Friday, May 26, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Woman Sentenced Under Article 66(d) for ‘Insults’ to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Posted: 26 May 2017 10:09 AM PDT

RANGOON — A Pegu Division court sentenced Ma Sandi Myint Aung to six months in prison on Friday for sharing Facebook posts deemed insulting to the State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The Pegu Township Court handed down the sentence under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law at the court hearing on Friday.

Ma Lin Lei Lei Hlaing, a Pegu local, filed a complaint on Oct. 28 of last year at No. 2 Pegu Township police station against Ma Sandi Myint Aung, a staunch supporter of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). The complaint was based on Ma Sandi Myint Aung sharing posts that were said to include foul language against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who leads the National League for Democracy government.

The police arrested her on November 29 and she was later released on bail on December 26.

The plaintiff appealed to the court in February to revoke the bail, but the move was denied.

There have been 60 lawsuit cases filed under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law as of May 24 under the new government. The case is the eleventh such sentence handed down since last year, while defendants in six more cases have been detained without bail and are on or awaiting trial, according to the Telecom-Law Research Team.

The team said there were seven such cases under former President U Thein Sein's term and five ended in sentencing.

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Northeastern Alliance Optimistic About Future Peace Talks With Govt

Posted: 26 May 2017 09:55 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The northeastern armed groups that met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on Friday in Naypyidaw said that further talks with the State Counselor appeared to be possible.

The seven-member alliance includes the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army-N (SSPP/SSA-N), the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), the Arakan Army (AA) chief-of-staff and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA).
The State Counselor met the seven groups separately, in two sessions–the KIA, UWSA, NDAA and SSPP as one group, and the TNLA, AA and MNDAA as another group—at her residence in Naypyidaw.

Colonel Zaw Raw, of the KIA, briefly told The Irrawaddy after the meeting that they "hope the path for further negotiations will be open."

"We presented our seven groups' demands and we discussed it well, so we will find a way to hold further talks," he said.

The UWSA's spokesperson, Zhao Guo An, told The Irrawaddy after the meeting that "the State Counselor said to collaborate together for peace while we all are alive, as we are now in our 70s."

Because these groups joined part of the 21st Panglong conference and met the State Counselor, the deadlock concerning the path toward peace had opened, according to Tar Parn La, a secretary of the TNLA.

He told reporters in Naypyidaw that they hoped "to move forward for further talks, as the path has begun."

Prior to meeting the State Counselor, the groups' representatives met in advance with the peace commission leaders at the Horizon Lake View Hotel on Thursday and shared their general principles and specific propositions.

The groups' delegations will depart from Naypyidaw for Kunming, China on Saturday afternoon.

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Security and Political Sector Discussions in Deadlock at Peace Conference: Delegates

Posted: 26 May 2017 09:45 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW – The security and political sector discussions reached an impasse during the second session of the Union Peace Conference in Naypyidaw this week, according to stakeholders.

Some 700 delegates have been instructed to discuss the basic principles for building a future federal state, laid out by the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC). Talks have centered around three other key sectors, in addition to politics and security: economics, society, and land and the environment.

The delegates took part in discussions on each sector on Thursday and Friday mornings. Participants representing the government, Parliament, military, political parties and ethnic armed organizations that signed the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) were present.

With the exception of the security and political sectors, delegates discussing the other sectors were able to "reach common understandings," according to dozens of representatives with whom The Irrawaddy spoke, but the talks at the Union Peace Conference were not made public.

Daw Khin Ma Ma Myo, a stakeholder who joined the peace conference with a special interest in the security sector talks, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that "any discussion about the sector would be kept as a record."

In the political sector, the term "non-cessation" from the Union became a point of contention, as the ethnic armed group delegates advocated for it to be removed from the basic principles, but the Tatmadaw wanted it to remain.

Lt-Col Sai Ngern from the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S), told The Irrawaddy on Friday that by signing the NCA text, the signatory groups have demonstrated trust in what are referred to as the state's—and previous military regimes'—Three Main (National) Causes: "non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty." Therefore, the lieutenant colonel argued that there "is no more need to include the term 'non-cessation' from the Union."

On Thursday, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party also expressed concern in its statement that the term seems to represent worry on the part of the state, rather than a pragmatic solution. The party said in its statement that "inclusion of the term is also opposite of the first Panglong agreement" in 1947, to which the late Gen Aung San and ethnic Chin, Kachin and Shan leaders had agreed.

UPDJC member Salai Lian Hmung Sakhong said at the Thursday press conference that it is important how the state will ensure that ethnic nationalities do not secede.

While the political sector outlines 21 basic principles centering around sovereignty, equality, self-determination and federalism, the security sector has just one topic: the existence of a "sole" Tatmadaw; further details on this issue—which was presented for the first time—were not made public.

Delegates told The Irrawaddy that the Burma Army representatives urged for this concept to be agreed upon without further discussion. When this approach was rejected by participants, the discussion reportedly came to a halt after a half-day, while other sectors enjoyed a full day's worth of discussion on Thursday on their topics.

Discussions on basic federal principles for other sectors include the input from national level dialogues held in Karen, Chin and Shan states and in Tanintharyi (Tenasserim) and Pegu divisions between January and May 2017.

Previously, the UPDJC had planned to create a Union accord based on the principles discussed in each sector. But as national level dialogues have not yet been held by the RCSS and the Arakan Liberation Party, the RCSS has said that it would not sign any agreement that comes out of the Union Peace Conference.

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Who Are The Wa?

Posted: 26 May 2017 07:11 AM PDT

It seems very likely that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) will become the next target of the Myanmar government's efforts to bring the country under its control. But that does not necessarily mean that the army will launch an all-out offensive against the country's most heavily armed ethnic army. A more likely scenario, insiders say, would be for the Myanmar military to capitalize on internal divisions within the UWSA first, play one faction against another—and attack only when the group has been considerably weakened.

But would that work? And who, exactly, are the Wa? In the Myanmar media, they are often portrayed as some kind of Chinese group, and it has even been suggested that the UWSA may follow the secessionist example set by Crimea, which recently held a referendum and joined Russia. In a similar fashion, the UWSA could hold a referendum in the area under its control, and then decide to merge it with China.

This scenario is extremely unlikely, however, because China would never accept such a move, as it would antagonize the whole of Southeast Asia and most of the rest of the world. And, needless to say, the Wa are not a "Chinese people." They are a Mon-Khmer-speaking tribe whose closest ethnic relatives in Myanmar would be the Palaung and, much more distantly, the Mon. (There are ethnic Wa across the border in China as well, where they number about 400, 000, but they are an ethnic minority in Yunnan and not related to the majority Han Chinese.)

'We Are Very Wild People'

But one also has to remember that the Wa Hills of northeastern Shan State have never been ruled by any central Myanmar authority. What the Wa want their future to be is, therefore, a major concern that cannot be ignored.

Even during the British colonial era, governmental presence in the Wa Hills was limited to annual flag marches up to the Chinese border. The Wa were headhunters and feared by the plainspeople, and the British troops that carried their flag up to the border were always heavily armed.

The Wa Hills were first surveyed by outsiders in 1935-36, when the Iselin Commission began to more firmly demarcate the border between the Wa Hills and China, which was finally agreed upon by the British and the Chinese in 1941. Even so, the Wa Hills were never fully explored and were only nominally under British and later Myanmar sovereignty. The first road in the area was built in 1941, from Kunlong near the Thanlwin River and into the northern fringes of the Wa Hills.

The British-initiated Frontier Areas of Enquiry—set up to ascertain the views of Myanmar's many minority peoples just before independence—reported in 1947 that the Wa Hills "pay no contribution to central revenue…there are no post offices…and the only medical facilities are those provided by the Frontier Constabulary outposts…and by [non-certified] Chinese practitioners."

The Wa did, however, send three representatives from their "states," as their fiefdoms were called, to the committee's hearings in Pyin Oo Lwin—and those talks revealed the gap between the Wa way of looking at life and the committee's perception of it:

Do you want any sort of association with other people?

Hkun Sai [for the Wa]: We do not want to join anybody because in the past we have been very independent.

Sao NawHseng [for the Wa]: Wa are Wa and Shans are Shans. We would not like to go into the Federated Shan States.

What do you want the future to be in the Wa states?

Sao Maha [for the Wa]: We have not thought about that because we are very wild people. We never thought of the administrative future. We think only about ourselves.

Don't you want education, clothing, good food, good houses, hospitals?

Sao Maha: We are very wild people and don't appreciate all these things.

In retrospect, this exchange of views may appear almost farcical, but it nevertheless shows that the Wa did not think of themselves as citizens of Myanmar—and that was not going to change after independence in 1948.

Kuomintang, then Communist, Control

In the 1950s, most of the Wa Hills were occupied by renegade Nationalist Chinese Kuomintang forces that retreated across the border into Myanmar following their defeat by Mao Zedong's Communists in the Chinese civil war. The Kuomintang established bases in the Wa Hills and in the mountains north and south of Kengtung, from where they tried on no less than seven occasions between 1950 and 1952 to invade Yunnan, but were repeatedly driven back to the Myanmar side of the border. The parts of the Wa Hills where the Kuomintang was not present were controlled by various local warlords.

The Kuomintang's presence in northeastern Myanmar was a major reason why China decided to support the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in the early 1960s. Myanmar Communists in exile in China began surveying the border as early as 1963 to identify possible infiltration routes. On Jan. 1, 1968, the CPB—and the Chinese—made their move. The old Kuomintang bases were some of the first targets. And while the political commissars were Myanmar Communists, the foot soldiers were almost exclusively "volunteers" from China.

It was only when the CPB had captured the Wa Hills in the early 1970s that its "people's army" began to consist of recruits from Myanmar. Before long, the bulk of the CPB's fighting force was predominantly Wa. But China was still supplying the CPB troops with all their weapons and other equipment, which made them the most formidable rebel army in Myanmar.

By the mid-1970s, the CPB had established control over more than 20,000 square kilometers of territory in northeastern and eastern Shan State. Myanmar's central authorities were as remote and alien as they had always been in regards to the Wa Hills. But it was also clear that there were severe frictions between the CPB's ageing Bamar leadership and its mostly hill-tribe troops, who had little or no sympathy for communist ideals.

Mutiny and Ceasefire

In 1989, the tribesmen rose in mutiny and drove the old leaders into exile in China. But there is every reason to believe that the Chinese had a hand in the mutiny as well. Just a few months before it broke out, the CPB's politburo had held a meeting and the then-chairman Thakin Ba Thein Tin, read out a message from the Chinese authorities. The entire CPB leadership had been offered retirement in China. It was clear that China no longer was interested in exporting revolution to Myanmar, but wanted to open the border for trade and exploit the natural resources in the frontier areas.

Thakin Ba Thein Tin was furious. "We have no desire to become revisionists," he said, indicating that he considered the post-Mao leadership in China to be revisionist—which was enough for the Chinese to encourage the rank-and-file of the CPB to rise up in mutiny.

And so the UWSA was born. Almost immediately, the newly formed group entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Myanmar government, which allowed it to retain control of its area and its weaponry in exchange for not fighting the government's army.

This led to the formation of the UWSA's current territory, which it claims consists of 13,514 square miles (35,000 square kilometers), including new areas along the Thai border that were captured in the early 1990s. With a population of 400,000 and its own local administration, schools, hospitals and even a bank, this "mini-state" is almost unique in recent Asian history. The closest comparison would be to the parts of Sri Lanka that were ruled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) until it was wiped out by a massive government offensive in 2009.

Chinese Influence

The currency used in the UWSA's area is the Chinese yuan, and mobile telephones are connected to Chinese networks. Chinese is much more widely spoken than Myanmar. With Chinese assistance, the UWSA has also managed to build up an army that is both stronger and better equipped than the CPB ever was. Its arsenal includes Man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), a wide range of mortars and rocket launchers, and even light tanks and a few helicopters.

Recently, a helipad has been constructed at the UWSA's Panghsang headquarters, with a sign outside saying, in Chinese, feijichang, or airport. Even more worrying, on Oct. 30 of last year, the local Myanmar intelligence office in the garrison town of Tang-yan sent a message to the regional command headquarters in Lashio saying that the UWSA was constructing a "radar and missile base" in its area.

The first location was supposed to be Mong Mau in the northern Wa Hills, but when the government found out about it, U Thein Zaw, the vice chairman of the Union Peace Working Committee, was sent to Panghsang to tell the Wa not to go ahead with their missile project. The UWSA leaders said that they wouldn't—and changed the location to Wing Gao, closer to Panghsang.

The new facility is going to be built in partnership with a Chinese company called Liao Lian and equipment will be bought from China, Taiwan and Pakistan, the report asserts. It is not clear, however, what kind of missile it is, but given the fact that radars will be installed at the base, it is plausible to assume that it would be something more powerful than what the UWSA has in its current arsenal. The Myanmar-language report uses the term taweipyetonggyi, or "long-distance missile."

So it is abundantly clear that the Wa have no intention of submitting to the authority of a country that they feel that they have never been part of. The Wa Hills have gone from being ruled by nobody to being occupied by the Kuomintang and then the CPB, and are now administered by the UWSA.

Bargaining Chip

But what are the Chinese up to and why are they making sure the UWSA is armed to the teeth? The simple answer is that China does not actually want the UWSA to fight the Myanmar army, but would like to see it strong enough to deter any attack against it.

For China, the UWSA is a useful bargaining chip when Beijing wants to put pressure on the Myanmar government not to stray too close to the West, or to protect Chinese investment in the country. The latter concern became especially important after President U Thein Sein's government decided in September 2011 to suspend the US$3.6 billion Myitsone hydroelectric dam project in Kachin State. China also has to deal with ongoing protests against a copper mine project in Letpadaung, which is a joint venture between the Chinese Wanbao Mining Copper company and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings.

In other words, any military action against the UWSA would pit the Myanmar army against China. The Wa leaders are always accompanied by Chinese intelligence officers, and it is no exaggeration to say the UWSA is an extension of China's People's Liberation Army.

So would the Myanmar army risk a conflict with the UWSA? Sri Lanka's offensive against the LTTE was successful because the Tamil militants had nowhere to retreat to when they came under attack, whereas an attack on the UWSA would force tens of thousands of refugees into China, causing further frictions between Myanmar and its powerful northern neighbor. The UWSA's MANPADS would also enable it to shoot down airplanes and helicopters.

At the same time, however, no government in Myanmar can tolerate a continuation of the present situation in northeastern Shan State: a pocket-state with its own army. But if the present government wants to succeed where all its predecessors have failed—to convince the Wa that their hills are indeed part of Myanmar—a different approach than the military option may be needed.

A divide-and-rule scheme, which seems to be what is in the offing, may also cause resentment and divisions that could result in an even messier situation than what we have now.

But before the end of the year, some action is bound to take place in the Wa Hills. And whatever shape it takes, it will be a much more serious challenge than any of the other ethnic conflicts that have been plaguing Myanmar for decades. It will involve an area never before controlled by any Myanmar government—and China.

This article first appeared in the June 2014 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine.

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Civil Society Groups Urge Govt to Accept UN Fact-finding Mission

Posted: 26 May 2017 07:02 AM PDT

RANGOON — More than 50 civil society groups in Burma urged the government to fully cooperate with a UN-mandated fact finding mission into human rights abuses in Arakan, Shan, and Kachin states in a joint-statement released Friday.

"The Fact Finding Mission will help the Government of Myanmar [Burma] to uphold human rights, and it will foster a rule-of law culture by establishing the facts and identifying perpetrators of human rights violations to prevent future atrocity crimes," read the statement signed by groups from across the country including Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), Burmese Women’s Union, and Karen Women Organization.

Failure on the part of the National League for Democracy-led government or the military leadership to cooperate with the mission could cause Burma's human rights situation to deteriorate and more atrocities, the groups argue.

The UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution—adopted at its 34th session in Geneva, Switzerland in March—provides a mandate "to establish the facts and circumstances of the alleged recent human rights violations by military and security forces," but has been consistently rejected by both Burma's civilian and military leaders.

A flash report from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights released in February documented allegations of arson, torture, extrajudicial killings, and widespread sexual violence against the minority Muslim Rohingya population in northern Arakan State during Burma Army "clearance operations" launched in response to insurgent attacks on police border guard posts on Oct. 9 of last year.

"It's not too late for civilian and military authorities to work with this mission to establish the facts and prevent further violations and abuses," said Khin Zaw Win, director of the Tampadipa Institute, a signatory to the statement according to a Fortify Rights' press release.

"National reconciliation, stability, and development depend in large part on ending and remedying abuses and atrocities, and that can't happen until the facts are firmly established."

Matthew Smith, director of Fortify Rights, told The Irrawaddy that the diversity of the signatories showed the widespread concern for rights abuses in the country.

"The narrative that the entire country overlooks atrocities in Rakhine [Arakan State] is tired and inaccurate, and a lot of groups in the country are equally concerned about atrocities in the north as well," he told The Irrawaddy on Friday.

The timing of the statement's release during the Union Peace Conference, he said, showed discontent with the government's current approach to national reconciliation.

"Sadly I don’t think anyone is holding their breath for national reconciliation through the current peace process," he told The Irrawaddy. "Civil society is industrious and fierce and will keep working for solutions; the international community can and should support them."

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi previously said the UN mission "does not correspond with our country's [situation]," at her state of the union address last month. Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing said that any international political intervention on the pretext of assisting refugees from this community would threaten Burma's sovereignty at the 72nd Anniversary of Armed Forces Day in March.

Last month, 23 international organizations including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Fortify Rights, called on overseas governments to engage Burmese authorities in allowing unfettered access to the UN fact-finding mission.

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Border Police Detain Three Maungdaw Women Following Weapons Search

Posted: 26 May 2017 06:54 AM PDT

RANGOON – Border police have detained three women for the alleged possession of ammunition and three improvised guns on Friday morning in Arakan State's Maungdaw Township, said southern Maungdaw border policeman Lt-Col Thant Zin Oo.

He told The Irrawaddy that the police had received a tip-off that led them to search four houses in Tha Win Chaung village early in the morning, including that of the a former village administrator. They reportedly discovered the weaponry under a pile of firewood at a house belonging to another resident named Mahmoud Shalby, along with a payslip stating that Shalby had made payments to 25 individuals.

Police are tracking the names on the payslip as part of an investigation into coordinated attacks by militants last October on police outposts in the region, in which nine policemen were killed and ammunition was looted.

Lt-Col Thant Zin Oo said that eight rubber bullets and seven rounds of assault rifle ammunition recovered in Tha Win Chaung match those stolen from the Koe Tan Kauk border police outpost in nearby Rathedaung Township, which was among those targeted in October.

Mahmoud Shalby was not home at the time of the search; his wife was taken in to custody, according to the police report. The wives of two of the men whose homes were searched—but at which no weaponry was reportedly uncovered—are also currently being detained.

At the time of reporting, police had not revealed the names of the detained women.

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Burma Forces Turkish Man to Leave Country Amid Crackdown

Posted: 26 May 2017 04:22 AM PDT

Burma-based Muhammed Furkan Sokmen was forced to leave the country on Thursday evening after he and his family were detained at Rangoon International Airport for 24 hours.

Police detained the Turkish family as they tried to board a flight to Bangkok on Wednesday evening. Mr. Sokmen told The Irrawaddy that authorities informed him that his passport had been canceled and that he would have to return to Turkey.

"I do not want to go back to Turkey. They will definitely put me in jail without any judgment," he said.

Mr. Sokmen was a director of the Horizons International School in Rangoon, which was investigated for alleged links to Turkey's opposition movement and temporarily closed and renamed following a licensing complaint.

Since a failed coup in Turkey, the Erdoğan government has called for an international crackdown on people suspected of having links to the US-based Turkish cleric Fethullah Gülen. More than 47,000 people have been placed in pre-trial detention since 2016, according to Human Rights Watch.

Richard Weir, a fellow from the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch, told The Irrawaddy that the organization's concerns are that Mr. Sokmen could face "torture, extended pre-trial detention, and a trial that is neither free nor fair" if he is sent back to Turkey.

Mr. Sokmen said men whose affiliation was unknown to him followed him throughout his detention in the airport and once he was on the plane. He added that authorities told him that his flight would stop in Bangkok and then he would continue on to Istanbul. He was issued a temporary passport with four pages that he was told would last one month and only allowed travel to Turkey. He is currently in a transit area in the Bangkok International Airport; his status is in limbo.

"The Burmese government must ensure that it evaluates all cases wherein there are threats and risks to individuals that governments want returned," said Weir.

"The fate of Mr. Sokmen and his family, including his young daughter, hang in the balance and the risks they face are grave. The Myanmar government should not let itself become complicit in endangering this family and others who face return to governments where their rights are in danger of being violated."

There is currently no asylum system in Burma and no mechanism by which the UNHCR registers asylum seekers.

Mr. Sokmen's wife and child remain in Rangoon, where the status of their passports is unclear at this time.

"Now my wife and two-year-old daughter are in Burma. I don't know what will happen to me or to them," he added.

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Court Orders Police to Re-Examine Fugitive in Ko Ni Murder Trial

Posted: 26 May 2017 03:45 AM PDT

RANGOON —Rangoon's northern district court ordered on Friday that the police reexamine the case surrounding the fugitive Aung Win Khaing in the U Ko Ni murder trial, including a nationwide search if necessary.

Last week, the Rangoon Division High Court rejected the petition from lawyer U Nay La—representing the family of the assassinated National League for Democracy (NLD) legal adviser U Ko Ni— requesting a new arrest warrant be issued in Naypyidaw for the fugitive.

Aung Win Khaing is suspected of involvement in the murder but remains at large. He was last seen in Naypyidaw, according to CCTV footage.

"Even though the High Court refused to issue a new arrest warrant, it ruled that the investigation of fugitive Aung Win Khaing [prior to the trial] was insufficient," U Nay La told The Irrawaddy after the hearing at the northern district court on Friday.

"In accordance with the ruling of the High Court, the northern district court ordered [the police] that the search for the fugitive Aung Win Khaing be carried out again more thoroughly," he explained.

Before the trial in early March, U Nay La initially requested that the northern district court issue the warrant in Naypyidaw, but the court ruled against the move.

Last month at the divisional court, he claimed that the district court had been handling the case "carelessly" and was "weak" in examining the fugitive in accordance with designated procedures.

It's been nearly four months since the prominent Muslim lawyer U Ko Ni was shot by gunman Kyi Lin outside Rangoon International Airport on the afternoon of Jan. 29. Police have detained four suspects: gunman Kyi Lin, and alleged co-conspirators Zeya Phyo, Aung Win Zaw, and Aung Win Tun.

The next court hearing will be held at the northern district court on Jun. 2.

Shooter Kyi Lin and three alleged co-perpetrators—Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Khaing and Zeya Phyo—are being charged under Article 302 of Burma's Penal Code for murder.

Zeya Phyo, a former military intelligence officer, is also charged under Article 67 of the Telecommunications Law for the possession of restricted telecommunications equipment and Article 468 of the Penal Code for the forgery of national identity cards.

Two of the suspects—gunman Kyi Lin and alleged co-conspirator Aung Win Zaw—are also being charged under Article 19(d) and (f) of the country's 1878 Arms Act for illegal arms possession and transportation, in addition to the murder charge.

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TNLA Denies Sending Extortion Letters Containing Bullets

Posted: 26 May 2017 03:22 AM PDT

RANGOON — The Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) rejected accusations that the armed group sent letters demanding "tax" from businesses in northern Shan State's Lashio.

Ten hotels and other businesses this week reported receiving letters from the TNLA demanding payment with a bullet in the envelope, according to business owners and works in the city.

"They [TNLA] always levy tax and extort money, though they may deny doing so to the media," said a manager of a hotel in Lashio who asked for anonymity, adding that the letter was dated  May 22 and delivered by two men on a motorbike on Tuesday.

Images of the letters quickly went viral on social media despite warnings that concerned parties should not leak the letters.

TNLA information officer Col Mai Ai Kyaw told The Irrawaddy his group was not responsible, though he admitted TNLA troops were active in the area.

"We are still investigating who sent the letters," he said on Friday. "The letters did not have our seal and letterhead and that is not the way we deliver letters, so, they must be fake."

He said the letters were sent in the middle of the day and that no armed group would do so for the sake of security.

The colonel admitted levying taxes and soliciting help from some businessmen in Shan State, but declined to reveal the names of the taxpayers and how the tax was imposed.

The letters accuse the relevant companies and businessmen of failing to pay taxes despite TNLA's tax department requesting payment by phone, the letters shared on social media read.

Tax must be paid by May 24, the letters demanded, and only then would the businesses receive protection from the TNLA.

The ten businesspeople did not pay but filed a case with Lashio Township Police Station, one of the businesspeople said.

On Thursday morning, TNLA troops arrived at Ho Kho Village in Nawnghkio Township, and stopped cars and motorbikes and briefly detained drivers, according to villagers.

"Palaung [TNLA] soldiers arrived at the village around 4 a.m.," villager U Kyaw Min told The Irrawaddy.

"They inspected those who passed the village, and briefly detained cars. A motorcyclist did not stop and was shot, I don't know what happened to him," he added.

The TNLA has not signed the government's nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) and is a member of the United Wa State Army-led coalition of northern groups that rejects the NCA peace process but has joined the Union Peace Conference this week.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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Pulling Strings Together

Posted: 26 May 2017 02:33 AM PDT

Over the past few years of Myanmar's transition since 2015, an evident change can be seen in the relaxation of printed press and Internet censorship, the revival of daily and independent newspapers, and the release of a number of journalists from jail. Without a doubt, people here in my homeland seem to be happier than before and more importantly, they are more hopeful about their future.

I, too, was hopeful about my future, aspiring to become an energetic social worker. I returned to Myanmar (Burma) in 2013 after receiving my Master of Science in Social Work from Columbia University, ready to work to make my dream come true. My ultimate goal is to become an agent of social change, enabling fellow citizens to envision a better future, to mutually appreciate their differences, and to draw strength from those differences in order to build a happy and cohesive society.

As soon as I stepped on the soil of my motherland, I started working in advocacy, promoting the rights of the LGBTQ community. However, I quit after two months, due to security concerns. Thereafter, I worked as an associate program director at the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation under the direct leadership of two of the most influential women in the country: Dr. Ohmar and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

After working at the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation for a year, a noble idea came into my mind to explore the technology sector's contribution from a business perspective to promoting the mechanism of delivering services in the social work sector. This led me to come up with a different approach to make my dream come true. I ventured into the technology business with my two "repat" (as we call those who have returned to Myanmar from abroad) friends in 2014.

We developed Myanmar's first ever restaurant search app called 'MyLann,' having been inspired by Yelp, back in the United States. We were highly motivated, energetic and dreamed big, imagining that some day, Google might buy our mobile app. In fact, it turned out not to be as simple as I thought. My friend, who is a developer, took the CEO post and the other friend, with his bachelor's degree in business from UC Berkeley, took on the role of managing director. They both believed that I possessed good communication skills and, therefore, I was assigned to be in charge of marketing and sales.

At first, I had high hopes and enjoyed my life as a young entrepreneur. In spite of knowing that I lacked business knowledge and skills, I worked very hard. I walked into every restaurant in Yangon and spoke with many restaurant owners. Some showed interest, yet the majority seemed reluctant about online marketing tools, even though it could help them promote their restaurants in a more cost-effective way. In 2014, most companies would have rather concentrated on traditional forms of marketing such as billboards, TVCs, Radio FM Channels, and newspapers. They might spend millions on billboards but be cautious about social media marketing.

Nevertheless, I did not give up and joined many networking events like "Mobile Monday" and other young professional gatherings to expand my business contacts. It was not an easy path for a social worker in the technology business field as I was trying something totally out of my comfort zone. As a result of participating in networking activities, I came across two Australians who were working in Silicon Valley, who happened to be at the same event. They were keen to guide us through our endeavor for a few months. As Christians believe, "God helps those who help themselves."

Soon, I developed connections with many well-known local restaurants and international chains such as YKKO and Manhattan Fish Market, and a leading online media channel supported our app. Our team worked countless hours to collect restaurant data, and eventually, by early 2015, MyLann became a leading local mobile app consisting of more than 1,000 restaurants' data countrywide.

Despite our mobile app being regarded as a leading online restaurant search app, we encountered a shortage of cash and tried to raise funds. With hope of a breakthrough, we approached many potential locals to see if they would be interested in becoming angel investors; however, the outcome was not very encouraging. Moreover, not only was there no official government agency that would support local young entrepreneurs like us, but it was impossible for us to reach out to private banks.

As for access to finance for entrepreneurs, it is still very hard in Myanmar for two key reasons. First, banks cannot price risk: they can only charge interest between the 8-13 percent band. The nature of start-ups is riskier so they often get overlooked if banks cannot charge more than 13 percent interest. Second, the definition of collateral is very stringent and narrow: this gets more restricting because only collateralized lending is allowed in for now. This means by nature, smaller firms and start-ups do not have the assets that can be used as collateral to get loans. Therefore, banks only lend capital to the rich, who have all of the assets such as land and buildings. After a serious conversation with our management team and other key players in the respective community, we were unable to seek financial support to sustain our mobile app. Finally, the three of us decided to close this chapter and move forward to realize our own visions.

Beyond pride in our team's effort and endeavor in introducing a novel idea to connect people and technology from a business perspective, we believe that the integration of technological mechanisms has the potential to deliver enhanced services in the social work sector. However, this experience vividly exposed the inadequacies such as lacking a stable cash flow or a strategic business model, which would later lead us to lose the focus on mobile apps. Second, there wasn't a legitimate support system. Third, local people were not ready to search for things on mobile apps and instead, they tend to solely depend on Facebook to search (public sentiment when it comes to the internet is all about Facebook). An alternative use of Internet technology should be encouraged. Last but not least, was an insufficiency of competent human resources and expertise in the technology field.

As for the future in regards to financial support, the liberalization of the banking system will be essential. From the experience I encountered in entering the technology sector, if the above-mentioned strings could be pulled together, I believe the IT scene in Myanmar could be different.

Kyaw Sit Naing (MSW) is currently a visiting lecturer of Post-Graduate Diploma in Social Work at Yangon University. He co-founded Myanmar's first restaurant search app called MyLann and resigned after a year. Before his entrepreneurial journey, he used to work as an Associate Program Director at the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. He also worked as an Advocacy Coordinator at Colors Rainbow advocating for the rights of LGBT individuals in Myanmar. He received his Master of Science in Social Work (M.S.W) from Columbia University in New York City. He has a BA in Political Science and Social Work from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post Pulling Strings Together appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Investigate Forged ATM Card Theft in Mon State

Posted: 26 May 2017 01:03 AM PDT

MOULMEIN, Mon State — Police are investigating ATM withdrawals using a forged bank card at Ayeyarwady Branch No. 1 in Mon State's Moulmein (Mawlamyine) Township, Mon State with more than 1.5 million kyats thought to be stolen.

"We found one ATM withdrawal in both March and April, and two withdrawals earlier this month with a forged ATM card," said police officer Maung Maung of Moulmein Township Police Station.

The case is the first ATM theft in Mon State, said the police officer, and was discovered after a branch in Rangoon noticed something suspicious on an account and the Ayeyarwady head office instructed branches in divisions and states to check, said the police officer.

A total of 1.5 million kyats was withdrawn over the three months, he added.

According to CCTV footage, the person who withdrew the money appears to be a Burmese national. The forged ATM card was believed to be made with foreign technology, according to Maung Maung.

Ma Yi Mon Su, a former customer of Ayeyarwady Bank, complained that the limited choice of banking in Burma meant consumers had to put up with poor service and dubious security.

"I question if banks have taken into consideration the possible risks before they implement a software program … they need to take responsibility for checking cards used in ATMs match accounts," she told The Irrawaddy.

Assistant general manager of Moulmein Ayeyarwady Bank Daw Yu Yu Aung filed the case with the township police station on Monday, but when questioned about the case, she said she had to speak to her supervisor before commenting.

The post Police Investigate Forged ATM Card Theft in Mon State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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