenced under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Law in March and four student protestors sentenced under the same act and for disrespecting the court on May 9.

The labor rights leaders were released from Sagaing's Shwebo prison and the students were among the 46 prisoners released from Mandalay's Obo prison.

Ko Hla Phone, imprisoned under four charges including Article (66)d of the Telecommunication's Law for allegedly defaming the military and the previous government using a Facebook account under the name Kyat Pha Gyi, was released from Rangoon's Insein prison. A Chinese man was released from the same prison.

Most of the 94 prisoners released from Thandwe, Kyaukphyu, Sittwe, and Buthidaung prisons in Arakan State were jailed under the Unlawful Association Act for having contact with the Arakan Army (AA). Some were members of the AA and 28 were foreigners.

The AA was invited to the Union Peace Conference as a "special guest," meaning it is allowed to submit papers to the conference, but not allowed to address the conference as delegates, according to government sources.

Saw Thiha Win and Thet Khaing, two members of a Democratic Karen Buddhist Army splinter group, served three months of their two-year sentence and Hla Myo Tun served two months of his six-month sentence for involvement with the splinter group. All three were sentenced under the Unlawful Association Act and released from Mon State's Thaton prison.

A Thai prisoner sentenced to two years under Burma's 1947 Immigration Act for killing five Burmese migrant workers in Thailand before fleeing to Burma was deported from Mon State's Mawlamyine prison after serving six months.

Moe Myint from Rangoon, Zarni Mann from Mandalay, and Hintharnee from Mon State contributed to this report.

 

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Wirathu Urges Followers to Persevere After Govt Moves To Curb Ultra-nationalism

Posted: 24 May 2017 05:05 AM PDT

RANGOON— Burma's infamous firebrand Buddhist monk U Wirathu urged his followers to find a solution to the struggles of the nationalist movement in a video published on his Facebook Tuesday night.

His move came hours after the State Buddhist Sangha authority ordered Burma's biggest religious ultra-nationalist group the Association for Protection of Race and Religion—better known as Ma Ba Tha, of which U Wirathu is a figurehead—to cease its activities.

Ma Ba Tha was preparing for celebrations in Rangoon to mark the fourth anniversary of the organization's founding but released a statement after Tuesday's announcement that it would no longer hold the event on May 27 and 28 as planned.

The organization instead urged members to attend Rangoon headquarters to be briefed on Ma Ha Na's decision. In his Tuesday video, U Wirathu called on all Ma Ba Tha members across the country to congregate in Rangoon to plan the association's future.

"In either politics or warfare, there is no such thing as an impasse," he said. "There's always a solution."

The State Sangha Maha Nayaka, known as Ma Ha Na, also ordered Ma Ba Tha on Tuesday to remove its banners and signage across the country by mid-July. Two leading Ma Ba Tha monks signed the notice by Ma Ha Na, agreeing to comply with the order.

It was the second action taken by the state Buddhist authority after its announcement last year that Ma Ba Tha was not a "lawful monks' association" as "it was not formed in accordance with the country's monastic rules."

Founded in 2014—two years after Burma experienced religiously motivated riots largely targeting the Muslim minority—and now with sub-chapters across the country, Ma Ba Tha has become virtually synonymous with Buddhist ultra-nationalism.

Some of its well-known figures, including U Wirathu, have preached anti-Muslim sermons to claim the country's Buddhist foundations are under threat, that the Muslim population is outpacing the Buddhists, and that Burma needs to be vigilant against the influence.

Muslims make up about 4.3 percent of Burma's population according to the 2014 census.

Ma Ba Tha has been criticized at home and abroad for lobbying for the country's controversial race and religion laws enacted in 2015. Despite their public anti-Muslim preaching, Ma Ba Tha outlived the previous Thein Sein government, which was criticized for turning a blind eye to the association's actions.

Regarding Ma Ha Na's move, U Aung Ko, the minister of religious affairs and culture, told media on Wednesday it was a "sufficient" move for the current situation.

"Various extremist [nationalist] groups under the label of religion have been involved in a number of activities which threaten stability and law enforcement in the community," U Aung Ko said.

However, Ma Ba Tha denied any involvement in a midnight confrontation between Buddhist nationalists and Muslim residents near downtown Rangoon earlier this month.

Leading monks of Ma Ba Tha are relatively reasonable while the association's monks and laypersons on the ground, in many subchapters with many different names, often practice religious extremism, he added.

He mentioned nationalist groups including the Dhamma Wunthanu Rakhita, which was recently formed by Ma Ba Tha members in late April, as well as the Nationalist Buddhist Monks Organization and the Patriotic Buddhist Monks Union.

U Aung Ko also alleged that "a group of people" or "organization" that wants to reverse the political process back towards dictatorship is supporting and masterminding these nationalist groups, though he acknowledged this was speculation he could not confirm independently.

Additional reporting by Kyaw Phyo Tha in Rangoon and Htet Naing Zaw in Naypyidaw.

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Fire Razes More Than 50 Structures in Sittwe IDP Camp

Posted: 24 May 2017 04:37 AM PDT

RANGOON – A fire destroyed 11 houses and 42 shops in Thae Chaung internally displaced persons (IDP) camp in the Arakan State capital of Sittwe on Monday night, police have confirmed to The Irrawaddy.

According to Lt-Col Win Naung of the Sittwe district police, there were no casualties in the incident. Investigators have learned that the fire likely began in the wiring in a meter box near an electronics shop and then spread.

Lt-Col Win Naung added that the modest thatched roof bamboo huts—which had an estimated total value of just 2.7 million kyats (less than US$2,000)—could not withstand the blaze.

"Houses are very small here, unlike in Rangoon. The shops are densely constructed and their width is merely 10 feet," the police officer said.

According to aid organization estimates, Thae Chaung is home to more than 11,000 Muslims who self-identify as Rohingya, and are among the 100,000 people displaced by riots in 2012.

Thae Chaung resident U Kyaw Hla Aung told The Irrawaddy over the phone on Tuesday that fire burned for almost two hours, starting at around 9 p.m. Due to a water shortage, he explained that the community could not contain the blaze.

U Kyaw Hla Aung also corroborated the police statement that the fire had started from wiring.

Lt-Col Win Naung said that the authorities detained the owner of the shop using the meter box where the fire started, but have yet to open a case under Article 285 of the penal code, which outlines punishments for negligently starting a fire.

The article states that anyone who causes a potentially life threatening fire shall be penalized with a maximum of three years in prison and a fine.

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Hidden Dangers

Posted: 24 May 2017 01:53 AM PDT

Nine of Burma's 14 states and divisions are contaminated with landmines and explosive remnants of war from ongoing and past conflicts. The country has some of the highest mine accident rates in the world.

On average, every three days a person is a victim of landmines, according to the Mine Risk Working Group. One out of every three victims is a child.

Unicef called on the government to "urgently address" the impacts of violence, poverty, and disadvantage affecting the lives of up to 2.2 million children in the country in a report issued this week.

Photographer Patrick Brown documented the devastating impact of landmines on the lives of children and adults on a visit with Unicef to a camp for internally displaced people (IDP) in Kachin State.

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Mon State Locals Rally Against Offshore Supply Base

Posted: 24 May 2017 01:13 AM PDT

MOULMEIN, Mon State — Locals of two villages in Mon State's Ye Township have opposed plans for an offshore supply base (OSB) aimed at supporting oil and gas fields in the Mottama Gulf.

People from Inn Din and Ngaphan Sakhan villages say they will reject any new projects until a proposal for a 1,280-megawatt coal-fired power plant led by Thailand-Japan consortium Toyo-Thai Public Co Ltd (TTPCL) near the village is scrapped. Plans for the power plant have been suspended since May 2015 due to strong opposition from locals.

Resident Ma Ni Mar Oo told The Irrawaddy that locals from all nine villages in the area rejected the OSB at a meeting on May 23.

Mon State-based Forever Thanlwin Co would build the OSB, which would include berths with cranes and lifting equipment, as well as warehouses and rescue helicopter facilities.

Nearly 70 acres of land in Inn Din and Ngaphan Sakhan villages would be used for the OSB, a project that would draw more than US$60 million in investment, according to U Zaw Min Aung, managing director of Forever Thanlwin Co.

"We would be able to figure out an exact figure if we could conduct a field survey, which we still can't do because of opposition from the locals," U Zaw Min Aung told The Irrawaddy.

The firm's employees planned to tell residents more about the project, but were forced to cancel the meeting on May 20 because of local opposition. Residents see the OSB as a precursor to the coal-fired power plant, according to Ashin Nanda, the abbot of Inn Din.

"We've studied coal-fired power plants in Thailand and found there are berths wherever there are plants," he said. "It is only convenient to bring in coal when there are berths. That's why locals are concerned that plans for the plant will continue after the berths are built."

U Zaw Min Aung denied any connection between the OSB project and the coal-fired power plant.

Forever Thanlwin Co has implemented government-funded regional development projects and road construction projects since 2012, he said, and is currently building houses in Ye Township.

U Zaw Min Aung claimed to own the area needed for the OSB, and added his attempt to operate a quarry there in 2012 was abandoned because of opposition from the locals over environmental concerns.

He began making plans to operate an OSB in 2013 when the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise allowed private companies to run OSBs.

The project aims to supply food, equipment, technology, and emergency rescue services for Ye Tagun and Zawtika oil and gas fields and exploration sites in the Mottama Gulf, he added.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

 

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Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘Military Compromise Will Determine the Success or Failure of the Peace Process’

Posted: 24 May 2017 01:03 AM PDT

Kyaw Zwa Moe: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! The second session of the 21st Century Panglong/Union Peace Conference begins in Naypyidaw on May 24. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government held the first peace conference some nine months ago. Where has the peace process – which is the most pressing issue in the country – ended up over the past nine months? Has it moved forward? What hurdles remain? Political analyst U Maung Maung Soe and The Irrawaddy senior reporter Ma Nyein Nyein join me to discuss this. I'm Irrawaddy English editor Kyaw Zwa Moe.

Ko Maung Maung Soe, what do you think about the peace process? The first peace conference was held at the end of last August. How has it progressed?

Maung Maung Soe: There has been no progress between the first and second conferences. Most of ethnic armed groups – except the TNLA [Ta'ang National Liberation Army], Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army [MNDAA], and AA [Arakan Army] were invited to the [first] peace conference and allowed to present their stances. The policy of the government and the military is to go by the NCA [nationwide ceasefire agreement], so that only NCA-signatory groups are allowed to participate in the peace process. But, no groups have signed the NCA between the two conferences. So, these groups are not on the path to political dialogue.

To work out political agreements at the upcoming conference, all ethnic armed groups must be present. But, most of the ethnic armed groups have not yet signed the NCA and, therefore, still cannot participate.

Also, two NCA signatories – the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State] and the ALP [Arakan Liberation Party] still have not been permitted to hold national-level ethnic-based political dialogue in Shan and Arakan states. So, they are unable to convey the opinions of their people at the conference. This conference will make little progress.

The Peace Commission has recently said the UPDJC [Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee] meeting could forge a common consensus on 42 points. And perhaps the Karen, Pa-O and Chin groups, which were able to participate in official discussions, agreed on these points. But what about other NCA signatories like the Shan [RCSS] and Arakan [ALP] groups? The RCSS has said it would not sign the common agreement because it did not participate in discussions. And NCA non-signatories did not participate in the UPDJC meeting at all. So, that agreement is questionable.

KZM: Ma Nyein Nyein, you have constantly reported about peace and ethnic issues. U Maung Maung Soe said the peace process has not progressed. What is your view? Do you see progress or setbacks?

Nyein Nyein: I agree with U Maung Maung Soe. The peace process is ongoing. But under the previous government, the Myanmar Peace Center led by former minister U Aung Min held many informal meetings [with ethnic armed groups]. Under the new government, such meetings are quite rare. It is not clear how the government communicates with ethnic armed organizations [EAOs], especially NCA non-signatories. Yes, there are informal meetings, but quite rarely—one about every two months and usually through lengthy arrangements.

The government planned to meet with the Delegation for Political Negotiation [DPN] of the United Nationalities Federal Council [UNFC], which is a group of NCA non-signatories, before the second 21st Century Panglong, but it could not. The clock is ticking. The government is engaging in the peace process, but I wonder if it has the right approach. It is still not clear what its approach to inclusion is.

KZM: U Maung Maung Soe, speaking of the peace process, there are many stakeholders. But, the government and the military have their own standpoints. And there are many ethnic armed organizations. Some share the same standpoints, but some are different. Do their policies pose a major barrier to the peace process? For example, there have been some problems with the military's six-point peace policy. To what extent have ethnic armed groups made compromises?

MMS: When the government and military enforced the NCA policy, this led to confrontations with ethnic armed groups that wanted to change, or didn't agree with, the NCA. The government is still trying to ensure that all stakeholders are present at the peace conference. Maybe they will, and maybe not. But what is important is that they remain engaged between sessions. Just gathering at the conference cannot solve the problems.

KZM: It is the government and the military that invite ethnic armed groups to the peace conference. Do you think there are weaknesses in this system? Do you think the government can do as it wishes in regards to invitations?

MMS: There should be negotiations between the government and the military regarding invites. The military is sensitive when it comes to ethnic armed groups. The government has to seek its approval.

Five UNFC members and four members [of the Northern Alliance] are invited to the conference. Three groups – the TNLA, MNDAA and AA are not invited. The military has said they would be allowed to join the peace process only when they disarm. [The Northern Alliance] insists that they will only attend the conference when these three groups are allowed to attend. China is currently mediating. If those seven groups go to Naypyidaw, UNFC members may also come.

[As of publication, the government has invited all ethnic armed groups – including the TNLA, MNDAA, and AA to attend the conference].

But gathering all the ethnic armed groups at the conference is not enough. Only when those groups are allowed to participate in state- and national-level political dialogues toward peace will the peace conference reach a common consensus.

KZM: There must be inclusiveness!

MMS: It is important that all of the armed groups engaged in armed conflict participate in peace negotiations. Also, non-armed ethnic parties, either of large or small ethnic populations, must be able to participate in political dialogues at different levels. Unless these two points are fulfilled, we will not be able to move forward.

KZM: Ma Nyein Nyein, why can't ethnic groups participate? I know there are many reasons but given the situation today, what are their major requests?

NN: We cannot just point the finger at EAOs. The military plays a key role in the country's peace process. The military maintains its stance that those three groups [the TNLA, MNDAA and AA] must disarm first to join the peace process. This is further confirmed by the fact that the government has invited [NCA non-signatories] as "special guests" [as opposed to participant status].

This is not different from the first Union Conference held in Jan. 2016 [under U Thein Sein's government]. UNFC members and the Wa group [United Wa State Army] and Mongla group [National Democratic Alliance Army] were invited as observers. The three groups [TNLA, MNDAA and AA] were not invited then as well.

The upcoming conference is in fact the third session of the Union Peace Conference, but under the name of 21st Century Panglong, it is the second session. This time, non-signatories are invited under the same status, but with a different name. If the military is willing to relax its rigid stance, perhaps more ethnic armed groups could participate.

As U Maung Maung Soe has said, no one knows exactly which groups will attend Panglong. We don't know if their discussions will be nominal if they come, or if there will be meaningful discussions and who will make decisions. U Maung Maung Soe said the government would try to reach a common consensus at the conference oriented toward all-inclusion. However, even if a consensus is reached, it can no way represent all views, voices and needs of all national people across the country. Even the RCSS, the Shan NCA-signatory group, still cannot present its people's views.

KZM: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government has given top priority to peace since it assumed office. But there are many – ethnic armed groups and political analysts – that criticize the government. U Maung Maung Soe, you said there must be negotiations between the government and the military. The problem is that we cannot view the two as a single entity, given the political complexities of the country. What are the weak points of the government? What are your recommendations?

MMS: To make the peace process successful, besides leading the peace process and negotiating with the military, the government needs to act as an active coordinator between the military and ethnic armed groups. For this, it needs to hold frequent informal meetings apart from official ones.

The government's peace commission must also conduct reviews. The NCA was signed on Oct. 15, 2015, and it has been more than a year and a half. During this time, the number of NCA signatories remains eight. No more groups have signed it, for various reasons. Shouldn't the peace commission review why other groups have not signed? It should review the NCA provisions, the function of the National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC), and so on.

KZM: It should review its meetings, because there were more meetings and more frequent contact under the previous government as Ma Nyein Nyein has pointed out. Right?

MMS: Yes, all of these factors. It should review the NCA provisions and the procedures used to identify the requirements.

KZM: Every stakeholder in the peace process has its own policies and standpoints. Most of them might have good intentions. But do you think there are obstructionists?

SSM: Yes, there may be people who obstruct the peace process out of personal interest. But it is difficult to sort out obstructionists.

KZM: Ma Nyein Nyein, you will cover the peace conference. Do you expect to see interesting results or developments at the conference?

NN: I'm not sure.

KZM: What do you expect, U Maung Maung Soe. The NLD government now has less than four years left in its term. Do you think the peace process will be successful?

MMS: It can be successful only if the government reviews and fixes the process, including the NCA. It will also depend to what extent the military is willing to compromise. Its compromise will determine the success or failure of the peace process.

KZM: Thank you for your contributions!

 

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State Counselor: NLD Govt Will Not Use Pressure or Coercion to Achieve Peace

Posted: 24 May 2017 12:44 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW — The National League for Democracy (NLD) government will neither pressure nor coerce ethnic armed groups through populist politics in peace building, but focus on frank and inclusive dialogue, said State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Burma's de facto leader elaborated her peace policy as she addressed the second session of the 21st Century Panglong peace conference, which convened on Wednesday at the Myanmar International Convention Center (MICC-2) in administrative capital Naypyidaw.

"We should not be afraid of negotiating with anybody," said Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, encouraging ethnic armed groups that are still engaged in conflict with the military to enter negotiations.

"As we negotiate to reach common agreement on issues where our views differ, we must recognize that courtesy is not weakness, and negotiation is not concession," she said.

She urged stakeholders to seek to identify issues that could help strengthen unity rather than focusing on problems that could exacerbate differences.

"We are better able to identify common ground if we meet face to face and negotiate, rather than if we listen from afar to the words and speeches of others and seek to draw conclusions from them," she said.

She said ceasefires can fall apart and they only address surface problems.

"Only political dialogue can address underlying grievances," she added.

She also thanked those who brought about the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), saying the "NCA opens the door to political dialogue."

She admitted that peace is a "long journey" and called on stakeholders to overcome the challenges that come up through "unity, empathy, solidarity and the Panglong Spirit," invoking the Panglong Agreement signed by her late father Gen Aung San and ethnic Shan, Kachin and Chin leaders in 1947.

"Our goal is the emergence of a democratic federal Union," she said, because "almost everyone accepts that the resolution to Burma's long-running armed conflicts is a federal system that is acceptable to all."

"The energy, faith and effort that we put into achieving peace can be a beacon of light for our country, our Union and all of our people," she said.

"Whether this light will fade or brighten in the months and years ahead will determine Myanmar's place in this world."

Speakers of Burma's two houses, Army Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, chairman Mutu Say Poe of the Karen National Union and chairman U Than Htay of the Union Solidarity and Development Party also delivered opening addresses.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post State Counselor: NLD Govt Will Not Use Pressure or Coercion to Achieve Peace appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Insurance in Myanmar: Spreading the Risk

Posted: 23 May 2017 09:36 PM PDT

Even though insurance has been around for more than 150 years in Myanmar, it has all the makings of a new phenomenon. Before independence in 1948, there were between 80 and 100 insurance firms in operation. Functioning in a republic with a short stint of democracy at its birth and subsequent decades of military rule, the insurance market became increasingly monopolistic and nationalized. Liberalization was supposed to have happened in the late 1990s, but the Thai Baht Crisis postponed it. Presently, in a more open ecosystem, there are 12 domestic insurers including Myanma Insurance, the state insurance company, and local market leader, IKBZ, along with 24 foreign entities. The current insurance law only regulates local insurers. Competition is stagnant and there is a definite lack of insurance products and services.

Despite the long history of insurance and a now rapidly growing economy, Myanmar is still a least developed country, a fact that makes the sector parlous. Research I conducted on this topic, while working with Consult-Myanmar Co Ltd in Yangon, consisted of six interviews with six different institutions: one domestic bank, one foreign bank, two domestic insurers, and two foreign insurers. All six experts interviewed agreed that the government needed to further liberalize the industry. Firms must be allowed to have their own autonomy, to create their own products and services, and to increase market rivalry. At the moment, local insurers can only work with local companies (with the exception of a few overseas insurance firms working with Burmese businesses in the Special Economic Zones), while foreign ones only work with their foreign counterparts. Some specialists stated that the insurance law needed to be amended to also regulate foreign insurers as well.

Whether the insurers are native or foreign and public or private, there is a consensus that the sector is challenging. Like the financial industry itself, it is nascent and underdeveloped. Inflation is high while incomes remain low. Infrastructure continues to be poor. For the first time in thirty years, a proper census was conducted in 2014 and it was revealed that Myanmar has around 51 million people as opposed to 60 million. Depending on whom you talk to, the percentage of the population with a bank account remains under 10 percent or under 20 percent. Due to the lack of data and statistics, it is very difficult to conceptualize trends; a necessary task if an actuary is to do his or her job.

Bank loans are only based on collateral. One does not need car insurance to own a car. Players in the insurance field continue to recommend that the government make insurance mandatory in order for customers to obtain bank loans. For example, to finance the purchase of a house or automobile, one would be required to have insurance. One professional made reference to Myanmar's closest socio-economic cousin, Cambodia. Due to the many similarities throughout their histories, Myanmar could adopt the Cambodian approach of encouraging foreign insurers to cater to native banks and design unique financial products. After all, when banks have access to overseas insurance pools, the value of what they offer increases. All of the experts that I interviewed stressed more cooperation and joint ventures between non-native insurers and local firms, with one person even advocating merging all 12 native insurers into a more substantial company that could oppose foreign competitors. In short, the country needs investment in the form of insurance. Otherwise, the already cash-strapped government is on the hook. This is about spreading the risk when disaster strikes and increasing quality of life. Individually, each local company is too small to be competitive when going up against foreign insurers, which have their risk spread over multiple countries.

Socially, insurance is an uphill battle. After decades of repressive rule, most of Myanmar's citizens lack trust in institutions. Furthermore, the basic definition of and overall need for insurance is lost on many Burmese. People simply do not understand insurance. One interviewee even described some of the population as "superstitious" in this regard. Another expert expressed concern about mistrust within the local insurance business toward foreign competition. All of those interviewed strongly agreed that the government must sensitize the public to the who, what, where, and why of insurance.

While both native and foreign firms conduct training with Burmese citizens, there is no tertiary education program for insurance. Only a few local people have professional insurance certification from established institutions outside of the country. Due to the lack of insurance in the country, there are no group employee benefits for local staff. Non-governmental organizations on the domestic level do not deal with insurance. Obtaining skilled labor is an issue. Because so few Burmese have a certificate or diploma in insurance, firms in the field need to hire expats to fulfill those duties, which can be expensive and fails to give a job to a local. Across the board, insurance firms volunteer their time to educate the locals. However, all experts interviewed agree overwhelmingly on what needs to happen: the creation of an insurance association in Myanmar. At the moment, there is a working document for such an institution under review by the government with the help of World Bank consultants. Until that is approved, there is no effective institution for native and foreign firms alike to promote insurance, exchange ideas and cultivate a vision for what the sector wants to be in Myanmar in 10 years.

Perhaps the most precarious aspect of insurance pertains to health. The majority of the population cannot afford health insurance. As of 2012, free medical services are offered by the government, but are on a line item budget basis. In other words, if one goes to the hospital or a clinic, he or she does not know if it will be free. The medicine quota might already be exhausted!

The realm of insurance in Myanmar is in a state of limbo. However, there is strong potential in the commercial and industrial sectors with the influx of overseas investment. As part of the ASEAN community, there should be foreign insurers operating in and regulated by Myanmar by 2020. All experts interviewed expressed a compelling sense of optimism. Most of them are confident that Myanmar will have an efficient insurance industry within 10 years. However, the hard work needs to start today, not tomorrow. 2017 will be a telling year.

Stephen Weedon is a Master of Public Administration student at Tsinghua University. The above article is part of a research project on the evolution of the financial market in Yangon that Stephen was involved in during his time at Consult-Myanmar Co Ltd in Yangon.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Insurance in Myanmar: Spreading the Risk appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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