Monday, June 26, 2017

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Villagers Flee Following Maungdaw Murders

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 09:24 AM PDT

YANGON – Former village administrator U Maung Mae told The Irrawaddy over the phone on Monday that around 100 residents from Tarein village in Rakhine State's northern Maungdaw have left their homes following the killing of two men over the weekend.

Tarein is made up of 84 ethnic Rakhine households, with a total population of 156, the majority of whom rely on agriculture and paddy cultivation.

The State Counselor's Office Information Committee released a statement describing the incident, which occurred on Saturday morning. Four men from Tarein reportedly were hunting for tortoises when they were attacked by eight other men armed with machetes; two were wounded and escaped, while one was found dead later on Saturday, and another on Monday. Possible witnesses are reportedly being questioned.

The statement did not elaborate on the cause of the confrontation.

As the authorities—relying on eyewitness accounts—identified the perpetrators as Muslims, the incident has contributed to an atmosphere of growing mistrust between the area's Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim communities, many of the latter identifying as Rohingya.

Rakhine landowners in the area once hired local Muslims to farm, and tend cattle. Villagers say that these working relationships have become less common in recent months.

In October of 2016, Muslim militants attacked three border police outposts in the area, killing nine policemen. In the aftermath of the attacks, the Myanmar Army and police carried out joint "clearance operations" in northern Rakhine State, during which United Nations agencies estimated around 70,000 Rohingya Muslims were displaced. The area remains highly securitized.

The double murder on Saturday has "terrified" Tarein's villagers, former village administrator U Maung Mae said, adding that "hearsay has gone viral" among members of the community, leading many residents to flee to the town of Maungdaw, where they feel safer.

"They are scared to tend cattle outside and go out in search of forest products. How can we survive in this condition?" he said.

Ko Thein, a resident from nearby Kyein Chaung village, said that members of his community had also left for Maungdaw and Buthidaung towns.

A border police officer, who spoke to The Irrawaddy on the condition of anonymity, declined to give a specific number of those who had fled, and accused locals of spreading false information. He added that "enough" police had already been deployed to Tarein.

A series of unresolved attacks on individuals has plagued northern Rakhine State in recent days, allegedly carried out by unidentified groups of masked men whose affiliations and motivations are not known.

An administrator from Khaung Ta Ka village was killed at around 2 a.m. on Saturday—his son and daughter were reportedly stabbed as they tried to protect their father.

On early Sunday morning, an official from Myo Thu Gyi village, near Maungdaw town, was killed in a similar fashion; his two daughters were wounded in the attack and are receiving treatment at a Maungdaw hospital, according to the State Counselor's Office Information Committee.

The committee also reported an incident in which ten masked men attempted to enter the house of Ahmi Ahli, head of Tet Oo Chaung village tract, last week. After being confronted by villagers, the assailants fired guns and fled. A suspect in the attack was reportedly apprehended by border police on Sunday.

A villager from Liek Ya was reportedly attacked as he prayed in a mosque on Sunday. He remains in hospital, and those who perpetrated the incident have not been found.

Last week, the Myanmar military and border police raided what they described as a militant camp the forest of the Mayu mountain range in Maungdaw Township. They killed three men in the process, and confiscated both homemade guns and 20 wooden dummy guns from the scene.

The post Villagers Flee Following Maungdaw Murders appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Despite Opposition, Ministry Says It Will Increase Electricity Prices

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 08:42 AM PDT

NAYPYIDAW — The Ministry of Electricity and Energy will increase electricity prices soon, said deputy minister Dr. Tun Lwin, citing an annual financial loss of 300 billion kyats concerning the electricity supply.

Pulaw Township lawmaker U Ohn Khin asked during the Lower House parliamentary session on Monday if the government would adjust electricity prices.

The production cost of electricity by state-owned and private power plants is around 92 kyats per unit, but the price sold to users is 69 kyats on average. The government then subsidizes 22 kyats for each unit used, creating a loss of 337 billion kyats during the 2016-17 fiscal year, said the deputy minister.

Because of the subsidies, the government is short of funds to invest in the country's electricity production facilities for the benefit of national development, said Dr. Tun Lwin. "So, we need to cover those costs," added the minister.

Lawmaker U Ohn Khin said that residents in Tanintharyi (Tenasserim) Division have to pay 350 to 650 kyats per unit for electricity from private electricity producers, and that they would not use appliances such as refrigerators or washing machines, even if they received them for free.

"They dare not use them due to the high electricity prices. When they buy home appliances, they choose the ones that consume the least electricity," said U Ohn Khin.

The ministry, he argued, "can't increase electricity production because of the loss." Its income would not increase as long as electricity production itself does not increase, he said, adding that the local population is growing. "So we have been in a vicious circle which should be stopped now," U Ohn Khin said.

Currently, only 38 percent of the country's population is connected to the national grid, leaving 62 percent of the population without access to government-supplied electricity, said the deputy minister.

"Only when those who have access to [government-supplied] electricity pay reasonable electricity prices will we use the money which we have to annually subsidize the building of new grids," said Dr. Tun Lwin.

The previous government attempted to increase electricity prices in November 2013, but aborted its plan in the face of strong opposition from the people.

Currently, households pay 35 kyats per unit for up to 100 units, and 40 kyats per unit for up to 200 units. Any units above 200 cost 50 kyats.

Industrial users pay 75 kyats per unit up to 500 units, 100 kyats from 501 to 10,000 units, 125 kyats from 10,001 to 50,000 units, and 150 kyats from 50,001 to 300,000 units. The unit price drops to 100 kyats for usage that rises above 300,000 units.

At present, as the state-run power plants cannot produce additional electricity, and the ministry has to purchase up to 51 percent of country's total production from private producers. The government has to buy electricity for 68 kyats per unit from private hydropower plants, and for 158 kyats per unit from private gas-fired power plants, according to the deputy minister.

U Htay Aung, a hotelier in Yangon, has complained about the government's plan to increase electricity prices.

"Things such as electricity and rail transportation are not meant to make profit and it is the responsibility of the government to provide such services. We are hardly making profits, and the price increase will surely become a burden to us," he told The Irrawaddy.

Last Friday at a meeting between businessmen and military-appointed Vice President U Myint Swe in Yangon, industrialists proposed tripling electricity rates for household use to 150 kyats, and increasing industrial use from 150 kyats to 175 kyats.

The ministry, in cooperation with the World Bank, is designing its tariff policy and held workshops concerning new electricity rates in April and May, attended by parliamentary committees, energy ministers of divisional and state governments, and experts.

The post Despite Opposition, Ministry Says It Will Increase Electricity Prices appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

European Food Festival Sates Yangonites’ Appetite for Continental Cuisine

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 07:22 AM PDT

Yangon's Rose Garden Hotel was transformed into a little Europe on Saturday as 1,500 people attended the second annual European Food Festival organized by gastronomic association La Chaîne des Rôtisseurs and Carlsberg Brewery, with support from the European Union Delegation to Myanmar.

Swedish meatballs, German bratwurst, Italian pizza, and Polish dumplings were washed down with Romanian wine and British craft ales—all to the tune of live Euro pop and jazz.

A woman samples a treat created by the chefs at the booth of restaurant training school Shwe Sa Bwe. (Photo: Thet Htun Naing /The Irrawaddy)

The money from ticket sales raised an estimated US$14,000 for two charities: Hamburg-based Myanmar Development Aid e.V's Thanlyin Orphanage and educational and vocational training community organization My Red Elephant, according to Alexander Scheible, General Manager of the Rose Garden Hotel.

Scheible described the day as a "great success," praising the all the restaurateurs and chefs who came together to showcase the diversity of European food.

Twenty-eight European countries were represented by booths forming a "who's who" of Yangon's European dining scene.

Sanchaung's Mahlzeit Restaurant served up delicious German fare, Le Planteur on the shore of Inya Lake offered French beef and potato.  Pun+Projects (the brains behind 50th Street Bar and Grill) presented a hearty beef stew, and tasty ricotta-stuffed pasta and pizza were on offer at L'Opera's booth.

The City's five-star hotels did not disappoint. The Polish dumplings and stuffed cabbage by Kandawgyi Palace Hotel were the epitome of European comfort food while The Savoy kept it simple, and delectable, with large squares of fine smoked salmon served with beetroot.

For those with a sweet tooth, highlights included Annie's Greek-style yoghurt with various fruit compotes, chocolate brownies and mini lemon meringue pies from restaurant training school Shwe Sa Bwe, and waffles from Myanmar Deaf Chefs.

The—at times deafening—soundtrack to the party was provided by Ye Lin Aung who played British pop tunes, and Alice's Wonderband whose performance included French tunes and blues numbers. A tango dance show also captivated attendees, particularly among the children.

Glasses of German weizen beer, English bitter, and blonde ale by Yangon's first microbrewery Burbrit were popular, leading to queues and frequent barrel changes. Bottega sparkling wine also went down well with guests, even if it was served in paper cups.

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Fifth Annual Ethnic Media Conference Convenes in Loikaw

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 07:14 AM PDT

LOIKAW, Karenni State — An ethnic media conference eyeing the development of an official ethnic media policy convened in Karenni (Kayah) State's capital of Loikaw on Monday.

During the three-day event, nearly 100 journalists from across the country will discuss ethnic media policy frameworks and challenges, as well as the promotion of the rights of women journalists and the role of ethnic media in Myanmar's political transition, peace process, and the building of a federal Union.

In his opening address, Nai Kasauh Mon, executive director of ethnic media coalition Burma News International (BNI) and chief editor of the Mon News Agency, urged the participants to provide input on a future ethnic media policy as well as the sustainability of their media outlets, which have a smaller circulation than larger media in central Myanmar.

"At this fifth session, we will discuss the formulation of a more comprehensive and coherent ethnic media policy. But such a policy won't immediately be able to be drafted at this conference. At the very least, we'll need many more recommendations," Nai Kasauh Mon told The Irrawaddy.

The ethnic media conference is in its fifth year. Previous sessions were respectively held in Mon State's Moulmein (Mawlamyine), Shan State's Taunggyi, Chin State's Hakha and Arakan State's Mrauk U since 2013. Those conferences focused on networking between ethnic media outlets and their role in the peace process.

The government's information minister U Pe Myint also addressed the ethnic media conference, saying that media would develop alongside Myanmar's political transition.

He admitted that he was aware that his ministry needed to do much more to promote the development of ethnic media.

"We have plans for the development of ethnic news media and literature. We have an obligation to implement these two things. Therefore we broadcast news on TV and radio in ethnic languages, and we also publish supplements in ethnic languages in newspapers.  But we haven't done enough. We know that much remains to be done," said U Pe Myint.

Nan Paw Gay, chief editor of the Karen Information Centre (KIC)​ said that challenges for ethnic media had continued in different forms since the political transition, but that a shortage of human capacity, and financial and technical restrictions remain common issues throughout the country.

"These problems have persisted, though we have tried to solve them. So, I want ethnic media to be given a certain extent of no-strings-attached assistance, either by the state government or Parliament or the Union government, without [editorial] independence restricted," she told The Irrawaddy.

Security is one of the concerns for journalists in ethnic areas, said Say Reh Soe, chief editor of Kantarawaddy Times, a local ethnic media outlet based in Loikaw.

"As there are many armed groups in Kayah State, tensions between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed organizations remain. So it is quite sensitive for reporters to gather news in the areas controlled by either group. [The authorities] designate areas as 'black' and 'brown' depending on security levels," he explained, a reference to zones controlled by ethnic armed organizations—designated as black—and areas of contested control between the Myanmar Army and ethnic armed groups—brown. "It is a challenge for the security of reporters to gather news in those areas," he explained.

Ethnic media outlets have a better understanding of the situations of their respective areas, and therefore could work in cooperation with Yangon-based media to reach a wider audience and to gain greater financial returns in order to ensure their sustainability, suggested media trainer U Myo Tha Htet of Internews.

"The journalistic standards of ethnic media have improved," he said. "So, at this point, we'll seek ways in which they can get financial returns for their sustainability," he added.

U Nay Lin Soe from the Myanmar Independent Living Initiative (MILI), representing persons with disabilities at the conference for the first time, urged the media to write more stories about the abilities of disabled persons both in mainland and ethnic regions.

As a panelist at the conference, he said dignified portrayals of disabled persons, rather than those that describe them as pitiful, would contribute to changes in policies that affect them.

U Nay Lin Soe explained that he hoped that ethnic media, in speaking out about the needs of vulnerable people, would also present the plight of disabled persons from a perspective informed by human rights.

"When [media] present the issues of disabled people, they should not present them from traditional point of views, but from the point of view of fundamental rights in modern times," he said.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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Tatmadaw Arrests Seven in Shan State

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 06:45 AM PDT

Myanmar's military arrested seven people, including three reporters, on the road between Namhsan and Lashio townships in northern Shan State on Monday, according to a statement from the office of the commander-in-chief of the Tatmadaw.

The seven men were travelling in two vehicles near Phayagyi Village and were arrested on suspicion of connection with ethnic armed group the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), which operates in the area.

The Tatmadaw statement said the local reporters—The Irrawaddy's Lawi Weng, also known as U Thein Zaw, and U Aye Naing and U Pyae Bone Naing from the Democratic Voice of Burma—had been handed over to police.

 

The duty officer at the Lashio Township police station did not know anything about the arrests when contacted by The Irrawaddy.

The military statement described the TNLA, which has not signed Myanmar's nationwide ceasefire agreement, as "threatening the peace and stability of the country."

The reporters traveled to a TNLA-controlled area to report on the destruction of opium poppy plantations by the ethnic armed group.

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Myanmar, Thailand Incinerate Illicit Drugs Worth US$800 Million

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 05:15 AM PDT

Officials in Myanmar and Thailand burned illegal narcotics worth more than US$800 million on Monday to mark the UN day against drug abuse and trafficking.

The move came even as authorities struggle to stem the flood of illicit drugs in the region, with Thailand's justice minister last year saying the country's war on drugs was failing.

In Thailand's Ayutthaya province, more than nine tons of drugs with a street value of over 20 billion baht ($590 million) went up in smoke including methamphetamines, known locally as "yaba" or "crazy drug", according to police.

"Currently, we are able to take down a lot of networks, including … transnational networks bringing drugs into Thailand … to be shipped to Malaysia and other countries," Sirinya Sitthichai, Secretary-General of the Office of Narcotics Control Board, told reporters in Ayutthaya.

In neighboring Myanmar, the police said they destroyed confiscated drugs worth around $217 million.

Myanmar remains one of the world's largest producers of illicit drugs, including opium, heroin and methamphetamines. Those narcotics are often smuggled into China.

Last year, law makers in Myanmar voiced disappointment over the country's lacklustre efforts to tackle the drug problem.

The market for methamphetamines has been growing in Southeast Asia, the UN has said. It estimates that Southeast Asia's trade in heroin and methamphetamine was worth $31 billion in 2013.

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Outgoing UNAIDS Country Director: ‘Structural Barriers are Preventing People From Getting Tested and Treated’

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 04:30 AM PDT

Mr. Eamonn Murphy is about to take up the position of regional director for the Asia Pacific Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) after holding the position of country director in Myanmar twice: between 2002 and 2004, and most recently since 2012. He has presided over an office that has seen new HIV infections in the country fall by 24 percent since 2010, and AIDS-related deaths decrease by 40 percent.

Last month, Mr. Murphy welcomed the government's third five-year national strategic plan on the issue, and praised the injection of extra funding from the current administration. The Irrawaddy's Rik Glauert sat down with Mr. Murphy to learn more about his insights into and his experiences of fighting the HIV epidemic in Myanmar.

What are you most proud of from your time in Myanmar?

The work of UNAIDS is to help others to do their work. You won't see photos of me in the newspaper treating people. We don't make the change alone; we support others who are trying to create change. The fact that the community groups are leading, with the Parliament, in the drafting of legislation on the new HIV law in Myanmar, is a real success for me. We are supporting them, technically, but we are behind. It has been truly nationally owned. That for me is the satisfaction of working in the UN in this particular organization.

The HIV and AIDS treatment program scale up has been very much led by the government. The new policies and decentralization have meant more people are being treated than ever before. Civil society continues to grow and be empowered—we have done training with groups of men who have sex with men (MSM) and sex workers' groups. There has been so much positive change in the last five years, and it has been a privilege to be here and support national leadership. It is Myanmar people leading, not a lot of foreigners telling people what to do.

Mr. Eamonn Murphy at a candlelight memorial for AIDS sufferers in Yangon in 2013. (Photo: UNAIDS)

What unique challenges have you observed concerning the fight against HIV/AIDS in this country?

Every epidemic is different because the country has unique cultural, social, political characteristics that impact it. HIV prevalence among injecting drug users, principally heroin, is high in Myanmar—nationally it is 28.5 percent. But there are pockets, particularly in towns in Kachin and northern Shan states, where it is as high as 50 percent. Drug use in these areas is the 'center of the onion'—you've got issues like conflict, cross-border trade in jade, timber, and drugs, a whole range of economic and social factors surrounding it.

Culturally conservative groups can reject modern health interventions, from both a values and a political basis—they see methadone and needle exchange programs as impositions from the central government. Geography is also a major challenge: if people have to travel to get to methadone they will continue to buy heroin at the local market where it is cheaper and easier to come by.

HIV prevalence among MSM is also very high—up to between 22 and 27 percent in the urban centers of Mandalay and Yangon. The lack of any law reform in Myanmar for decades is also holding things back. Lawmakers currently have a discrimination protection law for people living with HIV, and if they can also address Section 377 of the penal code that criminalizes "unnatural sex," that will help a lot to reduce fear and will reduce new infections. The Suppression of Prostitution Act is also up for revision, which could improve help available to sex workers.

There's a lot of stigma and discrimination against HIV positive people in Myanmar, which needs to change. If you're a taxi driver in Yangon, why do you need to have a HIV test? I'm unaware of anyone getting HIV from riding in a taxi. Critical structural barriers are preventing people from getting tested and treated.

Mr Eamonn Murphy at a meeting to discuss harm reduction measures for people who inject drugs in Lashio, Shan State in 2003. (Photo: UNAIDS)

What changes have you seen throughout the course of your time in Myanmar?

The first time I was here [in 2002], HIV/AIDS was highly politicized. In the eyes of the government, any journalist walking through the door was looking to criticize the country, and HIV/AIDS was used as a way to do that. The government didn't like the data coming out—there was a whole range of estimates of infections, from the government, from us, from outside. HIV/AIDS was picked on, compared to other health issues, to criticize in hopes to bring about democratic change. That didn't help us respond to the epidemic—the government went into lockdown and the overall HIV/AIDS numbers were held back. The then health minister Dr. Kyaw Myint was very brave. He set out to establish a fund for HIV treatment and prevention and gained international financial support. He was happy to engage with people and establish formal structures.

In 2012 there was big shift when power moved from the military junta to the Union Solidarity and Development Party. It was really exciting to work with colleagues in the Ministry of Health when I came back—many of them knew what they wanted to change, even though the ability to make that change was hard, but the motives were there and the energy was so strong.

Dr. Pe Thet Khin [health minister from 2011-14] invited a number of different partners and NGOs and was working to establish universal health coverage. He had a very public health approach and was responsible for bringing back medicines into the health systems in 2013.

Things have not changed that fast, of course, and things slowed down over the 2015 election period. With the new National League for Democracy-led government we have seen more openness to decisions, but the bureaucracies are slow to change. The current health minister Dr. Myint Htwe has a very public health approach and has introduced a very progressive new national health plan that HIV will be part of. He is the one driving the change in treatment provision. Devolving decision-making to the states and regions is going to be critical for his vision. It is going to take a while for people to find the confidence in his plans, though.

Mr. Eamonn Murphy in his Yangon office. (Photo: Chanson / Irrawaddy)

How has international funding informed the way Myanmar tackles HIV/AIDS?

Myanmar has never been awash with development assistance in the way that some other countries in the region have been, because of international sanctions. And, since 2011-12, health funding has actually been in decline. The budget for HIV, tuberculosis and malaria has not grown; it has shrunk and it is now covering more things. It is understandable that development money is going to the economy and capacity building in the workforce, but the need to fight HIV is still great.

The new government has increased the provision of treatment with new policies and more government money. The new minister has trebled what was put in before to US$15 million as the Global Fund [to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria] flatlines. The costings behind the new strategic plan are clever. A World Bank tool and an AIDS epidemic modeling tool were used to optimize the spending. That's why models of service are changing.

[This change] is out of necessity but it is also out of good logic. The future of public health depends on more domestic resources. But, unfortunately, prevention will lose out in the middle of that, that's where development partners can help. You can't treat yourself out of a HIV epidemic. I encourage development partners to really look at investment in health and HIV and the whole range of social services.

What's next for you?

I'll be regional director for Asia Pacific. For UNAIDS, that region is all the way from Pakistan and Afghanistan to the Pacific islands. It includes China and India—a lot of people. We may not have the large-scale epidemics of Africa, but we have serious numbers at risk or infected and major human rights issues. The challenges are going to be great, but I love a challenge. It's not just about the disease itself, it's about the context. The rights of the individuals, their access to rights and services. Of the biggest challenges will be rights issues, because of the concentrated nature of the epidemics. It is marginalized people that are most affected.

I'm excited about it, as I will also be able to get back to Myanmar. I would like to refer to the successes of Myanmar too, for other countries to look at. They can ask: "How did Myanmar scale up treatment with limited resources available?" A lot of it is about commitment. I think there is a lot to be learned from Myanmar. Health reform is a real positive thing here.

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U Win Htein: State Counselor Will Oversee Any Cabinet Reshuffle

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 02:47 AM PDT

YANGON — State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will oversee any cabinet reshuffle, said ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party secretariat member U Win Htein on Sunday.

At a press conference held after a two-day central committee meeting at the party's headquarters in Yangon, he said: "When it comes to changes of Union-level ministers and deputy ministers, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will review, and she will have the final say," in response to a question on whether there was any cabinet shakeup in the pipeline.

He did not say whether there would be a cabinet reshuffle in the near future.

U Win Htein said the NLD had formed a committee to assess the performance of lawmakers and regional government members.

"We are reviewing their performance. But we won't reveal the findings to the public. However, we will submit them to the party Central Executive Committee to get them fixed if needed," he added.

The NLD government came to power in March 2016. In November last year, The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation's deputy minister Dr. Tun Win was abruptly dismissed from the position, becoming the first cabinet member to be fired.

The government did not provide any reason for the dismissal at the time.

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Nationalists Renew Protest Against Religion Minister

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 02:09 AM PDT

Mandalay — Nationalists gathered in Myanmar's two biggest cities to call for the resignation of the religious affairs minister U Aung Ko on Sunday.

The protesters in Mandalay and Yangon were rallying as they said the government had ignored the list of demands they laid out at a demonstration in Naypyitaw last month.

The demands included the acquittal of a number of nationalists guilty or accused of crimes, the lifting of a nationwide preaching ban on ultranationalist monk U Wirathu, imposed because of his religious hate speech, and an apology from U Aung Ko.

They claim the minister is neglecting Buddhism and favoring Islam, but the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture questioned the authenticity of the protest, alleging that demonstrators were paid to attend.

More than 200 Buddhist monks, nuns, and laypeople rallied at Manawyaman grounds in Mandalay on Sunday, holding placards and shouting slogans that accused U Aung Ko of influencing the state Buddhist authority the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee.

"Since the ministry did not follow our demands in the one month that we gave, we are here to urge for the resignation of the minister again," said U Eaindaka, vice president of the Patriotic Young Monks Union.

The protests would continue, he said, if the government continued to ignore the demands.

"Our demands are the demands of every citizen, so the government authorities should listen," he said. "The minister is not protecting or supporting the wellbeing of Buddhism enough. He did many things to sadden us, the Buddhists, by oppressing the Buddhist monks."

U Eaindaka said articles 361 and 362 of the 2008 military-drafted Constitution declare Buddhism as the national religion and grant other religions the freedom to worship.

But the minister said other religions' freedom to worship should be respected, claimed U Eaindaka, adding that Buddhism is the "host" and should be respected by all other religions, which are "visitors" in the country.

On the same day outside City Hall in Yangon, roughly 200 people, including monks, protested the same message as the nationalists in Mandalay.

The protesters listed six demands similar to the demands announced in Naypyitaw last month and gave the government seven days to respond to them.

If the government does not respond, they threaten to camp outside Yangon's City Hall.

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World Bank Arm Defends Mandalay Cement Factory Project Amid Civil Society Opposition

Posted: 26 Jun 2017 12:15 AM PDT

Following an open letter sent to the World Bank's President Jim Kim by a coalition of community-based organizations opposing a proposed plan to support the expansion of a cement plant in Mandalay Region and the coal mine that fuels it, the International Finance Corporation (IFC) maintains that the project is worthwhile.

The open letter was endorsed by 174 organizations, all but two of which are based in Myanmar. Sent earlier this month, it claimed that the IFC’s proposed financial backing of the expansion of the Shwe Taung Cement Factory and related coal mine contradicted a long list of World Bank and IFC guidelines and objectives.

"We emphasize the sheer irresponsibility of this investment and the multiple ways it undermines the IFC’s commitment to sustainable investment and 'shared prosperity' through private sector development," it stated.

The proposed plan to expand the cement factory also includes enlarging operations at a coal mine operated by the firm in Sagaing Division that exclusively supplies the cement factory.  The IFC's backing of the coal mine expansion and the project's use of coal is one of the major points of contention among civil society groups.

The letter from the coalition also pointed out that Shwe Taung Group chairman Aik Htun co-founded and ran a bank targeted by US authorities for being a "Financial Institution of Primary Money Laundering Concern."  The Asia Wealth Bank collapsed in 2003 amid a massive crisis in Burma's banking industry.

The letter also noted that Aik Htun was described by US authorities as someone with "connections with the narcotics trade."  The Sino-Burmese tycoon whose business interests stretch from construction to real estate has denied these allegations, characterizing them as the result of petty jealousy spread during a period when the country was closed off.

The explanation does not appear to hold water with civil society groups that warned in the letter that "financing this project would send the message that the IFC disregards the reputational risks associated with the borrower, and is more interested in lining its pockets and that of Myanmar's crony elite than promoting sustainable development in accordance with its mandate."

The IFC’s country chief in Myanmar, Vikram Kumar, explained in an email response to The Irrawaddy the merits of the IFC’s proposal to invest US$15 million and provide a loan of US$20 million in the project that is expected to cost a total of US$110 million.

"We believe the cement sector to be critical for Myanmar in the next few years. IFC's financing for Shwe Taung Cement Company (STC) will help triple its productivity, and meet growing demand for raw material for key sectors like infrastructure, housing and ultimately manufacturing," wrote Kumar.

The IFC predicts that the project if it moves forward would generate 200 direct jobs and potentially as many as 4,000 "indirect jobs," a figure that was obtained using case studies on the cement industry from other developing countries.

Kumar and his colleagues also disagree with a number of claims made in the letter concerning the project’s compliance with IFC and World Bank guidelines.  The civil society coalition claims the IFC’s proposed investment does not comply with World Bank coal-screening criteria.  The letter also claimed that the IFC involvement in the project contradicted a promise from the World Bank that it would avoid supporting coal projects in Myanmar.

"As the World Bank has pledged not to finance coal power plants in Myanmar due to their devastating environmental, health and climate impacts, it is not clear why the IFC is considering funding this project," the letter stated.

Kumar counters that the World Bank screening policy on investing in coal-fired power only concerns power plants that contribute power to a national grid.

"The project is aligned with this policy in that coal mined by the company is not being used for power generation at the plant, but solely in the cement kiln, a widely used practice internationally," explains Kumar.

Another concern flagged by the coalition opposing the IFC’s proposal is that the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) commissioned for the project "falls short in a number of areas, including failing to adequately assess existing pollution levels in project site areas."

When asked about this claim, Kumar responded that the consultancy that carried out the ESIA, the UK-based Environmental Resource Management (ERM), is "an international and reputable consultancy which is aligned with the IFC's Performance Standards."

The work of ERM, which calls itself the "world's largest pure play environmental and sustainability consultancy," is described somewhat differently in the open letter, whose authors contend that the consultations with local villagers were "farcical" and were "undertaken in an attempt to comply with the IFC Performance Standards."

"Some villagers reported a 5-minute question and answer session. This undercuts the Shwe Taung Group's and the IFC's social license to operate," the open letter claimed.

While the open letter also claimed that farmers living near the cement plant had been subjected to "judicial harassment" for complaining about the impact of the cement plant – which began operating in 2010 – on their land and livelihood, Kumar paints a very different situation.

"Consultations by IFC and ERM with villages and communities in proximity to the cement plant and mine indicate support for the project and appreciation for community outreach activities by the company," said Kumar.

Date of IFC Decision on Project Unclear

Although a summary of the project posted on the IFC website says the IFC's board was tentatively scheduled to decide about the IFC's involvement at a meeting in Washington on June 8 – one day after the letter was sent to World Bank chief Jim Kim – this did not happen. It remains unclear when the 25-member board that Kim chairs will decide on the project.

"This project hasn't been submitted to the board and the exact board date is not confirmed yet," said Kumar.

The long list of groups who signed the letter represent a wide swath of Myanmar civil society and include organizations based in every state and region of the country, a number of whom are internationally known including the Karen Environment and Social Action Network (KESAN) and the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG).  The latter organized a well-attended protest outside a high-end hotel in the Kachin State capital Myitkiyna last year, citing concerns that the IFC was failing to consult with communities that would be affected by the IFC’s water mangement plan.

Another group that signed the letter, Earth Rights International (ERI),  a legal-focused NGO that was co-founded by Karen activist Ka Hsaw Wa, is currently suing the IFC in US court on behalf of peasants in Honduras in a suit that alleges that the IFC's backing of a controversial palm oil project on contested land has had lethal implications.

ERI’s legal team alleges that the IFC continued to support the Dinant Corporation's plantation project despite there being widespread allegations that the firm "employed hitmen, military forces, and private security guards to intimidate and kill local farmers who claim Dinant's owner stole their land decades prior."

ERI gained widespread attention in international legal circles for suing a US oil giant on behalf of villagers from eastern Myanmar who alleged that they had been used as forced labor for a pipeline project.  The lengthy case was eventually settled out of court after the villagers achieved a series of precedent-setting legal victories.

The post World Bank Arm Defends Mandalay Cement Factory Project Amid Civil Society Opposition appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Overruling Diplomats, US to Drop Iraq, Myanmar from Child Soldiers’ List

Posted: 25 Jun 2017 07:46 PM PDT

In a highly unusual intervention, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson plans to remove Iraq and Myanmar from a US list of the world's worst offenders in the use of child soldiers, disregarding the recommendations of State Department experts and senior US diplomats, US officials said.

The decision, confirmed by three US officials, would break with longstanding protocol at the State Department over how to identify offending countries and could prompt accusations the Trump administration is prioritizing security and diplomatic interests ahead of human rights.

Tillerson overruled his own staff's assessments on the use of child soldiers in both countries and rejected the recommendation of senior diplomats in Asia and the Middle East who wanted to keep Iraq and Myanmar on the list, said the officials, who have knowledge of the internal deliberations.

Tillerson also rejected an internal State Department proposal to add Afghanistan to the list, the three US officials said.

One official said the decisions appeared to have been made following pressure from the Pentagon to avoid complicating assistance to the Iraqi and Afghan militaries, close US allies in the fight against Islamist militants. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity.

Foreign militaries on the list can face sanctions including a prohibition on receiving US military aid, training and US-made weapons unless the White House issues a waiver.

Human rights officials expressed surprise at the delisting, which was expected to be announced on Tuesday, the officials said, as part of the State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report.

A State Department official said the TIP report's contents were being kept under wraps until its release and the department "does not discuss details of internal deliberations."

The Pentagon did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Under the Child Soldiers Prevention Act of 2008, the US government must be satisfied that "no children are recruited, conscripted or otherwise compelled to serve as child soldiers" in order for a country to be removed from the list and US military assistance to resume.

In the lead-up to Tuesday's report, the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, which researches the issue and helps shape US policy on it, along with its legal office and diplomatic bureaus in Asia and the Middle East concluded that the evidence merited keeping both countries on the list, the officials said.

Officials said that although the report had been finalized there was always the possibility of last-minute changes.

Betraying Children

Human Rights Watch said removing Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, from the list would be a "completely premature and disastrous action that will effectively betray more children to continued servitude and rights abuses."

The decision also would put the Trump administration at odds with the United Nations, which continues to list the Myanmar military, along with seven ethnic armed groups, on its list of entities using and recruiting child soldiers.

"What's particularly astonishing is this move ignores that the UN in Burma says that it is still receiving new cases of children being recruited" by the Myanmar military, said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.

Rights groups have long accused Myanmar of using child soldiers. Bordering both China and India, Myanmar is also of growing strategic importance to the United States at a time of increasing encroachment in the region by China, which has sought closer relations with its neighbor.

Iraq, which has received more than US$2 billion in US arms and training over the last three years, was added to the State Department's "Child Soldier Prevention Act List" in 2016. However, the flow of US assistance has continued.

Former President Barack Obama handed out full or partial waivers regularly, including last year to Iraq, Myanmar, Nigeria, South Sudan and others out of 10 countries on the list.

Last year's State Department report said some militias of Iraq's Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), an umbrella group of mostly Shi'ite Muslim factions with ties to the Iraqi government and backed by Iran, "recruited and used child soldiers."

The report said that despite the PMF being funded by the government, Baghdad struggled to control all of its factions.

"The government did not hold anyone accountable for child recruitment and use by the PMF and PMF-affiliated militias."

Human Rights Watch said in January that it had learned that militias had been recruiting child soldiers from one Iraqi refugee camp since last spring.

The broader TIP report, the first of Trump's presidency, is sure to be closely scrutinized for further signs that under his "America First" approach there will be little pressure brought to bear on friendly governments, especially strategically important ones, for human rights violations at home.

The Obama administration, while more vocal about political repression around the world, also faced criticism from human rights groups and some US lawmakers that decisions on annual human trafficking rankings had become increasingly politicized.

The post Overruling Diplomats, US to Drop Iraq, Myanmar from Child Soldiers' List appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Poet Parliament—an Artistic Administration Ready to Deliver?

Posted: 25 Jun 2017 07:11 PM PDT

After Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) strolled to victory in the 2015 General Election, much discussion was dedicated to the demographic make-up of the country's new ruling party. Analysis of the NLD's new parliamentary body was often critical, characterizing it as both too old and too inexperienced (negative assessments individually, but uniquely damning together), and rightly condemning its decision not to run a single Muslim candidate for office.

One demographic oddity that did make positive headlines, however, was the election to office of 11 poets. In fact, the number of NLD MPs voted in on November 8 who defined themselves as poets was only two fewer than those who listed their profession as politician.

Although there is no doubt that the victory of poet and former political prisoner U Tin Thit over former Defense Minister U Wai Lwin was a sensational story, there is an argument that column inches dedicated to the number of poets in parliament gained more traction due to alliterative potential than newsworthiness. That being said, the phenomenon did highlight an artistic streak running through Myanmar's new ruling party.

State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi has regularly professed her affinity for the Arts and acts as patron to the Irrawaddy Literary Festival, the Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival and the Yangon Photo Festival.

Though at the time of the election, there were few who would have predicted his rise to prominence, President U Htin Kyaw also has literary credentials, being a published author of a book about his father Min Thu Wun, himself a revered poet and luminary of the Khitsan Sarpay movement of the 1930s, widely considered Burma's first modern literary movement.

Add to this list U Zayar Thaw, a former member of seminal Burmese hip-hop act ACID and a Pyithu Hluttaw MP since 2012, and it is easy to see why the elections preceded a period of buoyancy in the creative sector borne of finally having some of "our own" in positions of power.

There has also been a distinct feeling that despite a lack of confidence in the NLD's ability to bring about peace or narrow the economic divide while the military retains the power it does, the Arts is an area which could see significant development under a supportive government.

In recent months, I have spent a lot of time discussing support for public art initiatives in Myanmar, and although I can only speak for Yangon, there have been positive signs during the first 12 months of the new administration.

In December, the Yangon Region Government collaborated with the Institut Français de Birmanie to organize the inaugural Mingalabar! Festival, a citywide multidisciplinary celebration of the Arts, which included the largest free, public art performances in Yangon's recent history.

In January, the Goethe-Institut was granted permission to install Wolfgang Laib's "Where the Land and Water End" in the historic Secretariat building. The draw of such an internationally renowned artist coupled with the chance to enter such an iconic building went on to attract almost 20,000 visitors. And with my personal background in photography, it was especially pleasing to see the Yangon Photo Festival being able to move out of the Institut Français and present a weekend of exhibitions and projections (the theme of which was 'Myanmar's Diversity') to large crowds in Maha Bandoola Park.

The Yangon Region Government has been rightly lauded for making the city's parks and public spaces available for these events, but we should not overlook the fact that each of the examples above were initiated by foreign cultural organizations with far greater operational capacity than the vast majority of Myanmar's independent artistic groups.

Established, internationally recognized events such as Beyond Pressure Performance Art Festival and Wathann Film Festival continued to organize essential programming for local artists, as did a plethora of small independent galleries and creative collectives. If the Yangon Region Government is truly interested in promoting public art, then one of its priorities must surely be assisting initiatives such as these so that they are able to operate on a level playing field with the logistical and financial might of new international events.

Wathann in particular is a perfect example of what the current administration should be striving for. In recent years, the Ministry of Information has provided the beautiful Waziya Cinema free-of-charge as a venue whilst financing has been sought from both international funding bodies and domestic commercial sponsorship, leaving the Wathann team autonomy to apply their knowledge and experience to curation and organization.

This marriage of government support, international funding, domestic sponsorship and local organization epitomizes the potential that Yangon has for the development of internationally renowned arts programs.

It should be an ideal time for the Arts in Myanmar: a government which is—on paper at least, and with notable exceptions which I will touch on later—supportive, a growing number of progressive domestic and international companies who recognize the economic potential of the creative sector, the simultaneous waning of a long period of censorship and growth of a long-restricted international market.

But most of all there is an impressive number of talented, experienced and capable artists and organizers who have already created spaces for art, virtually unsupported.

Lokanat Gallery, Pansodan Gallery, New Zero Art Space and many other established institutions were founded independently, by artists for the benefit of artists. Each of the institutions named above were also founded under one of the most repressive censorship regimes in modern history—one can only imagine the potential which could be unleashed by a supportive government. And yet on a local level, this has not yet happened.

Unfortunately, many local initiatives in Yangon that are presented under the banner of 'art' or 'culture' can be characterized more accurately as being about money, vanity, or a disturbingly misplaced understanding of what 'art and culture' actually is. Anyone who has visited 'Myanmar Culture Valley,' a conglomeration of chain restaurants opposite Shwedagon's West Gate, can attest to this.

Even projects put forward with the very best of intentions seem to be rooted more in idealism than in any understanding of the actual needs of the artistic community.

In December, it was reported that the waterfront between Pansodan Jetty and Sule Pagoda Road would be opened up by the Yangon Region Government and warehouses in the area converted into "art spaces for public recreation." March 2017 was touted as an opening date. Although the plans were met with general approval from the wider public, many within the arts community opined that despite being presented as an 'arts space,' there had been worryingly little consultation with the local arts community. Six months on, there is no sign of any "art spaces," or even access to the waterfront.

The lack of an inclusive planning process for what would have been a major investment in Yangon's creative future, exacerbated by what seems like an increasingly premature and ill-advised public announcement, erodes confidence within the creative community that the government is striving for the same things as them. Good intentions are not enough—what is needed is a planning process that includes Yangon's creative community from the outset.

The latest place to be touted as a future "cultural space" is an impressive proportion of the currently-under-renovation Secretariat building— 40 percent, according to an advisor to the project, Mr Vinod Daniel.

It has to be assumed that a large amount of that will be dedicated to museum space, but with the Secretariat occupying an entire city block, even with that taken into consideration, it could constitute a major contribution to Yangon's available public space for the Arts.

The Thein Sein administration was very open about its desire for Yangon to emulate Singapore when it comes to economics and infrastructure, and Aung San Suu Kyi reiterated this aspiration speaking in Singapore just last year. Much credit for the surprisingly full program of public art in Yangon this year should go to Yangon Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein, and one of his first international excursions after election to office was a study mission to Singapore.

The reason why this should be interesting to Yangon's Arts community is that although most people associate Singapore with the economy and infrastructure that Thein Sein coveted, there are few countries in the world currently doing more to improve their standing in the international Art world.

In 2006, Singapore hosted its first biennale. In 2012, it announced a budget of S$274 million over five years to develop art and culture in the country, and in 2015, it opened the National Gallery of Singapore which now houses the world's largest collection of Southeast Asian art.

Many will baulk at the idea of the Yangon Regional Government looking to Singapore for pointers on city development, but if Phyo Min Thein and the Myanmar Government really are looking to develop the artistic potential, which this city clearly has, there are worse places for them to be looking.

Right now, Singapore is desperately trying to claw back the cultural heritage it lost in the pursuit of economic progress—it is essential that the Myanmar government pays heed to the investment that Singapore is now making and realize that by supporting the Arts from the beginning, they can become regional leaders in the Arts without that kind of financial investment further down the road.

One major issue is that there are no clear indications of what the NLD government's policies are when it comes to the Arts, and no government body who's remit it is to work with contemporary practitioners in a range of mediums.

In most countries this responsibility would fall to the Ministry of Culture, who in Myanmar do control the State Fine Arts School and the National University of Art and Culture. Unfortunately for Myanmar's progressive arts scene the curriculums at both of these institutions reflect the extremely traditional and conservative reputation the ministry has.

The NLD's decision to combine the Ministry of Culture with the Ministry of Religious Affairs during a period of heightened nationalist rhetoric and religious intolerance (creating the current Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture), gives little reason to hope that they are planning on increasing their support for progressive self-expression through the Arts any time soon.

Currently the majority of creative organizations and events are obliged to work with the Ministry of Information, whose role is generally limited to content-checking and permit-issuing, and certainly not one of creative support.

If the Arts community in Myanmar is to take advantage of a new, amenable administration, they must push the NLD to create a coherent and inclusive policy for the Arts, which includes convening a body drawn from the Arts community who will be involved in the process of developing and enacting it.

Finally, and not an issue that can be adequately covered here but which cannot be left out of this discussion—if there is to be any real progress in the development of the Arts in Myanmar, there must be reassessment of laws currently being misused to arbitrarily restrict freedom of expression and an end to all lingering vestiges of censorship.

Just this week, a human rights leader in Pathein was charged under Article 66(d) of the Telecommunications Act for live-streaming a play in which his son was participating—a satirical drama called "We Want No War"—so that his friends were able to watch it.

The Myanmar Army also sued nine students involved in the production for defamation, two of whom are now awaiting trial. Days later, an 18-minute documentary called "Sittwe," which depicts young people affected by conflict in Rakhine State, was banned from being shown at the Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival, the same festival which lists State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi as its patron.

There is no inherent necessity for art to be political, but it is essential that political and social commentary through photography, filmmaking, performance or any other form of the Arts is not restricted. In a country which has endured years of repression and control, it is inevitable that there will be times when the two overlap—this is exactly the reason why the country now has 11 poets in political office.

It is clear that a slew of poets, a rapper, and a leader who is patron of a few festivals is no reason to consider the current government of Myanmar advocates for the Arts, but with 115 former political prisoners currently serving as elected representatives of the country, surely they should be advocates for freedom of expression. And that is really what we mean when we talk about supporting the Arts—supporting creativity and capacity for free expression.

Matt Grace is the founder of Myanmar Deitta, a not-for-profit organisation which works to develop resources for documentary photographers and filmmakers in Myanmar. The organisation manages the only dedicated photography gallery in the country as well as a library and resource centre, scholarship programme and numerous projects related to the Documentary Arts. Myanmar Deitta recently joined with a number of other local creative initiatives to form Pyinsa Rasa, an Arts Collective which works on collaborative creative projects to develop opportunities for arts promotion, education and support.

This article originally appeared in Tea Circle, a forum hosted at Oxford University for emerging research and perspectives on Burma/Myanmar.

The post The Poet Parliament—an Artistic Administration Ready to Deliver? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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